GIFT  OF 
SEELET  W.  MUDD 

and 

GEORGE  I.  COCHRAN     MEYER  ELSASSER 
DR.  JOHN  R.  BAYNES    WILLIAM  L.  HONNOLD 
JAMES  R.  MARTIN    '    MRS.  JOSEPH  F.  SARTORI 

to  tin 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
SOUTHERN  BRANCH 


JOHN  FISKE 


This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below 


/ERSltY  0*  C 


Southern  Branch 
of  the 

University  of  California 


Los  Angeles 


Form  L  1 


THE  WRITINGS 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


VOLUME  IV 


1784-1787 


2883 


OF  THIS  LETTER-PRESS  EDITION 
COPIES  HA  VE  BEEN  PRINTED  FOR  SALE 


No - 


<^Z  V,    /^!^z^0^t^-erH^ 


September,  1894. 


THE   WRITINGS 


OF 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


COLLECTED   AND   EDITED 


PAUL  LEICESTER  FORD 


VOLUME  IV 


1784-1787 


G.  P.   PUTNAM'S  .SfeNS 

NEW   YORK  LONDON 

27   WEST  TWENTY-THIRD   STREET  24   BEDFORD   STREET,   STRAND 

&{)t  fituelurboeket  |)rt8S 
1894 


S1505 


Cbc  iJtucfccrboclier  press 

c.  p.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW  YORK 


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fc. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  IV. 


Itinerary'  and  Chronology 


1784. 


To  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  August  20     . 

Affairs  of  Le  Maire. 

To  James  Madison,  November  n 

Navigation  of  Mississippi  —  Jefferson's  interest  in  western 
lands  —  Books  —  Col.  Le  Maire. 

To  James  Monroe,  November  1  1 

Jefferson's  voyage  —  Cipher  —  European  affairs  —  English  sen- 
timent on  America  —  Relations  with  Spain  —  W.  T.  Franklin  — 
Dumas  —  Barclay  —  Packets  —  French  settlement  on  Ohio  —  Bar- 
bary  states  —  Outfit  and  allowance. 

To  Charles  Thomson,  November  1  1   . 

Cylinder  lamp  —  Phosphoric  matches  —  French  morals. 

To  James  Madison,  December  8          .... 

Taxes  —  Constitution  for  Virginia  —  Thomas  Paine  —  Monti- 
cello  —  Visit  to  France. 

To  James  Monroe,  December  10 

Virginian  port  —  "  Favored  nation  "  clause  —  Tobacco  monop- 
oly —  Visit  to  France  —  European  war  —  British  treaty  —  Ministers' 
allowance  —  Mails. 

To  Horatio  Gates,  December  13 

Contest  between  Emperor  and  Dutch  —  Barbary  outrages  — 
Need  of  navy. 

1785. 
To  Nathanael  Greene,  January  12       . 

Whale  oil  —  Barbary  outrages. 


PAGE 

XV 


13 
15 

19 

23 

25 


vi  CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  IV. 

PAGE 

To  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  January  12  .         .         .         26 

Statue  of  Washington — Houdon. 

To  James  Monroe,  February 29 

Cipher — Spanish  negotiation — British  condition — Commercial 
treaties — France— Barbary  pirates  and  their  treatment — Letters. 

To  James  Madison,  March  18 34 

Letters — Patrick  Henry — Committee  of  States — European 
events — British  politics — Commercial  retaliation — Books. 

To  James  Monroe,  March  18 39 

>'  European  movements — British  treatment  of  America — Bar- 

bary powers — Personal  health. 

To  James  Monroe,  April  15 42 

Congressional  action  towards  Spain  and  England — Quota- 
tion from  Price — European  news — Voltaire's  legacy — Gold  and 
silver — Health. 

x  To  James  Madison,  May  11 46 

Notes  on  Virginia. 

To  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  June  16         .         .         .         48 

Arms — Statue  of  Washington — Tobacco. 

s  To  James  Monroe,  June  17          .         .         .         .         .         49 

Packets — Otto — Value  of  French  friendship — European  pol- 
itics— American  capital — Congressional  power  over  trade — 
Notes  on  Virginia — Arthur  Lee — Minister's  allowance — Treaty 
power  over  commerce — Trade  with  West  Indies — Contrast  of 
France  and  America — Balloons. 

To  Mrs.  John  Adams,  June  21 60 

Correspondence — London  or  Paris — Suppression  of  Journal 
de  Paris — Social  life. 

To  James  Monroe,  July  5 64 

European  news — Character  of  W.  F.  Franklin — Reception 
of  B.  Franklin. 

To  Mrs.  Sprowle,  July  5 66 

Loyalist  property. 

To  Mrs.  John  Adams,  July  7 67 

Wine — Journal  de  Paris— Boston  and  England. 

To  Richard  Henry  Lee,  July  12          .         .         .         .         69 

Reading  of  Letters — Packets  —  American  finances  —  New 
states — Western  territory — European  events — Houdon. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  IV.  vii 


To  the  Virginia  Delegates  in  Congress,  July  12  .         .         72 

Houdon. 

To  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  July  15          .         .         .         75 
Houdon. 

To  N.  and  J.  Van  Staphorst,  July  30          ...         77 

Domestic  debt  of  America — Daniel  Parker. 

To  John  Adams,  July  31 79 

Instructions  for  commercial  treaties — Cipher. 

To  Richard  Price,  August  7 82 

Slavery  in  America — William  and  Mary  College — American 
feeling  against  Great  Britain. 

To  James  Monroe,  August  28     .....         84 

European  politics — American  commerce — Barbary  powers — 
Portugal — Private  secretary — Land  ordinance — Coinage — Re- 
ception of  Franklin. 

To  John  Jay,  August  23 87 

Carrying  trade  —  Virtue  of  agricultural  classes  —  Relative 
values  of  artificers  and  seamen — Necessity  of  naval  force. 

To  David  Hartley,  September  5          ....         91 

Apology  —  Upton's  lands  —  Hamilton  —  Import  — Western 
lands  —  New  states  —  Friction  with  Spanish  —  Congressional 
power  over  commerce. 

To  Mary  Jefferson,  September  20        ....         97 

To  come  to  France.     Presents. 

To  Mrs.  John  Adams,  September  25  .         .         .         .         98 

Purchases. — Character  of  English — Commissions — Minister's 
allowance. 

To  Count  Hogendorp,  October  13  .         .        .       102 

Notes  on  Virginia — Buffon's  opinion  on  mammoth — Virginia 
Revisal — English  falsehoods — Disadvantage  of  commerce — 
Western  lands — Tobacco. 

To  N.  and  J.  Van  Staphorst,  October  25    .         .         .       106 

American  public  debt. 

To  Phillip  Mazzei,  November 108 

Courts  of  Chancery — Common  law. 

Conference  with  Vergennes,  December       .         .         .       117 

American  trade — Productions — French  West  Indies — Un- 
certainty of  American  measures — Case  of  de  Mezieres  against 
Georgia. 


viii  CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  IV. 

1786. 

PAGE 

To  James  Currie,  January  18       .         .         .         .         .       131 

Littlepage  and  Jay — Freedom  of  press — Designs  for  capitol 
of  Virginia — Scientific  news. 

To  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  January  24   .         .         .       134 

Houdon's  return — Statue  of  Washington — Littlepage — Arms 
— Improvement  in  musket — Tobacco. 

\  Answers  to  Meusnier,  January  24       .         .         .         .138 

American  codes — American  constitutions — Debts — Emigra- 
tion— Vermont — Maine — Land  cessions — Loyalists — Articles  of 
Confederation — Paper  money — American  bankruptcy — National 
forces— ^Slaves — Constitution  of  Virginia — Office-holding — 
QuarrelsDetween  States — Coercive  power  under  confederation 
— British  property. 

„    Additional  Answers  to  Meusnier         ....       148 

Voting  in  Congress — Federal  debts — Paper  money — British 
debts  of  Virginia — Pay  of  Congressmen — Secession  of  States — 
New  States — Violation  of  Virginia  Constitution  by  Assembly. 

Observations  on  Meusnier's  Article,  January  22          .       158 

Convicts  in  America — Indented  servants — Settlement  of  the 
colonies — Impost — Commerce — Annapolis  convention — Ken- 
tucky— Mutiny  of  troops — Paper  money — Public  lands — Vir- 
ginia's contribution — Bankruptcy — Debts  t'o  soldiers — Alien 
land-holding — Revisal — Slavery  amendment — Pardon — Man- 
slaughter— Bill  for  crimes  and  punisfimenfs^Society  of  Cincin- 
nati— Population  of  America — Extent  of  territory — Vote  on 
slavery  clause  of  government  for  western  territory — Rate  of 
interest — Treaty  with  Portugal — Cruelty  of  British — Slave  law 
ofVjiginia.  \c^\ 
To  John  Jay,  January  25 186 

Littlepage. 

To  Archibald  Stuart,  January  25         .         .         .         .187 

Desire  for  local  news — European  news — American  credit — 
Kentucky — Spanish  colonies — Specimens  of  animals. 

To  C.  W.  F.  Dumas,  February  2         .         .         .         .190 

U.  S.  funds — Notes  on  Virginia. 

\To  James  Madison,  February  8  .         .         .         .         .       192 

Assessment  in  Virginia — Commerce — Notes  on  Virginia — 
Books  and  watch — Houdon — Inscription  for  statue  of  Wash- 
ington— Gifts  to  French  officers — Copying  invention. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  IV. 


To  Lafayette,  Februay  10 197 

Tobacco. 

To  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  March  12        .         .       198 

Trip   to  London — Negotiations  with  Tripoli  and  Algiers — 
Treaty  with  Portugal — Questions  under  treaty  with  France. 

To  A.  McCaul,  April  19 201 

British  treaty — Virginian  debts — Jefferson's  debts. 

To  Richard  Henry  Lee,  April  22         ....       205 

New  lamps — British  hostility. 

To  Miss  A.  S.  R.  Jefferson,  April  22  .         .         .         .       208 

Gifts. 
To  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  April  23          .         .       209 

Commercial   relations   with    Great    Britain — Infractions   of 
treaty — British  debts. 

To  John  Page,  May  4 212  / 

Notes  on  Virginia — Trip  to  England — Hostility  to  America 
— Steam-engine. 

To  James  Ross,  May  8 215 

Morris's  tobacco  contract — Trip  to  England — British  hatred 
of  America — British  debts. 

To  James  Monroe,  May  10 219 

Courtship    of    Monroe — Books — Treaties — British    debts — 
Commercial  negotiations — Humphreys — Dumas. 

To  Secretary  for -Foreign  Affairs,  May  23  .         .         .       227 

Barbary  powers — Friction  with  England. 

To  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  May  27  .         .         .       230 

Fish  oils — Fur  trade — Tobacco — Rice. 

To  La  Morliene,  June  3 237 

Paper  money. 

To  the  Swedish  Embassador,  June  12         .         .         .       238 

St.    Bartholomew — West      Indian     islands — Free     ports — 
Smuggling. 

To  William  Carmichael,  June  20          ....       244 

Impost — Kentucky — Franklin's  letter. 

To  James  Monroe,  July  9 245    jif- 

King  of  Prussia — Cherbourg — New  states — French  arrets — 
Marriage  of  Monroe. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  IV. 


To  John  Adams,  July  9 251 

Treaty  with  Portugal — Impost — Tobacco  monopoly. 

To  Hector  St.  John  Crevecoeur,  July  II     .         .         .       253 

American  debts — Paper  money. 

To  Lafayette,  July  17 255 

Imports  and  exports  of  United  States. 

To  St.  Lambert,  August  8 259 

Translation  of  Virginian  Act  for  Religious  Freedom. 

To  Mrs.  John  Adams,  August  9          ....       260 
Commissions — George  III. — Love  of  Louis  XVI. 

To  James  Monroe,  August  1 1 262 

Navigation  of  Mississippi — Western  state — European  politics 
— Lambe — Naval  force — Correspondence. 

*To  George  Wythe,  August  13 266 

Notes  on  Virginia — Tagliaferros — Virginia  Revisal — Com- 
parison of  Europe  and  America — Necessity  of  education — 
Cherbourg. 

^To  Francis  Hopkinson,  August  14  .         .         .       270 

"Essence  of  Orient" — Notes  on  Virginia — Rittenhouse — 
Trumbull. 

To   the     French     Minister    of    Foreign    Relations, 

August   15 272 

American  commerce  with  France. 

To  Brissot  de  Warville,  August  16  .         .         .       280 

Book  on  American  commerce — Corrections — Manufactures  of 
America — I  ntemperance. 

»To  Mirabeau,  August  20     ......       283 

Virginian  Act  of  Religious  Freedom. 

To  Count  Hogendorp,  August  25        ....       284 

Information  on  America — Impost — Bank  of  North  America. 

To  Mrs.  Paradise,  August  27 288 

Tobacco  mortgages. 

To  T.  M.  Randolph,  August  27 289 

Studies — Exercise. 

To  John  Adams,  August  27 295 

Mediterranean  affairs — Article  from  Encyclopaedic. 


x 


To  Ezra  Stiles,  September  I 297 

Indian  monuments — Ledyard — Scientific  News. 

Answers  to  Soules,  September  13  .         .         .       300 

Bunker's  Hill — Quebec — Powers  of  Parliament — Cedars 
affair — Independence — Battle  of  Long  Island — British  inhu- 
manity— Conciliatory  propositions — Franklin's  Articles  of  Con- 
federation. 

To  Maria  Cosway,  October  12 311 

Parting — Dialogue  of  Head  and  Heart. 

To  Maria  Cosway,  October  13 323 

Letter-writing. 

To  W.  S.  Smith,  October  22 325 

Errands — Pictures. 

To  George  Washington,  November  14        ...       326 

Fur  company — Article  from  Encyclopaedic — Society  of  Cin- 
cinnati. 

To  Mrs.  Trist,  December  15 329 

Travels — French  character — Wrist. 

To  James  Madison,  December  16  .         .  331 

Wrist — Proposed  journey — American  commerce — Annapolis 
convention — Revision  of  Articles  of  Confederation — Revisal — 
Physical  science — Borrowing  of  money. 

To  Charles  Thomson,  December  17    .         .         .         .       337 

Steam — Creation  of  the  earth. 

To  Nicholas  Lewis,  December  19        .         .         .         .       340 

Accounts — Debts — Management  of  estates. 
To  W.  Carmichael,  December  26         ....       344 

Notes  on  Virginia — Natural  bridge — Riots  in  America. 
1787. 

To  A.  McCaul,  January  4 348 

Debts. 

To  William  Jones,  January  5 351 

Debts. 

To  Edward  Carrington,  January  16     .         .         .         .       357 

Letters  and  errands — Lafayette — Vergennes — American  riots 
— Popular  government. 


xii  CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  IV. 

PAGE 

To  James  Madison,  January  30 361 

American  riots — Political  organization  of  society — Navigation 
of  Mississippi — Luzerne — Carmichael  —  Franks  —  Bingham — 
Lafayette — Vergennes — Travels — Reyneval — Hennin — W.  S. 
Smith — Copying  press. 

To  Mrs.  John  Adams,  February  22     .         .         .         .       369 

Shay's  rebellion — Assembly  of  Notables. 

To  Martha  Jefferson,  March  28 3/1 

Travels — Idleness — Sewing — Card-playing. 

To  Martha  Jefferson,  April  7 375 

Mary  Jefferson. 

To  the  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  May  4       .         .       376 

Cabinet  changes — Travels — Rice — South  American  affairs. 

To  Martha  Jefferson,  May  5 386 

Travels — Idleness. 

To  Martha  Jefferson,  May  21 388 

Travels — Nightingale. 

To  James  Madison,  June  20 390 

Divisions  of  government — Veto  power — National  Judiciary 
— Western  lands — Negotiations  with  Spain — Cabinet  changes — 
Dislike  of  business  affairs — Dumas — Barclay — Jefferson's  ap- 
pointment. 

To  John  Adams,  July  i 396 

Travels — Rice — Tobacco — Oils — Debt  to  France. 

Observations  on  Letter  of  Calonnes,  July  5        .         .       399 

Harbor  dues  and  duties — Oils — Rice — Potash — Turpentine. 

To  Claviere,  July  6 402 

Absence  of  robbers  in  America. 

To  T.  M.  Randolph,  July  6         .....       403 

Politics  as  a  profession — Studies — Law — Languages. 

To  Edward  Rutledge,  July  4 407 

Rice. 

To  Mrs.  John  Boiling,  July  23 411 

Mary  Jefferson — Convent. 

To  A.  Donald,  July  28 413 

Tobacco — Character  of  Americans — Misuse  of  credit. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL  UME  IV.  xiii 

PAGE 

To  Nicholas  Lewis,  July  29 415 

Debts — Slaves — Loans. 

To  James  Madison,  August  2 419 

Books — Payment  of  French  debts — French  gossip. 

To  Edward  Carrington,  August  4        ....       423 

Federal  convention — Division  of  governmental  functions. 

To  Benjamin  Hawkins,  August  4        .         .         .         .       425 

Federal   convention — Suggestions  of  monarchy — Wrongs   in 
Europe. 

^To  Peter  Carr,  August  10   .         .         .        .         .        .      427 

Studies — Religion — Travelling. 

To  George  Gilmer,  August  12  .         .         .         .       434 

Opinion  on  wills — Possible  return  to  America — Wrist. 

To  Joseph  Jones,  August  14       .....       437 

Reformation  of  Articles  of  Confederation — Europe  compared 
with  America — European  occurrences. 

To  the  Journal  de  Paris,  August  29    .         .         .         .       439 

Declaration  of  Independence. 

To  George  Wythe,  September  16        .         .         .         .       442 

Travels — Books — European  news — Greek  kingdom. 

To  Charles  Thomson,  September  20  .         .         .         .       446 

Indian  antiquities — Origin  of  red  man — Ledyard — Stratifica- 
tion— Steam  mills. 

To  William  Carmichael,  September  23        .         .  .      .       449 

Draft — Barbary  states — American  and  European  news. 

To  John  Adams,  September  28  .         .         .         .         .       454 

Defense  of  American  Constitutions — Divisions  of  government 
— Holland — Cabinet  changes. 

To  Count  de  Buffon,  October  i  .         .        .        *        .      457 

Specimens  of  natural  history. 

To  Governor  of  South  Carolina,  October  4         .         »      459 

Frigate  South  Carolina. 

To  James  Madison,  October  8     .        ....'      ...         .       460 

Moustier — Madame  de  Brehan. 

To  John  Jay,  November  3 462 

French  affairs. 


XIV 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  IV. 


To  W.  S.  Smith,  November  13 465 

English  lies — Value  of  rebellions — Federal  convention. 

To  W.  Carmichael,  December  15         .         .         .         .       468 

Cipher — Conversation  with  Eden — New  constitution — De- 
fects— Probable  course  of  states — Sale  of  western  lands — 
French  translation  of  Notes  on  Virginia — Panama  canal. 

To  James  Madison,  December  20        ....       473 

New  constitution — Instability  of  laws. 

To  Edward  Carrington,  December  21          .         .         .       480 

American  debts — New  constitution — European  condition — 
Prize  money. 

To  Colonel  Forrest,  December  31  .         .         .       484 

New  constitution. 


ITINERARY  AND  CHRONOLOGY 


OF 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 
1784-1787- 


1784. — July  26.         At  Cowes. 

29.  At  Portsmouth. 
31.        At  Havre. 

Aug.    5 .        At  Rouen. 
6.         At  Paris. 

Lodges  at  hotel  d'Orleans,  rue  Richelieu. 

10.  At  Passy,  conferring  with  Franklin. 

11.  At  Paris. 

Lodges  at  hotel  d'Orleans,  rue  Petits  Augustins. 

30.  Commissioners  hold  first  conference  at  Passy. 
Sept.  13.  Sends  Notes  on  Virginia  to  press. 

15.  At  Versailles,  with  commissioners,  to  meet  Vergennes. 

16.  Commissioners  meet  British  Minister. 

Oct.  16.  Hires  hotel  Tete-bout,  cul-de-sac  Tete-bout. 

Dec.    q.  Purchases  copying  letter  press. 

1785. — Mar.  10.  Elected  by  Congress  French  Minister. 

May  II.  Notes  on  Virginia  completed. 

17.  Audience  at  French  court. 
June  20.         At  Saunois. 

At  Paris. 

July  28.  Signs  Prussian  Treaty. 

Aug.  Negotiations  with  Vergennes,  concerning  tobacco  mon- 

opoly. 

Oct.  17.  Rents  hotel  du  Count  de  Langeac,  Grille  de  Chaillot. 

Nov.  Youngest  daughter,  Lucy  Elizabeth,  dies  in  Virginia. 

Secures  privileges  for  American  whale  oil. 
Dec.    9.  Holds  conference  with  Vergennes  on  commerce. 


xvi  ITINERARY  AND  CHRONOLOGY  OF 

1786. — Jan.  18.  Obtains  designs  for  Virginia  capitol. 

24.  Prepares  notes  for  Meusnier. 

Feb.  Aids  John  Ledyard. 

Mch.  5.  Leaves  Paris. 

At  Calais. 

II.  At  London. 

22.  Presented  to  King,  Windsor. 

Has  interview  with  Tripolitan  Ambassador. 
Negotiates  treaty  with  Portugal. 

26.  Prepares  with  Adams projet  of  treaty  with  Great  Britain. 

Apl.  1-9.  At  Chiswick,  Richmond,  Twickenham,  Woburn,  Hamp- 
ton Court,  Paynes  Hill,  Cobham,  Weybridge,  Wo- 
burn, Cavorsham,  Reading,  Wotton,  Buckingham, 
Banbury,  Stowe,  Buckingham,  Stratford,  Hockley, 
Birmingham,  Stourbridge,  Bromsgrove,  Worcester, 
Winchcomb,  Moreton,  Eynston,  Woodstock,  Oxford, 
High  Wycombe. 
10.  At  London. 

Signs  treaty  with  Portugal. 
Portrait  painted  by  Mather  Brown. 
26.         Leaves  London. 

At  Dartford,  Rochester,  Canterbury,  Dover. 
29.         At  Calais,  St.  Omer,  Royes,  Bourgel. 
May    i.         At  Paris. 

23.  Suggests  treaty  against  Barbary  states. 
June  22.  Corrects  article  of  Meusnier. 

Sept.  Rents  hotel  corner  Champs  Elysees  and  rue  Neuve  de 

Berry. 

4.  Fractures  wrist. 

13.  Answers  queries  of  Soule's. 

Oct.  22  Prepares  map  of  Virginia. 

Made  an  LL.D.  (Yale). 

Dec.  16  Act  for  Religious  Freedom  passed  by  Virginia  Assembly. 

Dec.  26  Notes  on  Virginia  translated  into  French  by  Morellet. 

1787. — Jan.    4.         Makes  proposition  to  British  creditors. 
Feb.  27.         Attends  audience  of  Montmorin. 
Mch.  3.         At  Sens  and  Vermanton. 

4.  At  Lucy  le  bois,  Cussy  les  forges,  Rouvray,  Maison- 
neuve,  Vitteaux,  La  Chalieure,  Pont  de  Paris,  and 
Dijon. 

7-8.     At  la  Boraque  and  Chagny. 
9.         At  Chalons,  Sennecy,  Tournus,  St.  Albin,  and  Macon. 

At  Maison  blanche,  St.  George,  Chateau  de  Laye-Epinaye, 

and  Lyons. 
15-18.  At  St.  Fond  and  Mornas. 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON  xvii 

1787. — Mch.  19-23.  At   Pont    St.     Esprit,    Bagnols,    Connault,    Valignieres, 
Remoulins,  St.  Gervasy,  and  Nismes. 

24.  At  Nismes,  Aries,  Terrasson  and  St.  Remis. 

25.  At  Orgon,  Portroyal,  and  St.  Cannat. 
25-28.  At  Aix. 

29.  At  Marseilles. 

Apl.  6.  At  Marseilles,  Aubagne,  Cuges,  Beausset,  Toulon,  Hieres, 

Cuers,  Pignans,  and  Luc. 

9.  At  Vidauban,  Muy,  Frejus,  Antibes,  and  Nice. 

13.  At  Scarena  and  Sospello. 

14.  At  Ciandola  and  Tende. 

15.  At  Limone  and  Coni. 

16.  At  Centale,  Savigliano,  Racconigi,  Poerino,  and  Turin. 

19.  At  Setimo,  Chivasco,  Ciliano,  St.  Germans  and  Vercelli. 

20.  At  Novara,  Buffalora,  Sedriano,  and  Milan. 

23.  At  Casino,  Rozzano.Binasco,  and  Pavia. 

24.  At  Voghera,  Tortona,  and  Nevi. 

25.  At  Voltaggio,  Campo-Marone,  and  Genoa. 

28.  At  Noli. 

29.  At  Albenga. 

30.  At  Oneglia. 

May    i.  At  Ventimiglia,  Menton,  Monaco,  and  Nice. 

3.  At  Luc,  Brignolles,  Tourves,  Poucieux,  and  La  Galiniere. 

8.  At  Orgon,  Avignon,  and  Vaucluse. 

10.  At  Nismes  and  Lunel. 

11.  At  Montpelier. 

12.  At  Frontignan  and  Cette. 

13.  At  Agde. 

14.  At  Bezieres. 

15.  At  Argilies  and  Saumal. 

16.  At  Marseillette  and  Carcassone. 

1 8.  At  Castelnaudari. 

19.  At  St.  Feriol,  Escauraze,  and  Lampy. 

20.  At  Narouze,  Villefranche,  and  Baziege. 

21.  At  Toulouse. 

23.  At  Agen. 

24.  At  Castres  and  Bourdeaux. 

29.  At  Blaye. 

30.  At  Rochefort  and  Le  Rochex. 

31.  At  St.  Hermines  and  Nantes. 
June    2.         At  L'Orient. 

3—5.     At  L'Orient,  Rennes,  and  Nantes. 
6-8.     At  Ancenis,  Angers,  and  Tours. 
9—11.  At  Blois  and  Orleans. 
II.          At  Paris. 


XV111 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


1787. — June  II.  Sends  Piedmont  rice  and  olive  tree  to  America. 

Mary  Jefferson  arrives  from  America. 

July  Conducts  commercial  negotiations  with  new  ministry. 

Aug.  29.  Writes  letter  to  Journal  de  Paris. 

Sept.  Map  of  Virginia  finished. 

Oct.      I.  Sends  natural-history  specimens  to  Buffon. 

Dec.  Advises  transfer  of  French  debts. 

English  edition  of  Notes  on  Virginia  printed. 


THE  WRITINGS  OF 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


CORRESPONDENCE. 
1784-1785. 


TO    THE    GOVERNOR    OF    VIRGINIA/ 
(BENJAMIN  HARRISON.) 

PARIS,  Aug.  20,  1784. 

SIR, — A  few  days  after  my  arrival  here  Colo.  Le 
Maire,  writer  of  the  enclosed  letter  called  &  asked 
me  to  forward  it  to  you  with  such  explanations  as  I 
could  give.  As  to  his  commission,  having  lost  the 
original  as  he  therein  mentions,  he  asks  an  authenti- 
cated copy  of  it,  which  he  thinks  will  enforce 
some  application  he  is  making  to  this  government. 
As  to  lands,  I  remember  the  gift  of  2000  acres,  & 
think  the  entry  of  it  will  be  found  in  the  minutes  of 
the  council  some  time  in  the  summer  or  autumn  of 
1779.  A  letter  was  written  to  Colo.  Shelby  or  to 
Maj  Martin,  (the  Cherokee  agent)  to  locate  the  war- 

1  From  the  original  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  F.  J.  Dreer,  of  Philadelphia. 


2  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1784 

rant  on  the  best  lands  possible  ;  and  I  believe  it  was 
meant  that  every  expence  should  be  borne  by  the 
state  so  that  Le  Maire  should  receive  an  actual  grant 
clear  of  all  charges  &  trouble.  But  of  these  things 
the  minutes  &  letters  of  the  Executive  will  give  more 
certain  information  ;  or  if  these  should  have  been 
lost,  Mr.  Blair  will  probable  recollect  the  circum- 
stances. 


TO   JAMES    MADISON.  MAD.  MSS. 

PARIS,  n  November,   1784. 

I  am  obliged  to  you  for  your  information  as  to  the 
prospects  of  the  present  year  in  our  farms.  It  is 
a  great  satisfaction  to  know  it  &  yet  it  is  a  circum- 
stance which  few  correspondents  think  worthy  of  men- 
tion. I  am  also  much  indebted  for  your  very  full 
observations  on  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  I 
had  thought  on  the  subject,  &  sketched  the  anatomy 
of  a  memorial  on  it,  which  will  be  much  aided  by 
your  communications. — You  mention  that  my  name 
is  used  by  some  speculators  in  western  land  jobbing, 
as  if  they  were  acting  for  me  as  well  as  for  them- 
selves. About  the  year  1776  or  1777  I  consented  to 
join  Mr.  Harvey  and  some  others  in  an  application 
for  lands  there ;  which  scheme,  however,  I  believe 
he  dropped  on  the  threshold,  for  I  never  after  heard 
one  syllable  on  the  subject.  In  1782  I  joined  some 
gentlemen  in  a  project  to  obtain  some  lands  in  the 
western  part  of  North  Carolina.  But  in  the  winter 
of  1782  and  1783,  while  I  was  in  expectation  of  going 
to  Europe,  and  that  the  title  to  western  lands  might 


1784]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  3 

possibly  come  under  the  discussion  of  the  ministers, 
I  withdrew  myself  from  this  company.  I  am  further 
assured  that  the  members  never  prosecuted  their 
views.  These  were  the  only  occasions  in  which  I 
ever  took  a  single  step  for  the  acquisition  of  west- 
ern lands,  &  in  these  I  retracted  at  the  threshold.  I 
can  with  truth  therefore  declare  to  you,  &  wish  you 
to  repeat  it  on  every  proper  occasion,  that  no  person 
on  earth  is  authorized  to  place  my  name  in  any  ad- 
venture for  lands  on  the  western  waters,  that  I  am 
not  engaged  in  any  but  the  two  before  mentioned. 
I  am  one  of  eight  children  to  whom  my  father  left 
his  share  in  the  loyal  company,  whose  interests,  how- 
ever, I  never  espoused,  and  they  have  long  since  re- 
ceived their  quietus.  Excepting  these,  I  never  was 
nor  am  I  now  interested  in  one  foot  of  land  on  earth 
off  the  waters  of  James  river. 

I  shall  subjoin  the  few  books  I  have  ventured  to 
buy  for  you.  I  have  been  induced  to  do  it  by  the 
combined  circumstances  of  their  utility  and  cheap- 
ness. I  wish  I  had  a  catalogue  of  the  books  you 
would  be  willing  to  buy,  because  they  are  often  to  be 
met  on  stalls  very  cheap,  and  I  would  get  them  as 
occasion  should  arise.  The  subscription  for  the 
Encyclopaedia  is  still  open.  Whenever  an  oppor- 
tunity offers  of  sending  you  what  is  published  of  that 
work  (37  vols.)  I  shall  subscribe  for  you  and  send  it 
with  the  other  books  purchased  for  you. 

Whatever  money  I  may  lay  out  for  you  here  in 
books,  or  in  anything  else  which  you  may  desire,  may 
be  replaced  crown  for  crown  (without  bewildering 


4  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1784 

ourselves  in  the  exchange)  in   Virginia  by  making 
payments.     *     *     * 

Colonel  Le  Maire,  whom  you  know,  is  the  bearer 
of  this ;  he  comes  to  Virginia  to  obtain  the  two 
thousand  acres  of  land  given  him  for  his  services  in 
procuring  us  arms,  and  what  else  he  may  be  entitled 
to  as  having  been  an  officer  in  our  service ;  above  all 
things,  he  wishes  to  obtain  the  Cincinnatus  eagle, 
because  it  will  procure  him  here  the  order  of  St. 
Louis,  and  of  course  a  pension  for  life  of  one  thou- 
sand livres ;  he  is  so  extremely  poor  that  another 
friend  and  myself  furnish  him  money  for  his  whole 
expenses  from  here  to  Virginia.  There  I  am  in 
hopes  the  hospitality  of  the  country  will  be  a  resource 
for  him  till  he  can  convert  a  part  of  his  lands  advan- 
tageously into  money ;  but  as  he  will  want  some 
small  matter  of  money,  if  it  should  be  convenient  for 
you  to  furnish  him  with  as  much  as  ten  guineas  from 
time  to  time  on  my  account,  I  will  invest  that  sum 
in  books  or  anything  else  you  may  want  here  byway 
of  payment.  He  is  honest  and  grateful,  and  you 
may  be  assured  that  no  aid  that  you  can  give  him 
in  the  forwarding  his  claims  will  be  misplaced.  *  *  * 


TO  JAMES  MONROE.  MON.  MSS. 

PARIS  Nov.  u,  1784. 

DEAR  SIR, — Your  journey  to  the  Westward  having 
prevented  my  writing  to  you  till  now  that  a  letter 
may  probably  find  you  at  Congress  I  shall  resume 
the  correspondence  discontinued  since  I  left  Boston. 


1784]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  5 

My  passage  was  remarkably  short,  being  only  19 
days  from  land  to  land,  &  I  suffered  little  by  sick- 
ness. Having  very  thick  weather  when  we  approached 
the  coast  of  Europe,  we  fell  in  with  no  vessel  which 
could  take  me  &  put  me  on  the  French  coast  as  I 
had  intended.  I  therefore  went  ashore  at  Portsmouth 
where  I  was  detained  three  or  four  days  by  a  fever 
which  had  seized  my  daughter  two  days  before  we 
landed.  As  soon  as  she  was  clear  of  it  I  hired  a 
vessel  to  carry  me  over  to  Havre,  from  whence  I  came 
on  to  this  place,  thro'  a  country  than  which  nothing 
can  be  more  fertile,  better  cultivated  &  more 
elegantly  improved.  It  was  at  the  time  when  harvest 
was  beginning,  &  it  is  principally  a  farming  country. 

I  informed  you  from  Boston  that  before  I  had  re- 
ceived your  letters  of  May  25  &  June  i,  I  had  packed 
up  our  cypher  and  therefore  could  not  there  make  out 
the  passages  which  were  put  into  cypher.  I  have 
tried  it  here  &  find  that  by  some  unfortunate  mis- 
take, probably  in  the  young  gentleman  who  wrote  the 
cypher,  it  will  not  explain  a  single  syllable.  He  has 
arranged  all  the  numbers  in  their  regular  order,  and 
then  placed  against  each  the  words,  syllables  &c  in 
alphabetical  order.  You  can  judge  whether  this  was 
the  plan  of  it.  The  want  of  the  cypher  would  have 
restrained  me  from  mentioning  some  things  were  I 
not  assured  of  the  fidelity  of  the  bearer  hereof  Colo. 
Le  Maire. 

I  am  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of 
Aug.  9.  from  New  York,  but  not  of  the  previous  one 
therein  mentioned  to  be  sent  by  Mr.  Short,  he  being 
not  yet  come,  nor  any  tidings  of  him. 


6  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1784 

The  die  is  thrown  here  &  has  turned  up  war. 
Doubts  whether  an  accommodation  may  not  yet  take 
place  are  still  entertained  by  some,  but  I  hold  it  im- 
possible. Probably  the  Emperor  will  encourage  nego- 
ciations  during  the  winter,  while  no  warlike  operations 
may  go  on,  in  order  to  amuse  his  adversary  & 
lessen  their  preparations.  It  is  believed  the  campaign 
will  open  on  the  Scheld.  How  the  other  nations  of 
Europe  will  conduct  themselves  seems  very  doubtful. 
The  probability  is  that  France,  Prussia,  &  the  Porte 
will  take  an  active  part  with  the  Dutch  &  Russia 
with  the  Germans.  It  is  presumed  that  England  will 
endeavor  to  keep  out  of  the  scrape,  i.  Because  she 
cannot  borrow  money  to  take  part  in  it.  2.  Because 
Ireland  is  likely  to  give  her  disturbance.  3.  Because 
her  disputes  with  us  are  not  settled  by  a  full  execution 
of  the  articles  of  the  treaty,  and  the  hatred  of  her 
people  towards  us  has  arisen  to  such  a  height  as  to 
prepare  their  minds  for  a  recommencement  of  hos- 
tilities should  their  government  find  this  desirable. 
Supposing  we  are  not  involved  in  a  new  contest  with 
Great  Britain,  this  war  may  possibly  renew  that 
disposition  in  the  powers  of  Europe  to  treat  with  us 
on  liberal  principles,  a  disposition  which  blazed  out 
with  enthusiasm  on  the  conclusion  of  peace,  but  which 
had  subsided  as  far  below  the  just  level  in  consequence 
of  the  anarchy,  &  depravation  of  principle  which  the 
British  papers  have  constantly  held  forth  as  having 
taken  place  among  us.  I  think  when  it  shall  become 
certain  that  war  is  to  take  place,  that  those  nations 
at  least  who  are  engaged  in  it  will  be  glad  to  ensure 


1784]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  7 

our  neutrality  &  friendly  dispositions  by  a  just  treaty. 
Such  a  one,  or  none  is  our  business.  With  England 
nothing  will  produce  a  treaty  but  an  enforcement  of 
the  resolutions  of  Congress  proposing  that  there 
should  be  no  trade  where  there  is  no  treaty.  The  in- 
fatuation of  that  nation  seems  really  preternatural. 
If  anything  will  open  their  eyes  it  will  be  an 
application  to  the  avarice  of  the  merchants  who  are 
the  very  people  who  have  opposed  the  treaty  first 
meditated,  and  who  have  excited  the  spirit  of  hos- 
tility at  present  prevailing  against  us.  Deaf  to 
every  principle  of  common  sense,  insensible  to  the 
feelings  of  man,  they  firmly  believe  they  shall  be 
permitted  by  us  to  keep  all  the  carrying  trade  and 
that  we  shall  attempt  no  act  of  retaliation  because 
they  are  pleased  to  think  it  our  interest  not  to  do 
so.  A  gentleman  immediately  from  England  dined 
the  other  day  at  the  same  house  with  an  Ameri- 
can. They  happened  to  sit  next  each  other  at 
table  and  spoke  on  the  subject  of  our  commerce.  He 
had  the  air  of  a  man  of  credibility.  He  said  that  just 
before  his  departure  from  England  he  had  a  conver- 
sation with  Mr.  Pitt,  in  which  Mr.  Pitt  assured  him 
the  proclamation  of  which  we  complain  would  be 
passed  into  an  act  at  the  next  session  of  parliament. — 
In  the  despatches  we  send  to  Congress  you  will  see  a 
great  interval  between  the  Spanish  Ambassador's 
answer  to  us  &  our  reply  to  him.  The  reason  of 
our  keeping  back  was  the  hope  that  in  the  meantime 
he  would  get  an  answer  from  his  Court  which  would 
save  us  the  difficulty  of  answering  him.  I  have 


8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1784 

had  a  hint  that  they  may  agree  to  make  New  Orleans 
a  free  port  for  our  vessels  coming  down  the  Missi- 
sipi  but  without  permission  to  us  to  export  our  pro- 
duce thence.  All  the  inadequacies  of  this  to  our 
purpose  strike  me  strongly.  Yet  I  would  wish  you 
to  sound  your  acquaintances  on  this  subject  &  to 
let  me  know  what  they  think  of  it  ;  and  whether  if 
nothing  more  can  be  obtained  this  or  no  treaty,  that 
is  to  say,  this  or  war  would  be  preferred. — Can  noth- 
ing be  done  for  young  Franklin.  He  is  sensible, 
discreet,  polite,  &  goodhumored,  &  fully  qualified 
as  a  Secretaire  d'Ambassade.  His  grandfather  has 
none  annexed  to  his  legation  at  this  Court.  He  is 
most  sensibly  wounded  at  his  grandson's  being  super- 
seded. Should  this  war  take  place  it  would  certainly 
be  acceptable  to  Congress  to  receive  regular,  early,  & 
authentic  intelligence  of  it's  operations.  In  this  view 
would  it  not  be  worth  while  to  continue  the  agency 
of  Dumas.  His  intelligence  has  all  these  qualities. 
He  is  undoubtedly  in  the  confidence  of  some  one  who 
has  a  part  in  the  Dutch  government,  &  who  seems  to 
allow  him  to  communicate  to  us. — Before  my  arrival 
here  Mr.  Barclay  in  consequence  of  the  powers  given 
him  by  his  commission  had  made  an  appointment  or 
two  of  Consuls  for  some  of  the  ports  of  this  country  : 
particularly  of  Franks  for  Marseilles.  He  is  very 
anxious  to  be  continued  in  it  &  is  now  there  in  the 
exercise  of  his  office.  If  I  have  been  rightly  informed 
his  services  &  sacrifices  during  the  war  have  had 
their  merit  and  I  should  suppose  Congress  would  not 
supersede  him  but  on  good  grounds.  I  promised 


1784]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  9 

him  that  I  would  communicate  his  wishes  to  some  of 
my  friends  that  his  pretensions  might  not  be  set 
aside  for  want  of  being  known. — There  is  an  idea  here 
of  removing  the  packets  from  L'Orient  to  Havre. 
This  latter  may  be  considered  as  the  port  of  Paris 
itself,  because  the  transportation  between  them  is 
down  the  Seine  in  boats  &  makes  scarcely  a  greater 
addition  to  the  price  than  in  transportation  from  a 
warehouse  to  the  waterside.  Paris  is  the  only  place 
at  which  all  the  productions  &  manufactures  of 
France  are  brought  to  a  point.  Mr.  Tracy,  who  is 
here  from  Boston  has  carefully  examined  into  all 
their  manufactures,  and  finds  them  of  almost  every 
kind,  as  good  as  in  England,  &  cheaper  generally. 
This  truth  once  known,  &  our  ships  coming  hither 
for  those  articles  which  England  thinks  she  alone  can 
furnish  us  will  advantage  us  first  in  opening  to  us 
double  markets,  &  secondly  in  the  shock  it  will  com- 
municate across  the  Channel.  L'Orient  is  convenient 
in  war  &  therefore  should  be  left  as  it  is,  a  free  port. 
But  conveyances  from  hence  thither  are  by  land, 
long,  precarious,  &  expensive.  I  think  our  merchants 
will  turn  their  views  on  Havre. — There  is  here  some 
Frenchman  from  Philadelphia  (perhaps  Peree)  who 
has  drawn  up  a  visionary  scheme  of  a  settlement  of 
French  emigrants,  500  in  number  on  the  Ohio.  He 
supposes  Congress,  flattered  by  the  prospect  of  such 
an  addition  to  our  numbers,  will  give  them  400,000 
acres  of  land,  &  permit  them  to  continue  French 
subjects.  My  opinion  has  been  asked,  &  I 
have  given  it,  that  Congress  will  make  bar- 


io  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1784 

gains  with  nobody,  that  they  will  lay  down 
general  rules,  to  which  all  applicants  must  conform 
themselves  by  applying  to  the  proper  offices  &  not 
perplexing  Congress  with  their  visions  :  that  they 
are  sufficiently  assured  that  the  land  office  will 
absorb  all  their  certificates  of  public  debt,  beyond 
which  they  have  no  object  but  to  provide  that  the 
new  governments  shall  admit  an  easy  &  firm  union 
with  the  old  ;  &  that  therefore  I  did  not  think  they 
would  encourage  a  settlement  in  so  large  a  body  of 
strangers  whose  language,  manners  &  principles  were 
so  heterogeneous  to  ours. — I  shall  subscribe  for  you 
to  the  Encyclopedia  Methodique.  It  will  be  in  about 
60  vols,  &  will  cost  751  livres  equal  to  30  English 
guineas.  If  you  should  not  chuse  to  take  it,  it  will 
be  only  a  sacrifice  of  the  subscription  money,  which  is 
a  guinea  &  half.  The  subscription  is  daily  expected 
to  be  closed.  There  is  about  two  fifths  of  the  work 
now  ready  to  be  delivered  amounting  to  about  300 
livres. — We  have  taken  some  pains  to  find  out  the 
sums  which  the  nations  of  Europe  give  to  the  Bar- 
bary  States  to  purchase  their  peace.  They  will  not 
tell  this  :  yet  from  some  glimmerings  it  appears  to  be 
very  considerable  :  and  I  do  expect  that  they  would  tax 
us  at  one,  two,  or  perhaps  three  hundred  thousand 
dollars  a  year.  Surely  our  people  will  not  give  this. 
Would  it  not  be  better  to  offer  them  an  equal  treaty. 
If  they  refuse,  why  not  go  to  war  with  them  ?  Spain, 
Portugal,  Naples,  France  &  Venice  are  now  at  war 
with  them.  Every  part  of  the  Mediterranean  there- 
fore would  offer  us  friendly  ports.  We  ought  to 
begin  a  naval  power,  if  we  mean  to  carry  on  our  own 


1784]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  n 

commerce.  Can  we  begin  it  on  a  more  honorable 
occasion,  or  with  a  weaker  foe  ?  I  am  of  opinion 
Paul  Jones  with  half  a  dozen  frigates  would  totally 
destroy  their  Commerce  :  not  by  attempting  bombard- 
ments as  the  Mediterranean  states  do  wherein  they 
act  against  the  whole  Barbary  force  brought  to  a  point, 
but  by  constant  cruising  &  cutting  them  to  pieces  by 
piecemeal. — I  must  say  a  word  on  my  own  affairs  be- 
cause they  are  likely  to  be  distressed.  All  the  minis- 
ters who  came  to  Europe  before  me,  came  at  a  time 
when  all  expences  were  paid  and  a  sum  allowed  in 
addition  for  their  time.  Of  course  they  all  had  their 
outfit.  Afterwards  they  were  put  on  fixed  salaries  : 
but  still  these  were  liberal.  Congress  in  the  moment 
of  my  appointment  struck  off  500  guineas  of  the 
sallary,  and  made  no  other  provision  for  the  outfit  but 
allowing  me  to  call  for  two  quarters'  salary  in  ad- 
vance. The  outfit  has  cost  me  near  a  thousand 
guineas  ;  for  which  I  am  in  debt,  and  which,  were  I 
to  stay  here  seven  years,  I  could  never  make  good  by 
savings  out  of  my  salary  :  for  be  assured  we  are  the 
lowest  &  most  obscure  of  the  whole  diplomatic  tribe. 
When  I  was  in  Congress  I  chose  never  to  inter- 
meddle on  the  subject  of  salary,  first  because  I  was 
told  the  eyes  of  some  were  turned  on  me  for  this 
office  ;  &  secondly  because  I  was  really  ignorant  what 
might  be  it's  expences.  The  latter  reason  ceases  ;  the 
former  which  presents  me  as  an  interested  person 
shall  still  keep  me  silent  with  all  the  world  but  your- 
self, to  whose  secrecy  &  delicacy  I  can  trust.  I 
live  here  about  as  well  as  we  did  at  Annapolis.  I 
keep  a  hired  carriage  &  two  horses.  A  riding  horse 


12  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1784 

I  cannot  afford  to  keep.  This  still  is  far  below  the 
level.  Yet  it  absorbs  the  whole  allowance,  and  re- 
turn when  I  will  to  America,  I  shall  be  the  outfit  in 
debt  to  Congress.  I  think  I  am  the  first  instance  in 
the  world  where  it  has  not  been  given.  I  men- 
tion these  circumstances  to  you  that  if  you  should 
think  the  allowance  reasonable  and  any  opportunity 
should  occur  while  you  are  in  Congress  wherein  it 
can  be  decently  obtained,  you  would  be  so  good  as  to 
think  of  it.  I  would  wish  it  could  be  done  on  some 
general  occasion.  The  article  of  houserent  in  Mr. 
Adams'  account  in  Holland  and  in  Dr.  Franklin's  here 
may  perhaps  afford  an  occasion  of  touching  on  this 
article  as  to  myself.  Mr.  A.  lived  at  the  Hague  in 
a  house  belonging  to  the  U.  S.  The  question  is 
whether  you  will  charge  him  rent.  Dr.  F.  has  lived 
in  a  house  the  rent  of  which  (6000  livres  per.  ann.) 
has  been  always  charged  to  the  U.  S.  The  question  on 
that  is  whether  you  will  reject  that  &  make  him  pay 
eight  or  nine  years  rent.  If  these  articles  pass  it  will 
of  course  add  houserent  to  the  salaries,  which  will  be 
some  aid  but  not  an  adequate  one  for  the  ministers 
in  general.  When  this  matter  shall  be  considered 
the  difference  which  has  taken  place  between  them  & 
me  as  to  the  article  of  outfit  may  perhaps  be  men- 
tioned &  redressed  :  otherwise,  as  I  have  before  men- 
tioned, I  shall  return  that  much  in  debt  &  be  obliged 
to  sell  to  pay  it  :  a  circumstance  which  I  shall  think 
hard.  I  ask  nothing  for  my  time  :  but  I  think  my 
expences  should  be  paid  in  a  stile  equal  to  that  of 
those  with  whom  I  am  classed. — I  must  ask  the  favor 
of  you  on  behalf  of  Mr.  Adams  as  well  as  myself  to 


1784]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  13 

explain  the  following  transaction  to  our  Commission- 
ers of  the  treasury.  Congress  you  know  directed  the 
financier  to  advance  me  two  quarters  salary.  He  gave 
me  a  letter  of  credit  to  Mr.  Grand.  Relying  on  the 
effect  of  this  I  had  ordered  furniture  for  a  small  hotel 
which  I  rent :  &  had  entered  into  engagements  for 
paying  part  of  the  rent  in  advance.  A  little  before 
the  parties  were  to  call  on  me  for  the  money  I  applied 
to  Mr.  Grand  :  but  our  funds  were  out  &  I  found  he 
was  not  disposed  to  advance  the  money.  Nothing 
could  equal  my  distress.  In  this  situation  Mr.  Adams 
thought  himself  justifiable  in  drawing  in  my  favor  on 
the  fund  in  Holland  for  6000  florins  :  knowing  of  the 
order  of  Congress  in  my  favor,  of  the  failure  of  the  funds 
here  and  that  it  could  not  be  important  to  Congress 
from  what  part  the  money  came.  It  was  unlucky  I 
did  not  know  of  the  failure  here  before  I  had  con- 
tracted the  debt  because  I  could  have  hired  furniture 
for  one  third  or  one  half  of  its  worth  annually.  But 
this  was  such  miserable  economy,  amounting  to  from 

33ir  to  5°  Per  cent  Per  ann-  f°r  tne  use  °f  money,  as 
induced  me  to  buy.  I  wish  this  to  be  explained  to  the 
Commissioners  to  save  Mr.  Adams  from  censure. 

Address  your  letters  "  A  Monsf  Monsf  Jefferson 
Ministre  plenipotentiaire  des  etats  unis  de  1'Amerique 
a  Paris  Cul-de-sac  Tetebout." 


TO    CHARLES    THOMSON.1 

PARIS,  Nov.  nth,  1784. 

DEAR  SIR, —  *  *  *  There  has  been  a  lamp 
called  the  cylinder  lamp  lately  invented  here.  It 
gives  a  light  equal  as  is  thought,  to  that  of  six  or  eight 

1  From  The  Collections  of  the  N.   Y.  Historical  Society  for  1878,  p.  196. 


i4  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1784 

candles.  It  requires  olive  oil,  but  its  consumption  is 
not  great.  The  improvement  is  produced  by  forcing 
the  wick  into  a  hollow  cylinder  so  that  there  is  a  passage 
for  the  air  through  the  hollow.  The  idea  had  occurred 
to  Doctor  Franklin  a  year  or  two  before,  but  he  tried 
his  experiment  with  a  rush,  which  not  succeeding  he 
did  not  prosecute  it.  The  fact  was  the  rush  formed  too 
small  a  cylinder  ;  the  one  used  is  of  an  inch  diameter. 
They  make  shade  candlesticks  for  studious  men,  which 
are  excellent  for  reading  ;  these  cost  two  guineas.  I 
should  have  sent  you  a  specimen  of  the  phosphoric 
matches,  but  that  I  am  told  Mr.  Rittenhouse  has  had 
some  of  them.  They  are  a  beautiful  discovery  and 
very  useful,  especially  to  heads  which  like  yours  and 
mine  cannot  at  all  times  be  got  to  sleep.  The  con- 
venience of  lighting  a  candle  without  getting  out  of 
bed,  of  sealing  letters  without  calling  a  servant,  of 
kindling  a  fire  without  flint,  steel,  punk,  &c.,  are 
of  value.  Will  you  subscribe  for  the  Encyclopedic 
Methodique  ?  The  subscription  is  as  yet  open  ; 
about  two-fifths  of  the  work  is  published  ;  the  whole 
will  cost  to  subscribers  751  livres.  I  know  of  no  other 
work  here  lately  published  or  now  on  hand  which  is 
interesting.  I  must  pray  you  send  me  a  complete 
copy  of  the  journals  from  Nov.  i,  1783  downwards. 
The  few  sheets  I  had  I  sent  when  in  Philadelphia  to 
Dunlap  to  complete,  and  he  never  returned  them  or 
any  others  to  me.  I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  Mr. 
Norris  sometimes.  I  am  in  hopes  he  is  discreet  and 
that  you  need  not  fear  the  corruption  of  his  morals  ; 
he  is  well  at  present.  There  is  one  danger  at  his 


1784]  THOMAS  JEFFEKSON.  15 

age  which  some  other  instances  have  proved  real — 
that  of  forming  a  connection,  as  is  the  fashion  here, 
which  he  might  be  unwilling  to  shake  off  when  it  shall 
be  proper  for  him  to  return  to  his  own  country,  and 
which  might  detain  him  disadvantageously  here.  I 
have  not  the  smallest  intimation  that  he  is  disposed 
to  do  this,  but  it  is  difficult  for  young  men  to  refuse 
it  where  beauty  is  a  begging  in  every  street.  Indeed, 
from  what  I  have  seen  here  I  know  not  one  good 
purpose  on  earth  which  can  be  affected  by  a  young 
gentleman  coming  here.  He  may  learn  indeed  to 
speak  the  language,  but  put  this  in  the  scale  amongst 
other  things  he  will  learn  and  evils  he  is  sure  to  ac- 
quire and  it  will  be  found  too  light.  I  have  always 
disapproved  of  a  European  education  for  our  youth 
from  theory ;  I  now  do  it  from  inspection. 


TO   JAMES    MADISON. 

PARIS,  8  December,  1784. 

*  *  *  I  thank  you  very  much  for  the  relation  of 
the  proceedings  of  assembly.  It  is  the  most  grateful 
of  all  things  to  get  those  details  when  one  is  so  dis- 
tant from  home.  I  like  to  see  a  disposition  increasing 
to  replenish  the  public  coffers,  and  so  far  approve  of 
the  young  stamp  act.  But  would  it  not  be  better  to 
simplify  the  system  of  taxation  rather  than  to  spread 
it  over  such  a  variety  of  subjects,  and  pass  the  money 
through  so  many  new  hands  ?  Taxes  should  be  pro- 
portioned to  what  may  be  annually  spared  by  the  in- 
dividual, but  I  do  not  see  that  the  sale  of  his  land  is 


1 6  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1784 

an  evidence  of  his  ability  to  spare.  One  of  my  reasons 
for  wishing  to  centre  our  commerce  at  Norfolk  was 
that  it  might  bring  to  a  point  the  proper  subjects  of 
taxation  and  reduce  the  army  of  tax-gatherers  almost 
to  a  single  hand.  The  simplest  system  of  taxation 
yet  adopted  is  that  of  levying  on  the  land  and  the 
labourer.  But  it  would  be  better  to  levy  the  same 
sums  on  the  produce  of  that  labour  when  collected  in 
the  barn  of  the  farmer ;  because  then  if  through  the 
badness  of  the  year  he  made  little,  he  would  pay  little. 
It  would  be  better  yet  to  levy  only  on  the  surplus 
of  this  product  above  his  own  wants.  It  would  be 
better  too  to  levy  it  not  in  his  hands,  but  in  those 
of  the  merchant  purchaser ;  because  tho'  the  farmer 
would  in  fact  pay  it,  as  the  merchant  purchaser 
would  deduct  it  from  the  original  price  of  his  produce 
yet  the  farmer  would  not  be  sensible  that  he  paid  it. 
This  idea  would  no  doubt  meet  its  difficulties  &  ob- 
jections when  it  should  come  to  be  reduced  to  prac- 
tice :  yet  I  suspect  it  would  be  practical  &  expedient. 
Our  tax-gatherers  in  Virginia  cost  as  much  as  the 
whole  civil  list  besides.  What  a  comfort  to  the 
farmer  to  be  allowed  to  supply  his  own  wants  before 
he  should  be  liable  to  pay  anything,  &  then  only  pay 
on  his  surplus — The  proposition  for  a  Convention 
has  had  the  result  I  expected.  If  one  could  be 
obtained  I  do  not  know  whether  it  would  not  do 
more  harm  than  good.  While  Mr.  Henry  lives  another 
bad  constitution  would  be  formed  &  forever  on  us. 
What  we  have  to  do  I  think  is  devotedly  to  252.746. 
for  his  death  in  the  meantime  to  203.  925.  243.  719 


1 7  84]  THOMA  S  JEFFERSON.  1 7 

the  896.755  that  the  present  is  but  an  851  &  to  268. 
66 1.  the  872.  of  the  312.  730.  737.  I  am  glad  the  1005. 
83  953-  735-  380.  945  have  again  shewn  their  teeth  & 
fangs.  The  777.400  had  almost  forgotten  them. 

I  still  hope  something  will  be  done  for  Paine.  He 
richly  deserves  it ;  and  it  will  give  a  character  of  little- 
ness to  our  state  if  they  suffer  themselves  to  be 
restrained  from  the  compensation  due  for  his  services 
by  the  paltry  consideration  that  he  opposed  our  right 
to  the  western  country.  Who  was  there  out  of  Vir- 
ginia who  did  not  oppose  it  ?  Place  this  circumstance 
in  one  scale,  and  the  effect  his  writings  produced  in 
uniting  us  in  independence  in  the  other,  and  say  which 
preponderates.  Have  we  gained  more  by  his  advoca- 
tion  of  independence  than  we  lost  by  his  opposition 
to  our  territorial  right  ?  Pay  him  the  balance  only. 
I  look  anxiously  to  the  approaching  and  improving 
the  navigation  of  the  Potomac  and  Ohio ;  the  actual 
junction  of  the  Big  Beaver  and  Cuyahoga  by  a  canal ; 
as  also  that  of  Albemarle  Sound  and  Elizabeth 
through  the  Dismal.  These  works  will  spread  the 
field  of  our  commerce  westwardly  and  southwardly 
beyond  anything  ever  yet  done  by  man. 

I  once  hinted  to  you  the  project  of  seating  yourself 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Monticello,  and  my  sanguine 
wishes  made  me  look  on  your  answer  as  not  abso- 
lutely excluding  the  hope.  Monroe  is  decided  in 
settling  there,  and  is  actually  engaged  in  the  en- 
deavor to  purchase.  Short  is  the  same.  Would  you 
but  make  it  a  "partie  quarree,"  I  should  believe  that 
life  had  still  some  happiness  in  store  for  me.  Agree- 


VOL.  IV. — 2 


1 8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1784 

able  society  is  the  first  essential  in  constituting  the 
happiness,  and,  of  course,  the  value  of  our  existence. 
And  it  is  a  circumstance  worthy  great  attention  when 
we  are  making  first  our  choice  of  a  residence.  Weigh 
well  the  value  of  this  against  the  difference  in  pecu- 
niary interest,  and  ask  yourself  which  will  add  most 
to  the  sum  of  your  felicity  through  life.  I  think  that, 
weighing  them  in  this  balance,  your  decision  will  be 
favorable  to  all  our  prayers.  Looking  back  with  fond- 
ness to  the  moment  when  I  am  again  to  be  fixed  in  my 
own  country,  I  view  the  prospect  of  this  society  as 
inestimable.  I  find  you  thought  it  worth  while  to  pass 
the  last  summer  in  exploring  the  woods  of  America, 
and  I  think  you  were  right.  Do  you  not  think  the 
men  and  arts  of  this  country  would  be  worth  another 
summer?  You  can  come  in  April,  pass  the  months 
of  May,  June,  July,  August,  and  most  of  September 
here,  and  still  be  back  to  the  commencement  of  real 
business  in  the  assembly  following,  which  I  would 
not  have  you  absent  from.  You  shall  find  with  me  a 
room,  bed,  and  plate,  if  you  will  do  me  the  favor  to 
become  one  of  the  family ;  as  you  would  be  here  only 
for  the  summer  season,  I  think  your  outfit  of  clothes 
need  not  cost  you  more  than  50  guineas,  and  perhaps 
the  attendance  on  the  theatres  and  public  entertain- 
ments, with  other  small  expenses,  might  be  half  a 
guinea  or  three  quarters  a  day.  Your  passage  back- 
ward and  forward  would,  I  suppose,  be  60  or  70 
guineas  more.  Say  that  the  whole  would  be  200 
guineas.  You  will  for  that  have  purchased  the  knowl- 
edge of  another  world.  I  expect  Monroe  will  come 


1784]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  19 

in  the  spring,  and  return  to  congress  in  the  fall.  If 
either  this  object,  or  the  one  preceding,  for  settling 
you  near  Monticello,  can  be  at  all  promoted  by  the 
use  of  the  money  which  the  assembly  have  given  me 
for  my  share  in  the  revisal,  make  use  of  it  freely,  and 
be  assured  it  can  in  no  other  way  be  applied  so  much 
to  my  gratification.  The  return  of  it  may  wait  your 
perfect  convenience.  *  *  * 


TO    JAMES   MONROE.  MON.  MSS. 

PARIS,  Dec.  10,  1784. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  wrote  you  the  nth  of  Nov.  by  the 
last  packet.  Since  that  I  have  received  by  Mr. 
Short  your's  of  July  20  inclosing  the  Cypher.  I 
hope  that  the  establishment  of  a  port  on  each  river 
will  end  in  the  final  success  of  one  or  of  two  only. 
Actual  circumstances  will  prevent  York  &  Tappa- 
hanoc  from  being  any  thing  in  spite  of  any  encourage- 
ment. The  accumulation  of  Commodities  at  Norfolk  & 
Alexander  will  be  so  great  as  to  carry  all  purchasers 
there,  &  York  &  Tappahanoc  will  find  it  their  inter- 
est to  send  their  Commodities  to  the  same  places  in 
order  to  have  the  benefit  of  a  competition  among  a 
great  mass  of  purchasers.  It  is  not  amiss  to  encour- 
age Alexandria  because  it  is  a  rival  in  the  very  bosom 
of  Baltimore. 

I  know  of  no  investigation,  at  the  instance  of  any 
nation,  of  the  extent  of  the  clause  giving  the 
rights  of  the  most  favoured  nation  but  from  the 
import  of  the  words  themselves,  &  from  the  clause 


20  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1784 

that  a  privilege  granted  to  any  other  nation  shall 
immediately  become  common,  freely  where  freely 
granted,  or  yielding  the  compensation 1  where  a  com- 
pensation is  given,  I  have  no  doubt  that  if  any  one 
nation  will  admit  our  goods  duty  free  in  considera- 
tion of  our  doing  the  same  by  them,  no  other  nation 
can  claim  an  exception  from  duties  in  our  ports 
without  yielding  us  the  same  in  theirs.  The  aboli- 
tion of  the  monopoly  of  our  tobacco  in  the  hands  of  the 
Farmers  General 'will  be  pushed  by  us  with  all  our  force. 
But  it  is  so  interwoven  with  the  very  foundations  of 
their  system  of  finance  that  it  is  of  doubtful  event.  I 
could  not  get  my  answer  to  the  queries  on  Virginia 
printed  in  Philadelphia  ;  but  I  am  printing  it  here,  & 
will  certainly  ask  your  acceptance  of  a  copy.  Can  you 
employ  the  succeeding  summer  better  than  by  coming 
here  ?  Suppose  Congress  rises  in  time  for  you  to 
sail  by  the  first  of  April,  you  may  pass  May,  June, 
July,  August,  &  September  here,  &  still  be  at  the 
meeting  of  the  ensuing  Congress.  You  shall  find 
with  me  a  room,  bed,  &  plate  with  a  hearty  wel- 
come :  &  I  do  not  think  the  other  expences  of  your 
passage  coming  &  going,  out-fit  of  clothes,  attend- 
ing the  theatres  &  other  public  places,  will  exceed 
200  guineas.  I  have  recommended  the  same  measure 
to  Mr.  Madison.  Perhaps  you  can  make  the  voyage 
together. 

I  wrote  you  in  my  last  that  there  would  probably 
be  war.  The  common  belief  is  now  that  the  matters 
will  be  accomodated.  Those  who  are  not  in  the 

1  This  italic  is  Jefferson's.     The  rest  are  cipher  translations. 


1784]  THOMA  S  JEFFERSON.  2 1 

secrets  of  the  Cabinet  can  only  judge  from  external 
circumstances.  Every  movement  of  the  two  parties 
indicate  war.  I  found  much  too  on  the  character 
of  the  Emperor,  whose  public  acts  speak  him  much 
above  the  common  level.  Those  who  expect  peace 
say  also  that  they  have  in  view  the  Emperor's  char- 
acter which  they  represent  as  whimsical  and  eccentric, 
&  that  he  is  especially  affected  in  the  Dog  days. 
We  shall  not  know  what  will  be  done  till  the  spring 
admits  the  movement  of  troops  into  the  field.  I  see  no 
probable  event  which  may  divert  the  Emperor  from 
his  object  but  the  health  of  the  empress  of  Russia, 
which  at  present  is  very  precarious.  Any  accident 
to  her  might  possibly  cripple  the  projects  of  Vienna. 
By  this  packet  congress  will  receive  the  British 
ambassador's  letter  to  us.  It  appears  extraordinary, 
when  in  our  letter  to  him  we  had  informed  him  that 
we  (three  in  number)  had  full  powers  to  treat,  that 
his  court  should  propose  in  answer  as  a  previous 
stipulation  that  congress  should  send  a  person  with 
full  powers  to  London.  I  cannot  suppose  they  have 
any  personal  objections  :  and  therefore  believe  they 
only  want  to  gain  time  in  order  to  see  how  their 
schemes  will  work  without  a  treaty.  We  shall  bring 
them  to  an  issue.  I  suppose  it  will  probably  end  in 
our  going  to  London.  I  think  that  after  this  we 
shall  be  obliged  to  go  to  Madrid  &  probably  to 
some  of  the  other  more  important  courts.  As  it  is 
impossible  for  us  whenever  we  leave  Paris  to  give  up 
our  homes  (in  which  are  our  furniture  &  whatever 
we  do  not  carry  with  us)  and  to  find  others  in  the 


22  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1784 

instant  of  our  return,  &  to  remove  into  them,  it  is 
visible  that  during  these  journeys  we  are  subject  to 
double  expences  for  a  confidential  servant  must  be 
left  to  take  care  of  the  house.  And  as  during  our 
travels  the  daily  expences  will  be  much  greater  than 
at  Paris  where  we  are  settled,  it  will  shew  the  reason- 
ableness of  Congress  allowing  house  rent  in  the  cases 
formally  mentioned  to  you  of  Mr.  Adams  and  Doctor 
Franklin  &  of  course  to  me.  I  write  on  this  subject 
to  you  alone  &  would  not  to  you  were  it  not  701  from 
circumstances  explained  in  a  former  letter.  I  am  like 
to  be  distressed  in  the  article  of  hoiise  rent.  My  case 
will  of  course  rest  on  a  common  bottom  with  the  other 
gentlemen,  indeed  theirs  being  to  be  previously  settled, 
mine  will  follow  of  course  and  /  would  not  have  the 
article  of  the  outjit  mentioned  if  it  should  be  like  to 
excite  with  an  340.  766.  present  with  thought  as  to 
me.  It  appears  to  me  not  subject  to  the  359.  650.  75. 
27.  of  an  attack  [?]  to  desire  to  have  my  expences  paid 
or  /  would  have  surpressed  the  first  thought  of  it. 

There  are  great  complaints  of  the  stoppage  of 
letters  in  New  York,  as  well  those  which  are  coming 
from  America  to  France,  as  those  from  France  to 
America.  If  a  letter  is  sent  from  hence  for  S.  Caro- 
lina, for  instance  it  is  deposited  at  N.  York  till  the 
French  postage  is  paid.  If  one  is  sent  from  S.  Caro- 
lina to  France,  it  is  deposited  at  N.  Y.  till  the 
American  postage  is  paid.  Every  person  then  in 
France  or  America,  who  ever  expects  to  receive  a 
letter  by  post,  must  keep  an  agent  &  a  little  bank  in 
New  York.  In  Europe  this  matter  is  so  arranged 


1784]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  23 

that  letters  pass  from  one  country  to  another  without 
the  least  difficulty.  France  has  a  convention  for  this 
purpose  with  almost  every  country  in  Europe.  She 
had  such  a  one  with  England  till  the  late  war,  &  they 
are  now  proposing  to  renew  it.  Would  it  not  be  well 
for  Congress  to  send  us  an  instruction  &  power  to 
form  conventions  to  facilitate  the  passage  of  letters 
with  those  powers  with  whom  we  form  treaties,  or  at 
least  with  some  of  them.  It  is  certainly  material 
with  France,  Holland,  Gr.  Br.  Spain  &  Portugal  & 
perhaps  the  Italian  states. 

Be  so  good  as  to  present  my  compliments  to  your 
collegues.  I  think  Mr.  Hardy  promised  to  write  to 
me  sometimes.  I  shall  take  great  pleasure  in  an 
exchange  of  information  with  him. 

P.  S.  I  hope  you  will  not  desist  from  your  plan  of 
settlement  in  Albem.  Short  will  join  us,  &  I  hope 
Mr.  Madison.  Can  you  inform  me  if  letters  to  & 
from  us  are  free  of  postage  in  America  ? 


TO    HORATIO    GATES.1 

PARIS,  Dec.  13,  1784. 

DEAR  GENERAL, — I  duly  received  the  letter  you 
were  so  good  as  to  write  me  from  New  York.  We 
have  here  under  our  contemplation  the  future  mis- 
eries of  human  nature,  like  to  be  occasioned  by  the 
ambition  of  a  young  man,  who  has  been  taught  to 
view  his  subjects  as  his  cattle.  The  pretensions  he 
sets  up  to  the  navigation  of  the  Scheld  would  have 

1  From  the  original  in  the  possession  of  Dr.  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  of  Nev,' 
York. 


24  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1784 

been  good,  if  natural  right  had  been  left  uncontrolled, 
but  it  is  impossible  for  express  compact  to  have  taken 
away  a  right  more  effectually  than  it  has  the  Em- 
peror's. There  are  numbers  here  (but  not  of  the 
cabinet)  who  still  believe  he  will  retract,  but  I  see  no 
one  circumstance  on  which  to  found  such  a  belief. 
Nothing  had  happened  but  what  he  must  have  for- 
seen  and  calculated  on.  And  in  fact  all  his  move- 
ments indicate  war.  The  Dutch  are  truly  animated 
and  ready  to  place  their  existence  on  the  stake  now 
contended  for.  The  spring  which  brings  general 
happiness  to  all  other  beings  will  probably  open  the 
sluices  of  calamity  on  our  wretched  fellow  creatures 
on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  France,  Holland, 
Prussia  &  Turkey  against  the  two  empires  I  think 
will  be  an  overmatch.  England  will  be  neuter  from 
interest  as  well  as  importance.  The  disposition  of 
her  inhabitants  is  very  unfriendly  to  us.  It  remains 
to  see  whether  their  ministers  suffer  themselves  to  be 
led  by  passions  also.  I  think  it  probable  we  shall  go 
over  there  for  a  short  time.  An  American  vessel  (a 
Virginia),  has  been  lately  taken  by  a  frigate  of  the 
emperor  of  Morocco,  who  has  five  of  them  cruising 
on  the  Atlantic.  The  brig  had  just  left  Cadiz.  Our 
trade  to  Portugal,  Spain,  &  the  Mediteranean  is  an- 
nihilated unless  we  do  something  decisive.  Tribute 
or  war  is  the  usual  alternative  of  these  pirates.  If 
we  yield  the  power,  it  will  require  sums  which  our 
people  will  feel.  Why  not  begin  a  navy  then  & 
decide  on  war  ?  We  cannot  begin  in  a  better  cause 
nor  against  a  weaker  foe.  You  will  have  heard  that 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  25 

the  E.  of  Shelburne  is  made  Marquis  of  Lansdown 
&  Lord  Temple  Marquis  of  Buckingham.  There  is 
no  appearance  however  of  the  former  coming  into 
the  ministry  which  seem  absolutely  firm. 


TO    NATHANAEL    GREENE.1 

PARIS,  Jan.  12,  1785. 

SIR, — Everything  in  Europe  is  quiet,  &  promises 
quiet  for  at  least  a  year  to  come.  We  do  not  find  it 
easy  to  make  commercial  arrangements  in  Europe. 
There  is  a  want  of  confidence  in  us.  This  country 
has  lately  reduced  the  duties  on  American  whale  oil 
to  about  a  guinea  &  a  half  a  ton,  and  I  think  they 
will  take  the  greatest  part  of  what  we  can  furnish.  I 
hope  therefore  that  this  branch  of  our  commerce  will 
resume  its  activity.  Portugal  shews  a  disposition  to 
court  our  trade,  but  this  has  for  some  time  been  dis- 
couraged by  the  hostilities  of  the  pyratical  states  of 
Barbary.  The  Emperor  of  Morocco  who  had  taken 
one  of  our  vessels,  immediately  consented  to  suspend 
hostilities,  &  ultimately  gave  up  the  vessel,  cargo  & 
crew.  I  think  we  shall  be  able  to  settle  matters  with 
him,  but  I  am  not  sanguine  as  to  the  Algerines. 
They  have  taken  two  of  our  vessels,  and  I  fear  will 
ask  such  a  tribute  for  the  forbearance  of  their  piracies 
as  the  U.  S.  would  be  unwilling  to  pay. — When  this 
idea  comes  across  my  mind  my  faculties  are  absolutely 
suspended  between  indignation  &  impotence. — I 
think  whatever  sums  we  are  obliged  to  pay  for  free- 

1  From  the  original  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  F.  J.  Dreer  of  Philadelphia. 


26  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

dom  of  navigation  in  the  European  seas,  should  be 
levied  on  European  commerce  with  us,  by  a  separate 
impost,  that  these  powers  may  see  that  they  protect 
these  enormities  for  their  own  loss. 


TO    THE    GOVERNOR    OF    VIRGINIA. 
(PATRICK  HENRY.) 

PARIS,  Jan.  12.  1785. 

SIR, — The  letter  of  July  20.  1784  with  which  your 
Excellency  was  pleased  to  honour  me  &  which  in- 
closed the  resolution  of  assembly  for  the  statue  of 
Gen'l  Washington  came  to  my  hands  on  the  2Qth  of 
Nov.  by  Mr.  Short :  &  a  few  days  afterwards  I  re- 
ceived a  duplicate  of  it.  As  it  was  not  practicable  to 
get  the  business  into  any  train  before  the  sailing  of 
the  December  packet,  I  omitted  acknowledging  its 
receipt  till  the  packet  of  this  month  should  sail.  There 
could  be  no  question  raised  as  to  the  Sculptor  who 
should  be  employed ;  the  reputation  of  Mons^ 
Houdon  of  this  city  being  unrivalled  in  Europe. 
He  is  resorted  to  for  the  statues  of  most  of  the  sov- 
ereigns in  Europe.  On  conversing  with  him  Doct'r 
Franklin  &  myself  became  satisfied  that  no  statue 
could  be  executed  so  as  to  obtain  the  approbation  of 
those  to  whom  the  figure  of  the  original  is  known, 
but  on  an  actual  view  by  the  artist.  Of  course  no 
statue  of  Genl.  Washington,  which  might  be  a  true 
evidence  of  his  figure  to  posterity,  could  be  made 
from  his  picture.  Statues  are  made  every  day  from 
portraits :  but  if  the  person  be  living,  they  are  always 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  27 

condemned  by  those  who  know  him  for  a  want  of 
resemblance,  and  this  furnishes  a  conclusive  presump- 
tion that  similar  representations  of  the  dead  are 
equally  unfaithfull.  Monsf  Houdon,  whose  reputa- 
tion is  such  as  to  make  it  his  principal  object,  was  so 
anxious  to  be  the  person  who  should  hand  down  the 
figure  of  the  General  to  future  ages,  that  without 
hesitating  a  moment  he  offered  to  abandon  his  busi- 
ness here,  to  leave  the  statues  of  kings  unfinished,  & 
to  go  to  America  to  take  the  true  figure  by  actual 
inspection  &  mensuration.  We  believe,  from  his 
character,  that  he  will  not  propose  any  very  consider- 
able sum  for  making  this  journey ;  probably  two  or 
three  hundred  guineas,  as  he  must  necessarily  be 
absent  three  or  four  months  &  his  expences  will  make 
at  least  a  hundred  guineas  of  the  money.  When  the 
whole  merit  of  the  piece  was  to  depend  on  this  pre- 
vious expenditure,  we  could  not  doubt  your  approba- 
tion of  the  measure  ;  and  that  you  would  think  with 
us  that  things  which  are  just  or  handsome  should 
never  be  done  by  halves.  We  shall  regulate  the 
article  of  expence  as  ceconomically  as  we  can  with 
justice  to  the  wishes  of  the  world.  This  article, 
together  with  the  habit,  attitude,  devices  &c.  are  now 
under  consideration,  &  till  they  be  decided  on,  we 
cannot  ultimately  contract  with  MonsF  Houdon. 
We  are  agreed  in  one  circumstance,  that  the  size 
shall  be  precisely  that  of  life.  Were  we  to  have  exe- 
cuted a  statue  in  any  other  case,  we  should  have 
preferred  making  it  somewhat  larger  than  life ;  be- 
cause as  they  are  generally  a  little  elivated,  the}- 


28  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

appear  smaller,  but  we  think  it  important  that  some 
one  monument  should  be  preserved  of  the  true  size 
as  well  as  figure,  from  which  all  other  countries  (and 
our  own  at  any  future  day  when  they  shall  desire  it) 
may  take  copies,  varying  them  in  their  dimensions  as 
may  suit  the  particular  situation  in  which  they  wish 
to  place  them.  The  duty  as  well  as  the  glory  of  this 
presentation  we  think  belongs  peculiarly  to  Virginia. 
We  are  sensible  that  the  eye,  alone  considered,  will 
not  be  quite  as  well  satisfied ;  but  connecting  the 
consideration  that  the  whole,  &  every  part  of  it 
presents  the  true  size  of  the  life,  we  suppose  the  be- 
holders will  receive  a  greater  pleasure  on  the  whole. 
Should  we  agree  with  MonsF  Houdon,  he  will  come 
over  in  the  April  packet  &  of  course  may  be  expected 
in  Virginia  about  the  last  of  May.  His  stay  with 
the  General  will  be  about  a  month.  This  will  be 
employed  in  forming  his  bust  of  plaister.  With  this 
he  will  return  to  Paris,  &  will  then  be  between  two 
&  three  years  in  executing  the  whole  in  Marble.  I 
have  thought  it  my  duty  to  detail  to  your  Excellency 
our  ideas  on  the  subject  as  far  as  they  are  settled, 
that  if  in  any  point  we  are  varying  from  the  wishes 
of  the  Executive  or  legislature,  we  may  be  set  right 
in  time.  I  conjecture  that  you  will  receive  this  about 
the  latter  end  of  February  and  as  Monsr  Houdon 
will  not  set  out  till  about  the  1 2l.h  or  14^  of  April  there 
may  be  time  to  receive  your  pleasure  in  the  mean 
while.  We  think  that  the  whole  expence  of  the 
journey  &  execution  of  the  figure  will  be  within  the 
limits  conjectured  by  your  excellency  ;  but  of  this  we 
cannot  be  certain  as  yet. 


1785] 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


TO  JAMES  MONROE.  MON.  MSS. 

[Feb.,  1785.] 

DEAR  SIR,  —  You  were  informed  by  my  letters  of 
Nov.  ii.  &  Jan.  14.  that  the  cypher  established 
between  us  would  not  explain  a  syllable  of  your  let- 
ters. —  Those  of  Nov.  i.  &  Dec.  14.  having  rendered 
me  extremely  desirous  of  deciphering  them,  I  set 
to  work  with  a  resolution  to  effect  it  if  possible.  I 
soon  found  that  they  were  written  by  your  first 
cypher.  To  this,  therefore,  I  applied  myself  and 
after  several  days  spent  on  it  I  was  able  to  set  to 
rights  the  many  errors  of  your  copyist,  whose  inat- 
tention alone  had  inducted  those  difficulties.  I 
found  the  numbers  in  my  copy  &  yours  to  correspond 
as  follows. 


From  1-153  was 
154.  in  yours  corresponded  to  185  in  mine. 

From  156  to  205  in  yours  corresponded  to  from  186  to  235  in  mine. 
206  to  236  in  yours  corresponded  to  from  154  to  184  in  mine. 


237 

'  248 

268 

'  352 

359 

'  454 

456 

'  551 

558 

'  989 

236 

'  247 

266 

'  350 

356 

'  451 

452 

'  547 

553 

'  984 

994  in  yours  corresponded  to  988,  989  in  mine. 

996,  997  in  yours  corresponded  to  01.  02  in  mine. 

02.  03.   04.  05.  06.  07.  08.  09.   in  yours  corresponded  to  06.  07.  08.  09.  009. 

008.  007.  006.  in  mine. 
006.  002.  017.  016.  060.  050.   032.  041.  042.  in  yours  corresponds  to  002.  017. 

013.  012.  020.  021.  036.  045.  046. 

The  remaining  numbers  of  the  cypher  either  did  not 
enter  into  your  letters  at  all,  or  not  often  enough  to 
detect  the  errors.  I  have  now  therefore  completely 
deciphered  your  letters  of  June  i.  June  25.  Nov.  i. 
and  Dec.  14.  At  present  my  only  uneasiness 
is  about  my  letters  which  have  gone  to  you  in 


3o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

cypher.  That  of  Nov.  1 1.  must  have  been  in  the  ist 
cypher.  For  this  reason  I  have  noted  to  you  the 
differences  in  our  copies  as  above  that  you  may 
translate  my  numbers  into  yours.  As  I  received  the 
2d  cypher  the  2gth  of  Nov.,  I  think  it  probable  that 
my  letters  of  Dec.  10.  &  Jan.  14.  were  written  by 
that.  If  they  were,  I  am  in  hopes  you  will  have 
understood  them.  If  they  were  written  by  the 
ist.  you  will  now  be  able  by  translating  the 
numbers  to  understand  them  also ;  and  thus  this 
comedy  of  errors  will  be  cleared  up.  Since  writing 
so  far  I  have  made  out  a  table  adjusting  the  numbers 
in  my  copy  to  those  in  yours,  which  will  enable  you 
to  translate  with  ease.  Our  business  goes  on  very 
slowly.  No  answers  from  Spain  or  Britain.  The 
backwardness  of  the  latter  is  not  new.  Perhaps 
Mr.  Jay  or  Mr.  Laurens  who  have  been  at  that 
court  since  the  present  ministry  has  been  in  place 
may  have  been  able  to  account  for  this  on  better 
grounds  than  we  can.  The  English  Parliament, 
Irish  Parliament  and  Irish  Convention  sitting 
together  will  surely  bring  their  disputes  to  a  crisis. 
Scotland  too  seems  to  be  stepping  in  as  a  third  party 
with  her  difficulties,  and  their  affairs  in  the  East 
Indies  are  in  a  wretched  situation.  The  opposition 
have  opened  their  campaign  on  the  East  India  regu- 
lations, the  proceedings  with  Ireland,  &  the  late 
taxes.  The  minister  having  declared  he  will  propose 
a  plan  of  parliamentary  reform,  they  have  taken  the 
contrary  side  of  course  on  that  question.  I  am 
anxious  to  see  whether  the  parliament  will  take  any 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  31 

and  what  steps  as  to  our  commerce.  The  effecting 
treaties  with  the  powers  holding  positions  in  the 
West  Indies,  I  consider  as  the  important  part  of  our 
business.  It  is  not  of  great  consequence  whether  the 
others  treat  or  not.  Perhaps  trade  may  go  on  with 
them  well  enough  without.  But  Britain,  Spain,  Por- 
tugal, France  are  consequent,  and  Holland,  Denmark, 
Sweden  may  be  of  service  too.  We  have  hitherto 
waited  for  favorable  circumstances  to  press  matters 
with  France.  We  are  now  about  to  do  it  tho  I  can- 
not say  fa&  prospect  is  good.  The  merchants  of  this 
country  are  very  clamorous  against  our  admission  into 
the  West  Indies  and  ministers  are  afraid  for  their 
places.  The  pamphlet  which  I  sent  you  is  approved 
by  the  sensible  people  here  and  I  am  in  hopes  has 
been  of  some  service.  There  are  warm  ones  written 
against  it.  Our  affairs  with  the  pyratical  states  are 
distressing.  It  is  impossible  I  fear  to  find  out  what 
is  given  by  other  countries.  Either  shame  or  jealousy 
makes  them  wish  to  keep  it  secret.  Several  of  their 
ministers  to  whom  we  have  applied  have  promised  to 
procure  information.  These  pyrates  are  contemptibly 
weak.  Morocco  who  has  just  dared  to  commit  an 
outrage  on  us  owns  only  four  or  five  frigates  of  18 
or  20  guns.  There  is  not  a  port  in  their  country 
which  has  more  than  13  feet  water.  Tunis  is  not 
quite  so  strong  (having  3  or  4  frigates  only,  small 
and  worthless)  is  more  mercantile  than  predatory,  and 
would  easily  be  led  to  treat  either  by  money  or  fear. 
Tripoli  has  one  frigate  only.  Algiers  alone  possesses 
any  power,  &  they  are  brave.  As  far  as  I  have 


32  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

been  able  to  discover  she  possesses  about  16  vessels 
from  22  up  to  52  guns,  but  the  vessels  of  all  these 
powers  are  wretched  in  the  last  degree,  being  mostly 
built  of  the  discordant  pieces  of  other  vessels  which 
they  take  &  pull  asunder,  their  cordage  &  sails  are 
of  the  same  kind,  taken  from  vessels  of  different  sizes 
&  powers,  seldom  any  two  guns  of  the  same  bore, 
&  all  of  them  light.  These  States  too  are  divided, 
&  jealous  of  each  other,  &  especially  of  Algiers 
the  most  powerful.  The  others  would  willingly  see 
her  reduced.  We  have  two  plans  to  pursue.  The 
one  to  carry  nothing  for  ourselves,  &  thereby  render 
ourselves  invulnerable  to  the  European  states,  the 
other  (which  our  country  will  be  for)  is  to  carry  as 
much  as  possible.  But  this  will  require  a  protecting 
force  on  the  sea.  Otherwise  the  smallest  power  in 
Europe,  every  one  which  possesses  a  single  ship  of  the 
line,  may  dictate  to  us,  and  enforce  their  demands  by 
captures  on  our  commerce.  Some  naval  force  then 
is  necessary  if  we  mean  to  be  commercial.  Can  we 
have  a  better  occasion  of  beginning  one  ?  or  find  a  foe 
more  certainly  within  our  dimensions  ?  The  motives 
pleading  for  war  rather  than  tribute  are  numerous  & 
honorable,  those  opposing  them  are  mean  &  short 
sighted.  However  if  it  be  decided  that  their  peace 
shall  be  bought  it  shall  engage  my  most  earnest 
endeavours. — it  is  as  uncertain  as  ever  whether  we  are 
to  have  war  or  peace.  The  ministers  of  this  country 
intimate  peace  and  Mons1  de  Maillebois  who  is  to 
command  the  Dutch  army  is  not  set  out.  I  should 
consider  his  departure  as  an  indication  of  war. 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  33 


I  must  pray  you  to  send  your  letters  by  the  French 
packet.  They  come  by  that  conveyance  with  certainty, 
having  first  undergone  the  Ceremony  of  being  opened 
&  read  in  the  post  office  which  I  am  told  is  done  in 
every  country  in  Europe.  Letters  by  the  way  of 
England  are  sometimes  months  getting  from  London 
here.  Give  me  fully  always  the  Congressional  news, 
&  by  every  letter  if  you  please  the  journals  of 
Congress. 

I  would  make  an  additional  observation  or  two  as 
to  the  pyratical  states.  If  we  enter  into  treaty  there, 
a  consul  must  be  kept  with  each  to  recover  our  vessels 
taken  in  breach  of  their  treaty.  For  these  violations 
they  practise  constantly  against  the  strongest  nations, 
&  the  vessels  so  taken  are  recovered  with  trouble  & 
always  some  loss  &  considerable  delay.  The  attempts 
heretofore  made  to  suppress  these  powers  have  been 
to  exterminate  them  at  one  blow.  They  are  too 
numerous  and  powerful  by  land  for  that.  A  small 
effort,  but  long  continued,  seems  to  be  the  only 
method.  By  suppressing  their  marine  &  trade  totally, 
and  continuing  this  till  the  present  race  of  seamen 
should  be  pretty  well  out  of  the  way  &  the  younger 
people  betake  themselves  to  husbandry  for  which 
their  soil  &  climate  is  well  fitted,  these  nests  of 
banditti  might  be  reformed.  I  am  not  well  enough 
acquainted  with  the  present  disposition  of  the  Euro- 
pean courts  to  say  whether  a  general  confederacy 
might  be  formed  for  suppressing  these  Pyracies. 
Such  as  should  refuse  would  give  us  a  just  right  to 
turn  py rates  also  on  their  West  India  trade,  and  to 


VOL.  IV. — 3 


34  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

require  an  annual  tribute  which  might  reimburse  what 
we  may  be  obliged  to  pay  to  obtain  a  safe  navigation 
in  their  seas.  Were  viz. possessed  even  of  a  small  naval 
force  what  a  bridle  would  it  be  in  the  moiiths  of  the 
West  Indian  powers  and  how  respectfully  would  they 
demean  themselves  towards  us.  Be  assured  that  the 
present  disrespect  of  the  nations  of  Europe  for  us  will 
inevitably  bring  on  insults  which  must  involve  us  in 
war.  A  coward  is  much  more  exposed  to  quarrels 
than  a  man  of  spirit. 

Be  so  good  as  to  present  one  of  the  pamphlets 
with  my  esteem  to  Mr.  Gherry  &  let  him  know  he  is 
a  letter  in  my  debt. 


TO   JAMES    MADISON. 

PARIS  Mar.  18.  1785. 

DEAR  SIR, — My  last  to  you  was  dated  Dec.  8.  Since 
that  yours  of  Feb.  i,  has  come  to  hand;  and  I  am  in 
hopes  I  shall  shortly  receive  from  you  the  history  of 
the  last  session  of  our  assembly.  I  will  pray  you 
always  to  send  your  letters  by  the  French  packet 
which  sails  from  N.  York  the  i5th  of  every  Month. 
I  had  made  Neill  Jamieson  my  post  master  general 
there,  who  will  always  take  care  of  my  letters  and 
confide  them  to  passengers  when  there  are  any 
worthy  of  confidence.  Since  the  removal  of  Con- 
gress to  that  place,  you  can  chuse  between  N.  Jamie- 
son  &  our  delegates  there,  to  which  you  would 
rather  address  my  letters.  The  worst  conveyances 
you  can  possibly  find  are  private  hands,  or  Merchant 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  35 

ships  coming  from  Virginia  directly  to  France. 
These  letters  either  come  not  at  all,  or  like  the  his- 
tories of  antient  times  they  detail  to  us  events  after 
their  influence  is  spent. 

Your  character  of  the  446.  magistrate l  is  precisely 
agreeable  to  the  idea  I  had  formed  of  him.  I  take 
him  to  be  of  unmeasured  ambition  but  that  the  men 
he  uses  are  virtuous.  He  is  re.  476.  ed fraught  with 
affection  to  375.  and  dispose  merchants  to  render 
every  1071.  service.  Of  the  cause  which  separated 
the  com.  of  the  states  we  never  have  had.  945. 
578.  394.  957.  421.  574.  1040.  130.  421  and  360. 
561.  164.  400.  597.  From  newspapers  &  private 
letters  have  excited  without  satisfying  our  curiosity 
As  your  cipher  is  safe  pray  792.  me  a  de  13  of  it.  The 
navigation  of  the  Scheld  had  for  a  great  while  agitated 
the  politics  of  Europe  &  seemed  to  threaten  the  involv- 
ing it  in  a  general  war.  All  of  a  sudden  another  subject, 
infinitely  more  interesting  is  brought  on  the  carpet. 
There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  Emperor  has 
made  an  exchange  of  territories  with  the  Elector  of 
Bavaria,  &  that  while  the  Scheld  has  been  the  osten- 
sible, Bavaria  has  been  the  real  object  of  his  Military 
preparations.  When  the  proposition  was  communi- 
cated to  the  King  of  Prussia  it  is  said  he  declared 
qu'il  Moverroit  le  cul  sur  le  selle  rather  than  see  it 
take  effect.  The  895.  421.  1009.  ft  *s  thought  would 
be  secretly  1070.  495.  359.  with  it.  And  some  think 
that  certain  8  said  to  be  564.  333.  719.  359.  By  the 
Emperor  on  the  781.  763.  561.  of  103.  are  meant  to 

1  Patrick  Henry,  recently  elected  Governor  of  Virginia. 


36  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

be  given  to  the  latter  for  her  acquiescence.  I  am  at- 
tending with  anxiety  to  the  part  she  will  act.  On 
this  occasion  I  shall  change  my  opinion  of  her  system. 
Of  policy  if  it  be  not  executable.  If  the  Dutch 
escape  war,  they  seem  still  to  be  in  danger  of 
internal  revolution.  The  Stadholder  &  aristocracy 
can  carry  their  differences  no  further  without  an 
appeal  to  the  sword.  The  people  are  on  the  side  of 
the  185.  The  conduct  of  the  aristocracy  in  pushing 
their  measures  to  such  extremity  is  inexplicable  but 
on  the  supposition  that  103.  has  promised  to  support 
them  which  it  is  39.  543.  was  971.  359.  to  do  before 
they  would  enter  into  the  late  treaty.  We  hear  noth- 
ing from  England.  This  circumstance,  with  the 
passage  of  their  N.  F.  land  bill  thro'  the  house 
of  commons,  &  the  sending  a  Consul  to  America 
(which  we  hear  they  have  done)  sufficiently  prove 
a  perseverance  in  the  system  of  managing  for 
us  as  well  as  for  themselves  in  their  connection 
with  us.  The  administration  of  that  country 
are  governed  by  the  people,  &  the  people  by 
their  own  interested  wishes  without  calculating 
whether  they  are  just  or  capable  of  being  effected. 
Nothing  will  bring  them  to  reason  but  physical  ob- 
struction, applied  to  their  bodily  senses.  We  must 
show  that  we  are  capable  of  foregoing  commerce 
with  them,  before  they  will  be  capable  of  consenting 
to  an  equal  commerce.  We  have  all  the  world  be- 
sides open  to  supply  us  with  gew-gaws,  and  all  the 
world  to  buy  our  tobacco,  for  in  such  an  event  Eng- 
land must  buy  it  from  Amsterdam,  1'Orient  or  any 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  37 

other  place  at  which  we  should  think  proper  to 
deposit  it  for  them.  They  allow  our  commodities  to 
be  taken  from  our  own  ports  to  the  W.  Indies  in 
their  vessels  only.  Let  us  allow  their  vessels  to  take 
them  to  no  port.  The  transportation  of  our  own 
produce  is  worth  750.000  £  sterl.  annually,  will 
employ  200.000  tonnage  of  ships,  &  12.000  seamen 
constantly.  It  will  be  no  misfortune  that  Gr.  Br. 
obliges  us  to  exclude  her  from  a  participation  in  this 
business.  Our  own  shipping  will  grow  fast  under 
the  exclusion,  &  till  it  is  equal  to  the  object  the 
Dutch  will  supply  us.  The  commerce  with  the  Eng. 
W.  I.  is  valuable  &  would  be  worth  a  sacrifice  to  us. 
But  the  commerce  with  the  British  dominion  in 
Europe  is  a  losing  one  &  deserves  no  sacrifice.  Our 
tobacco  they  must  have  from  whatever  place  we 
make  it's  deposit,  because  they  can  get  no  other 
whose  quality  so  well  suits  the  habits  of  their  people. 
It  is  not  a  commodity  like  wheat,  which  will  not  bear 
a  double  voyage.  Were  it  so,  the  privilege  of  carry- 
ing it  directly  to  England  might  be  worth  something. 
I  know  nothing  which  would  act  more  powerfully  as 
a  sumptuary  law  with  our  people  than  an  inhibition 
of  commerce  with  England.  They  are  habituated  to 
the  luxuries  of  that  Country  &  will  have  them  while 
they  can  get  them.  They  are  unacquainted  with 
those  of  other  countries,  and  therefore  will  not  very 
soon  bring  them  so  far  into  fashion  as  that  it  shall 
be  thought  disreputable  not  to  have  them  in  one's 
house  or  on  their  table. — It  is  to  be  considered  how 
far  an  exemption  of  Ireland  from  this  inhibition 

01!    r    i  ;  . . 

i  *J  U  0 


38  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

would  embarrass  the  councils  of  Engld.  on  the  one 
hand,  and  defeat  the  regulation  itself  on  the  other. 
I  rather  believe  it  would  do  more  harm  in  the  latter 
way  than  good  in  the  former.  In  fact  a  heavy  aris- 
tocracy &  corruption  are  two  bridles  in  the  mouths 
of  the  Irish  which  will  prevent  them  from  making 
any  effectual  efforts  against  their  masters.  We  shall 
now  406.  643.  call  for  decisive  answer  to  certain 
points  interesting  to  the  826.  and  unconnected  with 
the  general  treaty  which  they  have  a  right  to  decline.  I 
mentioned  to  you  in  a  former  letter  a  very  good 
dictionary  of  universal  law  called  the  Code  d'human- 
ite*  in  13  vols  4to.  Meeting  by  chance  an  oppor- 
tunity of  buying  a  copy,  new  &  well  bound  for  104 
livres  I  purchased  it  for  you.  It  comes  to  8  livres  a 
volume  which  is  a  fraction  over  a  dollar  &  a  half,  & 
in  England  costs  i5/  sterl.  a  volume.  I  shall  have 
an  opportunity  of  sending  this  &  what  other  books  I 
have  bought  for  you  in  May.  But  new  information 
throws  me  all  into  doubt  what  to  do  with  them. 
Late  letters  tell  us  you  are  nominated  for  the  80. 
of  Spain.1  I  must  depend  on  further  intelligence 
therefore  to  decide  whether  to  send  them  or  to 
await  your  orders.  I  need  not  tell  you  how  much 
I  shall  be  pleased  with  such  an  event.  Yet  it 
has  it's  displeasing  sides  also.  /  sent  in  the  170. 
no.  and  also  in  730.  Yet  we  cannot  have  312. 
378.  823  485.  We  must  therefore  be  contented  to 
have  312.  485.  312.  1009.  638.  Adieu,  yours  affec- 
tionately &c. 

1  Allusion  to  Mr.  Madison's  proposed  appointment  abroad. 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  39 

TO  JAMES  MONROE.  MON.  MSS. 

PARIS  Mar.  18.  1785. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  wrote  you  by  the  packet  which 
sailed  from  hence  in  Feb.  and  then  acknowleged 
the  receipt  of  yours  of  Dec.  14.  which  came  by  the 
packet  arriving  here  in  Jan.  That  which  sailed  from 
N.  Y.  in  Jan.  &  arrived  here  in  Feb.  brings  me  no 
letter  from  any  body  except  from  Mr  Jay  to  Mr 
Adams,  Dr.  F.  &  myself  jointly.  Since  my  last  the 
rumor  of  an  exchange  proposed  between  the  Em- 
peror &  El.  of  Bavaria  has  proved  to  have  some 
foundation.  What  issue  it  will  be  permitted  to  have 
is  doubtful.  The  K.  of  Prussia  will  risk  his  own 
annihilation  to  prevent  it.  The  Dutch  would  rather 
be  pleased  with  it ;  and  it  is  thought  by  some  that  it 
will  not  be  disagreeable  to  France.  It  has  even  been 
said  that  certain  places  are  reserved  by  the  emperor  on 
the  borders  of  France  to  give  to  this  court  by  way  of 
trust  money.  I  am  watching  with  anxiety  the  part 
which  this  court  will  act.  If  the  sordid  one  suspected 
by  some,  I  shall  renounce  all  faith  in  national  recti- 
tude, and  believe  that  in  public  condiict  we  are  not  yet 
emerged  from  the  rascality  of  the  1 6th  century.  There 
are  great  numbers  of  well  enlightened  men  in  this 
nation.  The  ministry  is  such.  The  King  has  an 
honest  heart.  The  line  of  policy  hitherto  pursued  by 
them  has  been  such  as  virtue  would  dictate  and  wis- 
dom approve,  relying  on  their  wisdom  only  I  think 
they  would  not  accept  the  bribe  suppose  it  would  be 
to  relinquish  that  honorable  character  of  disinterested- 
ness and  new  faith  which  they  have  acquired  by  many 


40  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

sacrifices  and  which  has  put  in  their  hands  the  govern- 
ment as  it  were  of  Europe.  A  wise  man,  if  nature 
has  not  formed  him  honest,  will  yet  act  as  if  he  were 
honest :  because  he  will  find  it  the  most  advantageous 
&  wise  part  in  the  long  run.  I  have  believed  that  this 
court  possesses  this  high  species  of  wisdom  even  if  it's 
new  faith  be  ostensible  only.  If  they  trip  on  any 
occasion  it  will  be  warning  to  us.  I  do  not  expect  they 
will,  but  it  is  our  business  to  be  on  the  watch.  The 
Dutch  seem  to  be  on  the  brink  of  some  internal  revo- 
lution, even  if  they  escape  being  engaged  in  war,  as 
appearances  at  present  seem  to  indicate.  The  divi- 
sion between  the  Stadholder  and  the  aristocracy  can- 
not be  greater  &  the  people  are  on  the  side  of  the 
former.  The  fury  with  which  the  aristocracy  drive 
their  measures  is  inexplicable  but  on  the  supposition 
that  France  has  promised  to  support  and  this  /  believe 
she  did  to  induce  them  to  the  late  treaty.  We  hear 
nothing  from  England.  This  circumstance,  with  the 
passage  of  their  N.  F.  land  bill  through  the  H.  of 
Commons  and  the  sending  a  Consul  to  America 
(which  we  hear  they  have  done)  sufficiently  prove  a 
perseverance  in  the  system  of  managing  for  both 
sides  in  their  connection  with  us.  Our  people  and 
merchants  must  consider  their  business  as  not  yet 
settled  with  England.  After  exercising  the  self 
denial  which  was  requisite  to  carry  us  thro'  the  war, 
they  must  push  it  a  little  further  to  obtain  proper 
peace  arrangements  with  them.  They  can  do  it  the 
better  as  all  the  world  is  open  to  them  ;  and  it  is  very 
extraordinary  if  the  whole  world  besides  cannot  sup- 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  41 

ply  them  with  what  they  may  want.  I  think  it  essen- 
tial to  exclude  them  from  the  carriage  of  American 
produce.  We  wait  the  arrival  of  the  packet  which 
left  you  in  Feb.  in  expectation  of  some  instructions 
on  the  subject  of  England.  Should  none  come,  we 
shall  immediately  press  them  for  an  answer  on  those 
subjects  which  were  unconnected  with  a  treaty  of 
commerce. — It  is  to  be  considered  how  far  an  excep- 
tion in  favor  of  Ireland  in  our  commercial  regulations 
might  embarrass  the  councils  of  England  on  the  one 
hand,  &  on  the  other  how  far  it  might  give  room  to 
an  evasion  of  the  regulations. — Mr  Carmichael  has 
obtained  the  interference  of  the  court  of  Madrid  for 
the  vessel  &  crew  taken  by  the  Emperor  of  Morocco  : 
&  I  understand  there  is  a  prospect  of  their  being 
restored.  A  letter  on  this  subject  is  come  to  Doctr. 
Franklin.  I  have  not  yet  seen  it  &  I  doubt  whether 
it  will  be  in  time  to  be  copied  &  communicated  by 
this  packet,  the  post  being  near  it's  departure.  On 
the  arrival  of  the  packet  now  expected  here,  whether 
she  brings  us  new  instructions  or  not  as  to  those 
states,  we  shall  proceed  to  act  for  the  best  on  the 
ground  before  marked  out  for  us.  The  Marquis 
Fayette  has  arrived  here  in  good  health,  and  in  the 
best  dispositions  towards  us.  I  have  had  a  very  bad 
winter,  having  been  confined  the  greatest  part  of  it. 
A  seasoning  as  they  call  it  is  the  lot  of  most 
strangers  :  &  none  I  believe  have  experienced  a  more 
severe  one  than  myself.  The  air  is  extremely  damp, 
and  the  waters  very  unwholesome.  We  have  had  for 
three  weeks  past  a  warm  visit  from  the  sun  (my 


42  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

almighty  physician)  and  I  find  myself  almost  reestab- 
lished. I  begin  now  to  be  able  to  walk  4  or  5  miles 
a  day,  &  find  myself  much  better  for  it.  If  the  state 
of  our  business  will  permit  I  wish  much  to  take  a 
tour  through  the  South  of  France  for  three  or  four 
weeks.  The  climate  &  exercise  would  I  think  restore 
my  health. — I  have  used  the  second  cypher  in  this 
letter.  Either  by  a  gentleman  who  will  go  to  America 
in  the  April  packet,  or  by  young  Mr  Adams  who  will 
go  in  May,  I  will  send  you  a  new  cypher  which  I  have 
prepared  on  a  large  &  commodious  plan.  This  young 
gentleman  is  I  think  very  promising.  To  a  vast 
thirst  after  useful  knowledge  he  adds  a  facility  in 
acquiring  it.  What  his  judgement  may  be  I  am  not 
well  enough  acquainted  with  him  to  decide :  but  I 
expect  it  is  good,  &  much  hope  it,  as  he  may  become 
a  valuable  &  useful  citizen. — I  sent  you  by  the  former 
packet  the  Pour  and  Centre  for  the  emancipation  of 
the  French  W.  I.  Trade.  I  now  send  you  the  answer 
to  it.  The  mass  of  the  nation  is  with  the  latter. 
Adieu. 


TO   JAMES    MONROE.  MON.  MSS. 

PARIS,  Apr.  15.  1785. 

DEAR  SIR, — We  wrote  a  public  letter  to  Mr.  Jay 
the  day  before  yesterday.  We  were  induced  to 
hasten  it,  because  young  Mr  Chaumont  was  to  set 
out  yesterday  for  1'Orient  to  go  to  N.  York  in  the 
packet,  &  a  private  conveyance  is  alone  to  be  de- 
pended on  for  secracy.  I  have  put  off  writing  any 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  43 

letters  as  long  as  I  could,  expecting  the  arrival  of  the 
packet.  She  is  arrived  as  the  packet  of  the  last 
month  did  without  bringing  a  scrip  of  a  pen  public  or 
private  to  any  American  here.  This  perplexes  us 
extremely.  From  your  letter  of  Dec.  14.  and  from 
one  written  at  the  same  time  by  Mr  Jay  to  Dr  Frank- 
lin we  have  reason  to  believe  congress  have  done  some 
thing  in  the  affairs  with  England  and  Spain.  We 
also  thought  something  would  be  said  to  us  on  the 
subject  of  the  barbary  state.  We  therefore  deferred 
moving  lest  we  should  have  to  change  our  move  which 
is  always  dishonorable.  We  particularly  expected  in- 
structions as  to  the  posts  still  held  by  the  English. 
We  shall  do  the  best  we  can  under  our  old  instructions. 
The  letter  from  the  duke  of  Dorset  will  dare  say  sur- 
prise you  all.  It  is  a  folly  above  the  highest  that  could 
have  been  expected.  /  know  from  one  who  saw  his 
instructions  that  he  softened  them  much  in  the  letter 
to  ^ts.  The  following  paragraph  is  from  a  letter  / 
received  from  Doctor  Price  about  ten  days  ago. 
"  There  is,  I  fancy  no  probability  that  Britain  can  be 
brought  to  consent  to  that  reciprocity  in  trade  which 
the  United  States  expect.  This  is  bad  policy  for 
Britain  but  it  may  turn  out  to  be  best  for  America 
and  should  the  issue  be  our  exclusion  from  the  Ameri- 
can ports  we  may  be  ruined  but  I  do  not  see  that 
trade  would  suffer  in  it's  true  interest.  The  fixed 
conviction  however  is  that  we  are  able  to  employ 
America  on  so  much  better  terms  than  any  other 
country  that  do  what  we  will  we  must  have  its  trade" 
It  is  dated  March  twenty.  He  is  said  to  be  in  great 


44  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

intimacy  with  Mr.  Pitt,  and  I  verily  believe  this  para- 
graph contains  the  genuine  creed  of  the  nation  and 
ministry.  You  will  observe  that  the  4th  article  of 
our  original  draught  of  a  treaty  transmitted  to  the 
several  courts  was  contrary  to  a  right  reserved  by  the 
states  in  the  confederation.  We  shall  correct  it  in 
every  instance. 

War  and  peace  still  doubtful.  It  rather  seems  that 
the  peace  may  continue  awhile  yet  but  not  very  long. 
The  Emperor  has  a  head  too  combustible  to  be  quiet. 
He  is  an  eccentric  character,  all  enterprise,  without 
calculation,  without  principle,  without  feelings.  Am- 
bitious in  the  extreme  but  too  unsteady  to  surmount 
difficulties.  He  had  in  view  at  one  time  to  open  the 
Scheld,  to  get  Maestricht  from  the  Dutch,  to  take  a 
large  district  from  the  Turks,  to  exchange  some  of 
his  Austrian  Dominions  for  Bavaria,  to  create  a  ninth 
electorate,  to  make  his  nephew  King  of  the  Romans, 
and  to  change  totally  the  Constitution  of  Hungary. 
Any  one  of  these  was  as  much  as  a  wise  prince  would 
have  undertaken  at  any  one  time.  Quod  ault,  valde 
ault,  sed  non  diu  ault. 

I  send  you  Voltaire's  legacy  to  the  K.  of  Prussia, 
a  libel  which  will  do  much  more  injury  to  Voltaire  than 
to  the  King.  Many  of  the  traits  in  the  character  of 
the  latter  to  which  the  former  gives  a  turn  satyrical  & 
malicious,  are  real  virtues.  I  should  remind  you 
that  two  packets  have  now  come  without  bringing  me 
a  letter  from  you,  and  should  scold  you  soundly,  but 
that  I  consider  it  as  certain  evidence  of  your  being 
sick.  If  this  be  so,  you  know  you  have  my  sincere 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  45 

prayers  for  better  health,  but  why  has  no  body  else 
written  to  me  ?  Is  it  that  one  is  forgotten  as  soon  as 
their  back  is  turned  ?  I  have  a  better  opinion  of 
men.  It  must  be  either  that  they  think  that  the 
details  known  to  themselves  are  known  to  every  body 
&  so  come  to  us  thro'  a  thousand  channels,  or  that 
we  should  set  no  value  on  them.  Nothing  can  be 
more  erroneous  than  both  those  opinions.  We  value 
those  details  little  &  great,  public  &  private  in  pro- 
portion to  our  distance  from  our  own  country  :  and 
so  far  are  they  from  getting  to  us  through  a  thousand 
channels,  that  we  hear  no  more  of  them  or  of  our 
country  here  than  if  we  were  among  the  dead.  I 
have  never  received  a  tittle  from  any  member  of  Con- 
gress but  yourself  &  one  letter  from  Dr.  Williamson. 
— The  D.  de  Rochefoucault  is  kind  enough  to  com- 
municate to  us  the  intelligence  which  he  receives 
from  Mr  St  John,  &  the  M.  de  la  F.  what  he  gets 
from  his  correspondents.  These  have  been  our  only 
sources  of  intelligence  since  the  middle  of  December. 
There  are  particular  public  papers  here  which  col- 
lect and  publish  with  a  good  deal  of  accuracy  the 
facts  connected  with  political  arithmetic.  In  one  of 
these  I  have  just  read  the  following  table  of  the  pro- 
portion between  the  value  of  gold  &  silver  in  several 
countries.  Germany  i.  to  14^.  Spain  i.  to  i4TV 
Holland  i.  to  i4f.  England  i  to  15^.  France  i  to 
HrVo"-  Savoy  i.  to  i4f.  Russia  i  to  15.  The 
average  is  i.  to  14!-.  As  Congress  were  on  this  sub- 
ject when  I  left  them  &  I  have  not  heard  of  their 
having  finished  it,  I  thought  this  worth  your  notice. 


46  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

Since  the  warm  weather  has  set  in  I  am  almost 
perfectly  re-established.  I  am  able  now  to  walk  six 
or  eight  miles  a  day  which  I  do  very  regularly.  This 
must  supply  the  place  of  the  journey  I  had  meditated 
into  the  South  of  France.  Tho'  our  business  does 
not  afford  constant  occupation,  it  is  of  such  a  nature 
one  does  not  know  when  our  presence  may  be  wanted. 
I  need  add  no  signature  but  wishing  you  every 
happiness  bid  you  adieu. 


TO  JAMES  MADISON.  MAD.  MSS. 

PARIS,  May  n,  1785. 

DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  Jan.  9  came  to  my  hands 
on  the  1 3th  of  April.  The  very  full  and  satisfactory 
detail  of  the  proceedings  of  Assembly  which  it  con- 
tained, gave  me  the  highest  pleasure.  The  value  of 
these  communications  can  not  be  calculated  at  a 
shorter  distance  than  the  breadth  of  the  Atlantic.  Hav- 
ing lately  made  a  cypher  on  a  more  convenient  plan 
than  the  one  we  have  used,  I  now  transmit  it  to  you  by 
a  Monsr.  Doradour,  who  goes  to  settle  in  Virginia. 
His  family  will  follow  him  next  year.  Should  he 
have  occasion  of  your  patronage  I  beg  leave  to  solicit 
it  for  him.  They  yesterday  finished  printing  my 
notes.  I  had  200  copies  printed,  but  do  not  put 
them  out  of  my  own  hands,  except  two  or  three  copies 
here  &  two  which  I  shall  send  to  America,  to  your- 
self &  Colo  Monroe,  if  they  can  be  ready  this  even- 
ing, as  promised.  In  this  case  you  will  receive  one 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  47 

by  Monsr.  Doradour.  I  beg  you  to  peruse  it  care- 
fully, because  I  ask  your  advice  on  it  &  ask  no  body's 
else.  I  wish  to  put  it  into  the  hands  of  the  young 
men  at  the  college,  as  well  on  account  of  the  political 
as  physical  parts.  But  there  are  sentiments  on  some 
subjects  which  I  apprehend  might  be  displeasing  to 
the  country,  perhaps  to  the  assembly  or  to  some  who 
lead  it.  I  do  not  wish  to  be  exposed  to  their  cen- 
sure ;  nor  do  I  know  how  far  their  influence,  if  ex- 
erted, might  effect  a  misapplication  of  law  to  such 
a  publication  were  it  made.  Communicate  it  then  in 
confidence  to  those  whose  judgments  &  information 
you  would  pay  respect  to,  &  if  you  think  it  will  give 
no  offence  I  will  send  a  copy  to  each  of  the  students 
of  W.  M.  C.  and  some  others  to  my  friends  &  to 
your  disposal,  otherwise  I  shall  only  send  over  a  very 
few  copies  to  particular  friends  in  confidence  &  burn 
the  rest. — Answer  me  soon  &  without  reserve.  Do 
not  view  me  as  an  author  &  attached  to  what  he  has 
written.  I  am  neither.  They  were  at  first  intended 
only  for  Marbois.  When  I  had  enlarged  them,  I 
thought  first  of  giving  copies  to  three  or  four  friends. 
I  have  since  supposed  they  might  set  our  young 
students  into  a  useful  train  of  thought,  and  in  no  event 
do  I  propose  to  admit  them  to  go  to  the  public  at 
large.  A  variety  of  accidents  have  postponed  my 
writing  to  you  till  I  have  no  further  time  to  con- 
tinue my  letter.  The  next  packet  will  sail  from 
Havre.  I  will  then  send  your  books  &  write  more 
fully.  But  answer  me  immediately  on  the  preceding 
subject. 


48  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

TO   THE  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA.  v.  s.  A. 

(PATRICK  HENRY.) 

PARIS,  June  16,  1785. 

SIR, — I  had  the  honor  of  receiving  the  day  before 
yesterday  the  resolution  of  council  of  Mar.  10,  and 
your  letter  of  Mar.  30,  and  shall  with  great  pleasure 
unite  my  endeavours  with  those  of  the  M.  de  la 
Fayette  and  Mr.  Barclay  for  the  purpose  of  procur- 
ing the  arms  desired.  Nothing  can  be  more  wise 
than  this  determination  to  arm  our  people  as  it  is  im- 
possible to  say  when  our  neighbors  may  think  proper 
to  give  them  exercise.  I  suppose  that  the  establish- 
ing a  manufacture  of  arms  to  go  hand  in  hand  with 
the  purchase  of  them  from  hence  is  at  present  op- 
posed by  good  reasons.  This  alone  would  make  us 
independent  for  an  article  essential  to  our  preserva- 
tion, and  workmen  could  probably  be  either  got  here, 
or  drawn  from  England  to  be  embarked  hence. 

In  a  letter  of  Jan.  12,  to  Govr.  Harrison  I  in- 
formed him  of  the  necessity  that  the  statuary  should 
see  Genl.  Washington,  that  we  should  accordingly 
send  him  over  unless  the  Executive  disapproved  of 
it,  in  which  case  I  prayed  to  receive  their  pleasure. 
Mr.  Houdon  being  now  re-established  in  his  health, 
and  no  countermand  received,  I  hope  this  measure 
meet  the  approbation  of  the  Executive  ;  Mr.  Houdon 
will  therefore  go  over  with  Dr.  Franklin  some  time 
in  the  next  month. 

I  have  the  honour  of  inclosing  you  the  substance  of 
propositions  which  have  been  made  from  London  to 
the  Farmers  general  of  this  country  to  furnish  them 
with  the  tobaccoes  of  Virginia  &  Maryland,  which 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  49 

propositions  were  procured  for  me  by  the  M.  de  la 
Fayette.  I  take  the  liberty  of  troubling  you  with 
them  on  a  supposition  that  it  may  be  possible  to  have 
this  article  furnished  from  those  two  States  to  this 
country  immediately,  without  its  passing  through  the 
entrepot  of  London,  &  the  returns  for  it  being  made 
of  course  in  London  merchandise.  20,000  hhds  of 
tobo  a  year  delivered  here  in  exchange  for  the  pro- 
duce and  manufactures  of  this  country,  many  of 
which  are  as  good,  some  better,  &  most  of  them 
cheaper  than  in  England,  would  establish  a  rivalship 
for  our  commerce  which  would  have  happy  effects  in 
all  the  three  countries.  Whether  this  end  will  be 
best  effected  by  giving  out  these  propositions  to  our 
merchants,  &  exciting  them  to  become  candidates 
with  the  farmers  general  for  this  contract  or  by  any 
other  means,  your  Excellency  will  best  judge  on  the 
spot. 


TO    JAMES    MONROE.1  MON.  MSS. 

PARIS,  June  17.  1785. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  three  days  ago  your  favor 
of  Apr.  1 2.  You  therein  speak  of  a  former  letter  to 
me,  but  it  has  not  come  to  hand,  nor  any  other  of 
later  date  than  the  i4th  of  December.  My  last  letter 
to  you  was  of  the  nth  of  May  by  Mr.  Adams  who 
went  in  the  packet  of  that  month.  These  conveiances 
are  now  becoming  deranged.  We  have  had  expecta- 

1  In  this  letter  and  those  which  follow  Jefferson  employed  the  new  cipher, 
mentioned  in  the  letter  of  March  18,  1785.     All  in  italic  is  cipher  numbers  in 
the  original. 
VOL.  iv.— 4 


50  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

tions  of  their  coming  to  Havre  which  would  infinitely 
facilitate  the  communication  between  Paris  &  Con- 
gress :  but  their  deliberations  on  the  subject  seem  to 
be  taking  another  turn.  They  complain  of  the  ex- 
pence,  and  that  their  commerce  with  us  is  too  small 
to  justify  it.  They  therefore  talk  of  sending  a  packet 
every  six  weeks  only.  The  present  one  therefore, 
which  should  have  sailed  about  this  time,  will  not 
sail  until  the  ist  of  July.  However  the  whole  matter 
is  as  yet  undecided.  I  have  hoped  that  when  Mr.  St. 
John  arrives  from  N.  York  he  will  get  them  replaced 
on  their  monthly  system.  By  the  bye  what  is  the  mean- 
ing of  a  very  angry  resolution  of  Congress  on  this  sub- 
ject ?  I  have  it  not  by  me  and  therefore  cannot  cite  it 
by  date,  but  you  will  remember  it,  and  will  oblige  me 
by  explaining  it's  foundation.  This  will  be  handed  you 
by  Mr.  Otto  who  comes  to  America  as  Charge  des 
Affaires  in  the  room  of  Mr.  Marbois  promoted  to  the 
Intendancy  of  Hispaniola,  which  office  is  next  to  that 
of  Governor.  He  becomes  the  head  of  the  civil  as 
the  Governor  is  of  the  military  department.  I  am 
much  pleased  with  Otto's  appointment.  He  is  good 
humored,  affectionate  to  America,  will  see  things  in  a 
friendly  light  when  they  admit  of  it,  in  a  rational  one 
always,  and  will  not  pique  himself  on  writing  every 
trifling  circumstance  of  irritation  to  his  court.  I  wish 
you  to  be  acquainted  with  him,  as  a  friendly  inter- 
course between  individuals  who  do  business  together 
produces  a  mutual  spirit  of  accommodation  useful  to 
both  parties.  It  is  very  much  our  interest  to  keep 
up  the  affection  of  this  country  for  us,  which  is  con- 


1785]  THOMA S  JEFFERSON.  5 1 

siderable.  A  court  has  no  affections,  but  those  of 
the  people  whom  they  govern  influence  their  de- 
cisions even  in  the  most  arbitrary  governments. — The 
negociations  between  the  Emperor  &  Dutch  are  spun 
out  to  an  amazing  length.  At  present  there  is  no 
apprehension  but  that  they  will  terminate  in  peace. 
This  court  seems  to  press  it  with  ardour  and  the 
Dutch  are  averse  considering  the  terms  cruel  & 
unjust  as  they  evidently  are.  The  present  delays 
therefore  are  imputed  to  their  coldness  &  to  their 
forms.  In  the  mean  time  the  Turk  is  delaying  the 
demarcation  of  limits  between  him  and  the  emperor, 
is  making  the  most  vigorous  preparations  for  war, 
and  has  composed  his  ministry  of  war-like  charac- 
ters deemed  personally  hostile  to  the  emperor.  Thus 
time  seems  to  be  spinning  out  both  by  the  Dutch  & 
Turks,  &  time  is  wanting  for  France.  Every  year's 
delay  is  a  great  thing  to  her.  It  is  not  impossible 
therefore  but  that  she  may  secretly  encourage  the 
delays  of  the  Dutch  &  hasten  the  preparations 
of  the  Porte  while  she  is  recovering  vigour  herself 
and,  in  order  to  be  able  to  present  such  a  combina- 
tion to  the  emperor  as  may  dictate  to  him  to  be 
quiet.  But  the  designs  of  these  courts  are  inscruta- 
ble. It  is  our  interest  to  pray  that  this  country  may 
have  no  continental  war  till  our  peace  with  England 
is  perfectly  settled.  The  merchants  of  this  country 
continue  as  loud  &  furious  as  ever  against  the  Arret 
of  August  1 784,  permitting  our  commerce  with 
their  islands  to  a  certain  degree.  Many  of  them 
have  actually  abandoned  their  trade.  The  Ministry 


52  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

are  disposed  to  be  firm,  but  there  is  a  point  at  which 
they  will  give  way,  that  is  if  the  clamours  should  be- 
come such  as  to  endanger  their  places.  It  is  evident 
that  nothing  can  be  done  by  us,  at  this  time,  if 
we  may  hope  it  hereafter.  I  like  your  removal  to  N. 
York,  and  hope  Congress  will  continue  there  and 
never  execute  the  idea  of  building  their  federal  town. 
Before  it  could  be  finished  a  change  of  Members  in 
Congress  or  the  admission  of  new  states  would  re- 
move them  somewhere  else.  It  is  evident  that  when 
a  sufficient  number  of  the  Western  states  come  in 
they  will  remove  it  to  George  town.  In  the  mean 
time  it  is  our  interest  that  it  should  remain  where  it 
is,  and  give  no  new  pretensions  to  any  other  place. 
I  am  also  much  pleased  with  the  proposition  to  the 
states  to  invest  Congress  with  the  regulation  of  their 
trade,  reserving  it's  revenue  to  the  states.  I  think  it 
a  happy  idea,  removing  the  only  objection  which 
could  have  been  justly  made  to  the  proposition.  The 
time  too  is  the  present,  before  the  admission  of  the 
Western  states.  I  am  very  differently  affected 
towards  the  new  plan  of  opening  our  land  office  by 
dividing  the  lands  among  the  states  and  selling  them 
at  vendue.  It  separates  still  more  the  interests  of  the 
states  which  ought  to  be  made  joint  in  every  possi- 
ble instance  in  order  to  cultivate  the  idea  of  our 
being  one  nation,  and  to  multiply  the  instances  in 
which  the  people  shall  look  up  to  Congress  as  their 
head.  And  when  the  states  get  their  portions  they 
will  either  fool  them  away,  or  make  a  job  of  it  to 
serve  individuals.  Proofs  of  both  these  practices 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  53 

have  been  furnished,  and  by  either  of  them  that  in- 
valuable fund  is  lost  which  ought  to  pay  our  public 
debt.  To  sell  them  at  vendue,  is  to  give  them  to 
the  bidders  of  the  day  be  they  many  or  few.  It  is 
ripping  up  the  hen  which  lays  golden  eggs.  If  sold 
in  lots  at  a  fixed  price  as  first  proposed,  the  best  lots 
will  be  sold  first.  As  these  become  occupied  it  gives 
a  value  to  the  interjacent  ones,  and  raises  them,  tho' 
of  inferior  quality,  to  the  price  of  the  first.  I  send 
you  by  Mr.  Otto  a  copy  of  my  book.  Be  so  good 
as  to  apologize  to  Mr.  Thomson  for  my  not  sending 
him  one  by  this  conveiance.  I  could  not  burthen 
Mr.  Otto  with  more  on  so  long  a  road  as  that  from 
here  to  1'Orient.  I  will  send  him  one  by  a  Mr.  Wil- 
liams who  will  go  ere  long.  I  have  taken  measures 
to  prevent  it's  publication.  My  reason  is  that  I  fear 
the  terms  in  which  I  speak  of  slavery  and  of  our 
constitution  may  produce  an  irritation  which  will 
revolt  the  minds  of  our  countrymen  against  reforma- 
tion in  these  two  articles,  and  thus  do  more  harm 
than  good.  I  have  asked  of  Mr.  Madison  to  sound 
this  matter  as  far  as  he  can,  and  if  he  thinks  it  will 
not  produce  that  effect,  I  have  then  copies  enough 
printed  to  give  one  to  each  of  the  young  men  at  the 
college,  and  to  my  friends  in  the  country. 

/  am  sorry  to  see  a  possibility  of  A.  L.'s1  being  put 
into  the  Treasury.  He  has  no  talents  for  the  office, 
and  what  he  has  will  be  employed  in  rummaging  old 
accounts  to  involve  you  in  eternal  war  with  R.  Af.2 
and  he  will  in  a  short  time  introduce  such  dissensions 

1  Arthur  Lee.  8  Robert  Morris. 


54  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

into  the  Commission  as  to  break  it  up.  If  he  goes  on 
the  other  appointment  to  Kaskaskia  he  will  produce  a 
revolt  of  that  settlement  from  the  U.  S.  I  thank  you 
for  your  attention  to  my  outfit.  For  the  articles  of 
household  furniture,  clothes,  and  a  carriage,  I  have 
already  paid  28,000  livres  and  have  still  more  to  pay. 
For  the  greatest  part  of  MZJ  /  have  been  obliged  to 
anticipate  my  salary  from  which  however  I  shall  never 
be  able  to  repay  it.  /  yfoz^  that  by  a  rigid  economy, 
bordering  however  on  meanness  I  can  save  perhaps 
$500  a  month,  at  least  in  //^  summer.  The  residue 
goes  for  expences  so  much  of  course  &  of  necessity  that 
I  cannot  avoid  them  without  abandoning  all  respect  to 
/;zy  public  character.  Yet  I  will  pray  you  to  touch 
this  string,  which  /  know  to  be  a  tender  one  with 
Congress  with  the  utmost  delicacy.  I  had  rather  be 
ruined  in  wjj/  fortune,  than  in  their  esteem.  If  they 
allow  me  half  a  years  salary  as  an  outfit  I  can  ^/ 
throttgh  my  debts  in  time.  If  they  raise  the  salary  to 
what  z'/  wtf.*-,  0r  ^Z^TZ  /tojy  <?#r  house  rent  &  taxes,  I  can 
/zW  wz'M  more  decency.  I  trust  that  Mr.  A.'s  house 
at  /^£  Hague  &  ZV.  /'V.y  #/  Passy  the  r^w/  of  which 
had  been  always  allowed  him  will  give  just  expecta- 
tions of  the  same  allowance  to  me.  Mr.  Jay  however 
did  not  charge  it.  But  he  lived  economically  and  laid 
up  money.  I  will  take  the  liberty  of  hazarding  to  you 
some  thoughts  on  the  policy  of  entering  into  treaties 
with  the  European  nations,  and  the  nature  of  them. 
I  am  not  wedded  to  these  ideas,  and  therefore  shall 
relinquish  them  chearfully  when  Congress  shall  adopt 
others,  and  zealously  endeavor  to  carry  theirs  into 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  55 

effect.  First  as  to  the  policy  of  making  treaties. 
Congress,  by  the  Confederation  have  no  original  and 
inherent  power  over  the  commerce  of  the  states.  But 
by  the  9l-h  article  they  are  authorized  to  enter  into 
treaties  of  commerce.  The  moment  these  treaties 
are  concluded  the  jurisdiction  of  Congress  over  the 
commerce  of  the  states  springs  into  existence,  and 
that  of  the  particular  states  is  superseded  so  far  as  the 
articles  of  the  treaty  may  have  taken  up  the  subject. 
There  are  two  restrictions  only  on  the  exercise  of  the 
power  of  treaty  by  Congress,  i?1  that  they  shall  not 
by  such  treaty  restrain  the  legislatures  of  the  states 
from  imposing  such  duties  on  foreigners  as  their  own 
people  are  subject  to.  2d!y  nor  from  prohibiting  the 
exportation  or  importation  of  any  particular  species 
of  goods.  Leaving  these  two  points  free,  Congress 
may  by  treaty  establish  any  system  of  commerce 
they  please.  But,  as  I  before  observed,  it  is  by 
treaty  alone  they  can  do  it.  Though  they  may 
exercise  their  other  powers  by  resolution  or  ordi- 
nance, those  over  commerce  can  only  be  exercised 
by  forming  a  treaty,  and  this  probably  by  an  acci- 
dental wording  of  our  Confederation.  If  therefore  it 
is  better  for  the  states  that  Congress  should  regulate 
their  commerce,  it  is  proper  that  they  should  form 
treaties  with  all  nations  with  whom  we  may  possibly 
trade.  You  see  that  my  primary  object  in  the  forma- 
tion of  treaties  is  to  take  the  commerce  of  the  states 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  states,  and  to  place  it  under 
the  superintendence  of  Congress,  so  far  as  the  im- 
perfect provisions  of  our  constitution  will  admit,  and 


56  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

until  the  states  shall  by  new  compact  make  them 
more  perfect.  I  would  say  then  to  every  nation  on 
earth,  by  treaty,  your  people  shall  trade  freely  with 
us,  &  ours  with  you,  paying  no  more  than  the  most 
favoured  nation,  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  right 
of  individual  states  acting  by  fits  and  starts  to  inter- 
rupt our  commerce  or  to  embroil  us  with  any  nation. 
As  to  the  terms  of  these  treaties,  the  question  be- 
comes more  difficult.  I  will  mention  three  different 
plans,  i.  that  no  duties  shall  be  laid  by  either  party 
on  the  productions  of  the  other.  2.  that  each  may 
be  permitted  to  equalize  their  duties  to  those  laid  by 
the  other.  3.  that  each  shall  pay  in  the  ports  of  the 
other  such  duties  only  as  the  most  favoured  nations 
pay.  i.  Were  the  nations  of  Europe  as  free  and  un- 
embarrassed of  established  system  as  we  are,  I  do 
verily  believe  they  would  concur  with  us  in  the  first 
plan.  But  it  is  impossible.  These  establishments 
are  fixed  upon  them,  they  are  interwoven  with  the 
body  of  their  laws  &  the  organization  of  their  gov- 
ernment &  they  make  a  great  part  of  their  revenue  ; 
they  cannot  then  get  rid  of  them.  2.  The  plan  of 
equal  imposts  presents  difficulties  insurmountable. 
For  how  are  the  equal  imposts  to  be  effected  ?  Is  it 
by  laying  in  the  ports  of  A.  an  equal  percent  on  the 
goods  of  B.  with  that  which  B.  has  laid  in  his  ports 
on  the  goods  of  A.  ?  But  how  are  we  to  find  what  is 
that  percent  ?  For  this  is  not  the  usual  form  of  im- 
posts. They  generally  pay  by  the  ton,  by  the  meas- 
ure, by  the  weight,  &  not  by  the  value.  Besides  if 
A.  sends  a  million's  worth  of  goods  to  B.  &  takes 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  57 

back  but  the  half  of  that,  and  each  pays  the  same  per- 
cent, it  is  evident  that  A.  pays  the  double  of  what 
he  recovers  in  the  same  way  with  B.  This  would  be 
our  case  with  Spain.  Shall  we  endeavour  to  effect 
equality  then  by  saying  A.  may  levy  so  much  on  the 
sum  of  B.'s  importations  into  his  ports,  as  B.  does  on 
the  sum  of  A's  importations  into  the  ports  of  B.  ? 
But  how  find  out  that  sum  ?  Will  either  party  lay 
open  their  custom  house  books  candidly  to  evince 
this  sum  ?  Does  either  keep  their  books  so  exactly 
as  to  be  able  to  do  it  ?  This  proposition  was  started 
in  Congress  when  our  institutions  were  formed,  as 
you  may  remember,  and  the  impossibility  of  execut- 
ing it  occasioned  it  to  be  disapproved.  Besides  who 
should  have  a  right  of  deciding  when  the  imposts 
were  equal.  A.  would  say  to  B.  my  imposts  do  not 
raise  so  much  as  yours  ;  I  raise  them  therefore. 
B.  would  then  say  you  have  made  them  greater 
than  mine,  I  will  raise  mine,  and  thus  a  kind  of 
auction  would  be  carried  on  between  them,  and  a 
mutual  imitation,  which  would  end  in  anything  sooner 
than  equality,  and  right.  3.  I  confess  then  to  you 
that  I  see  no  alternative  left  but  that  which  Congress 
adopted,  of  each  party  placing  the  other  on  the  foot- 
ing of  the  most  favoured  nation.  If  the  nations  of 
Europe  from  their  actual  establishments  are  not  at 
liberty  to  say  to  America  that  she  shall  trade  in  their 
ports  duty  free  they  may  say  she  may  trade  there 
paying  no  higher  duties  than  the  most  favoured 
nation.  And  this  is  valuable  in  many  of  these 
countries  where  a  very  great  difference  is  made  be- 


58  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

tween  different  nations.  There  is  no  difficulty  in  the 
execution  of  this  contract,  because  there  is  not  a  mer- 
chant who  does  not  know,  or  may  not  know,  the  duty 
paid  by  every  nation  on  every  article.  This  stipula- 
tion leaves  each  party  at  liberty  to  regulate  their  own 
commerce  by  general  rules  ;  while  it  secures  the  other 
from  partial  and  oppressive  discriminations.  The 
difficulty  which  arises  in  our  case  is,  with  the  nations 
having  American  territory.  Access  to  the  West  Indies 
is  indispensably  necessary  to  us.  Yet  how  to  gain  it, 
when  it  is  the  established  system  of  these  nations  to 
exclude  all  foreigners  from  their  colonies.  The  only 
chance  seems  to  be  this,  our  commerce  to  the  mother 
countries  is  valuable  to  them.  We  must  endeavor 
then  to  make  this  the  price  of  an  admission  into  their 
West  Indies,  and  to  those  who  refuse  the  admission 
we  must  refuse  our  commerce  or  load  theirs  by  odious 
discriminations  in  our  ports.  We  have  this  circum- 
stance in  our  favour  too,  that  what  one  grants  us  in 
their  islands,  the  others  will  not  find  it  worth  their 
while  to  refuse.  The  misfortune  is  that  with  this 
country  we  gave  this  price  for  their  aid  in  the  war,  and 
we  have  now  nothing  more  to  offer.  She  being  with- 
drawn from  the  competition  leaves  Gr.  Britain  much 
more  at  liberty  to  hold  out  against  us.  This  is  the 
difficult  part  of  the  business  of  treaty,  and  I  own  it 
does  not  hold  out  the  most  flattering  prospect. — I 
wish  you  would  consider  this  subject  and  write  me 
your  thoughts  on  it.  Mr.  Gherry  [sic]  wrote  me  on  the 
same  subject.  Will  you  give  me  leave  to  impose  on 
you  the  trouble  of  communicating  this  to  him  ?  It  is 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  59 

long,  and  will  save  me  much  labour  in  copying.  I 
hope  he  will  be  so  indulgent  as  to  consider  it  as  an 
answer  to  that  part  of  his  letter,  and  will  give  me 
his  further  thoughts  on  it. 

Shall  I  send  you  so  much  of  the  Encyclopedia  as  is 
already  published  or  reserve  it  here  till  you  come  ? 
It  is  about  40  vols.  which  probably  is  about  half  the 
work.  Give  yourself  no  uneasiness  about  the  money. 
Perhaps  I  may  find  it  convenient  to  ask  you  to  pay 
trifles  occasionally  for  me  in  America.  I  sincerely 
wish  you  may  find  it  convenient  to  come  here.  The 
pleasure  of  the  trip  will  be  less  than  you  expect  but 
the  utility  greater.  It  will  make  you  adore  your  own 
country,  it's  soil,  it's  climate,  it's  equality,  liberty, 
laws,  people  &  manners.  My  God  !  how  little 
do  my  country  men  know  what  precious  blessings 
they  are  in  possession  of,  and  which  no  other  people 
on  earth  enjoy.  I  confess  I  had  no  idea  of  it  myself. 
While  we  shall  see  multiplied  instances  of  Europeans 
going  to  live  in  America,  I  will  venture  to  say  no  man 
now  living  will  ever  see  an  instance  of  an  American 
removing  to  settle  in  Europe  &  continuing  there. 
Come  then  &  see  the  proofs  of  this,  and  on  your  re- 
turn add  your  testimony  to  that  of  every  thinking 
American,  in  order  to  satisfy  our  countrymen  how 
much  it  is  their  interest  to  preserve  uninfected  by 
contagion  those  peculiarities  in  their,  government  & 
manners  to  which  they  are  indebted  for  these  bless- 
ings. Adieu,  my  dear  friend.  Present  me  affection- 
ately to  your  collegues.  If  any  of  them  think  me 
worth  writing  to,  they  may  be  assured  that  in  the 


60  THE  WRITINGS  OF  ^785 

epistolary  account  I  will  keep  the  debit  side  against 
them.     Once  more  adieu. 

June  19.  Since  writing  the  above  we  receive  the 
following  account.  Mons.  Pilatre  de  Rosiere,  who 
has  been  waiting  some  months  at  Boulogne  for  a  fair 
wind  to  cross  the  channel,  at  length  took  his  ascent 
with  a  companion.  The  wind  changed  after  a  while 
&  brought  him  back  on  the  French  coast.  Being 
at  a  height  of  about  6000  f.  some  accident  happened 
to  his  baloon  of  inflammable  air.  It  burst,  they  fell 
from  that  height  &  were  crushed  to  atoms.  There 
was  a  Montgolfier  combined  with  the  baloon  of  inflam- 
mable air.  It  is  suspected  the  heat  of  the  Montgol- 
fier rarified  too  much  the  inflammable  air  of  the  other 
&  occasioned  it  to  burst.  The  Montgolfier  came  down 
in  good  order. 


TO  MRS.  JOHN  (ABIGAIL)  ADAMS.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS,  June  21  [1785]. 

DEAR  MADAM, — I  have  received  duly  the  honour 
of  your  letter  and  am  now  to  return  you  thanks  for 
your  condescension  in  having  taken  the  first  steps  for 
settling  a  correspondence  which  I  so  much  desired  ; 
for  I  now  consider  it  as  settled  and  proceed  accord- 
ingly. I  have  always  found  it  best  to  remove  obsta- 
cles first.  I  will  do  so  therefore  in  the  present  case 
by  telling  you  that  I  consider  your  boasts  of  the 
splendour  of  your  city  and  of  it's  superb  hackney 
coaches  as  a  flout,  and  declaring  that  I  would  not 
give  the  polite,  self-denying,  feeling,  hospitable,  good- 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  61 

humoured  people  of  this  country  &  their  amability  in 
every  point  of  view,  (tho'  it  must  be  confessed  our 
streets  are  somewhat  dirty,  &  our  fiacres  rather  indif- 
ferent) for  ten  such  races  of  rich,  proud  hectoring, 
swearing,  squibbing,  carnivorous  animals  as  those 
among  whom  you  are  ;  and  that  I  do  love  this  people 
with  all  my  heart,  and  think  that  with  a  better 
religion,  a  better  form  of  Government  and  their 
present  governors  their  condition  &  Country  would 
be  most  enviable.  I  pray  you  to  observe  that  I  have 
used  the  term  people  and  that  this  is  a  noun  of  the 
masculine  as  well  as  feminine  gender.  I  must  add  too 
that  we  are  about  reforming  our  fiacres,  and  that  I 
expect  soon  an  ordnance  that  all  their  drivers  shall 
wear  breeches  unless  any  difficulty  should  arise 
whether  this  is  a  subject  for  the  police  or  for  the 
general  legislation  of  the  country  to  take  care  of. 

We  have  lately  had  an  incident  of  some  conse- 
quence, as  it  shews  a  spirit  of  treason,  and  audacious- 
ness which  was  hardly  thought  to  exist  in  this  Country. 
Some  eight  or  ten  years  ago  a  Chevalr. 
was  sent  on  a  message  of  state  to  the  princess  of — 
of —  of  (before  I  proceed  an  inch  further  I  must  con- 
fess my  profound  stupidity.  For  tho'  I  have  heard 
this  story  told  fifty  times  in  all  it's  circumstances,  I 
declare  I  am  unable  to  recollect  the  name  of  the 
Ambassador,  the  name  of  the  Princess.  &  the  nation 
he  was  sent  to  ;  I  must  therefore  proceed  to  tell  you 
the  naked  story,  shorn  of  all  those  precious  circum- 
stances) some  chevalier  or  other  was  sent  on  some 
business  or  other  to  some  princess  or  other.  Not 


62 


THE  WRITINGS  OF 


[1785 


succeeding  in  his  negociation,  he  wrote  on  his  return 
the  following  song  : 


Ennivre  du  brillant  poste 
Que  j'occupe   recemment, 
Dans  une  chaise  de  poste 
Je  me  campe  fierement ; 
Et  jevais  en  ambassade 
Au  mon  de  mon  souverain 
Dire  que  je  suis  malade, 
Et  que  lui  se  porte  bien. 

Avec  une  joue  enflie, 
Je  debarque  tout  honteux  : 
La  princesse  pour  soufflee. 
Au  lieu  d'une,  en  avoit  deux  ; 
Et  son  altesse  sauvage 
Sans  doute  a  trouvc  mauvais 
Que  j'eusse  sur  mon  visage 
La  moitie  de  ses  at  traits. 


Princesse,  le  roi  mon  maitre 
M'a  pris  pour  Ambassadeur  ; 
Je  viens  vous  faire  connoitre 
Quelle  est  pour  vous  son  Ardeur. 
Quand  vous  serier  sous  le  chaume, 
II  donneroit,  m'a-t-il  dit, 
La  moitie  de  son  royaume 
Pour  celle  de  votre  lit. 

La  princesse  a  son  pupitre 
Compose  un  remerciment : 
Elle  me  donne  une  spitre 
Que  j'emporte  lestement, 
Et  je  m'en  vais  dans  la  rue 
Fort  satisfait  d'  ajouter 
A  1'  honneur  de  1'  avoir  vue 
Le  plaisir  de  la  quitter. 


This  song  run  thro  all  companies  and  was  known 
to  everybody.  A  book  was  afterwards  printed  with 
a  regular  license,  called  "  Les  quatres  saisons  litter- 
aires,"  which  being  a  collection  of  little  things,  con- 
tained this  also,  and  all  the  world  bought  it  or  might 
buy  it  if  they  would,  the  Government  taking  no  notice 
of  it ;  it  being  the  office  of  the  Journal  de  Paris  to 
give  an  account  and  criticism  of  new  publications, 
this  book  came  in  turn  to  be  criticised  by  the  redac- 
teur,  and  he  happened  to  select  and  print  in  his 
Journal  this  song  as  a  specimen  of  what  the  collection 
contained.  He  was  seized  in  his  bed  that  night  and 
has  been  never  since  heard  of.  Our  excellent  Journal 
de  Paris  then  is  suppressed  and  this  bold  traitor  has 
been  in  jail  now  three  weeks,  and  for  ought  any  body 
knows  will  end  his  days  there.  Thus  you  see, 


17851  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  63 

madam,  the  value  of  energy  in  Government ;  our 
feeble  republic  would  in  such  a  case  have  probably 
been  wrapt  in  the  flames  of  war  &  desolation  for 
want  of  a  power  lodged  in  a  single  hand  to  punish 
summarily  those  who  write  songs.  The  fate  of  poor 
Pilatre  de  Rosiere  will  have  reached  you  before  this 
does,  and  with  more  certainty  than  we  yet  know  it. 
This  will  damp  for  a  while  the  ardor  of  the  Phaetons 
of  our  race  who  are  endeavoring  to  learn  us  the  way 
to  heaven  on  wings  of  our  own.  I  took  a  trip  yester- 
day to  Saunois  and  commenced  an  acquaintance  with 
the  old  Countess  d'  Hocquetout.  I  received  much 
pleasure  from  it  and  hope  it  has  opened  a  door  of 
admission  for  me  to  the  circle  of  literati  with  which 
she  is  environed.  I  heard  there  the  nightingale  in 
all  its  perfection  :  and  I  do  not  hesitate  to  pronounce 
that  in  America  it  would  be  deemed  a  bird  of  the 
third  rank  only,  our  mocking  bird,  &  fox-coloured 
thrush  being  unquestionably  superior  to  it. — The 
squibs  against  Mr.  Adams  are  such  as  I  expected 
from  the  polished,  mild  tempered,  truth-speaking 
people  he  is  sent  to.  It  would  be  ill  policy  to  attempt 
to  answer  or  refute  them,  but  counter-squibs  I  think 
would  be  good  policy.  Be  pleased  to  tell  him  that  as 
I  had  before  ordered  his  Madeira  Frontignac  to  be 
forwarded,  and  had  asked  his  orders  to  Mr.  Garvey 
as  to  the  residue,  which  I  doubt  not  he  has  given, 
I  was  afraid  to  send  another  order  about  the  Bour- 
deaux  lest  it  should  produce  confusion.  In  stating 
my  accounts  with  the  United  States,  I  am  at  a  loss 
whether  to  charge  house  rent  or  not.  It  has  always 
been  allowed  to  Dr.  Franklin.  Does  Mr.  Adams 


64  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

mean  to  charge  this  for  Auteuil  &  London  ?  Because 
if  he  does,  I  certainly  will,  being  convinced  by  experi- 
ence that  my  expenses  here  will  otherwise  exceed  my 
allowance.  I  ask  this  information  of  you  Madam, 
because  I  think  you  know  better  than  Mr.  Adams 
what  may  be  necessary  &  right  for  him  to  do  in  occa- 
sions of  this  class.  I  will  beg  the  favor  of  you  to 
present  my  respects  to  Miss  Adams.  I  have  no 
secrets  to  communicate  to  her  in  cypher  at  this 
moment,  what  I  write  to  Mr.  Adams  being  mere 
commonplace  stuff,  not  meriting  a  communication  to 
the  Secretary. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  the  most  perfect  esteem 
D'  Madam.  Your  most  obedient  &  most  humble 
servt. 


TO  JAMES   MONROE.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS,  July  5,  1785. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  wrote  you  by  Mr.  Adams,  May  n, 
and  by  Mr.  Otto  June  17.  The  latter  acknowledged 
the  receipt  of  yours  of  Apr.  12,  which  is  the  only  one 
come  to  hand  of  later  date  than  Dec.  14.  Little  new 
has  occurred  since  my  last.  Peace  seems  to  shew 
herself  under  a  more  decided  form.  The  emperor  is 
now  on  a  journey  to  Italy,  and  the  two  Dutch  pleni- 
potentiaries have  set  out  for  Vienna  ;  there  to  make 
an  apology  for  their  state  having  dared  to  fire  a  gun 
in  defence  of  their  invaded  rights ;  this  is  insisted  on 
as  a  preliminary  condition.  The  emperor  seems  to 
prefer  the  glory  of  terror  to  that  of  justice ;  and  to 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  65 

satisfy  this  tinsel  passion,  plants  a  dagger  in  the 
heart  of  every  Dutchman  which  no  time  will  extract ; 
I  enquired  lately  of  a  gentleman  who  lived  long  at 
Constantinople,  in  a  public  character,  and  enjoyed 
the  confidence  of  that  government,  insomuch  as  to 
become  well  acquainted  with  it  's  spirit  &  it  's  pow- 
ers, what  he  thought  might  be  the  issue  of  the  pres- 
ent affairs  between  the  emperor  &  the  porte.  He 
thinks  the  latter  will  not  push  matters  to  a  war ;  and 
if  they  do  they  must  fail  under  it.  They  have  lost 
their  warlike  spirit,  and  their  troops  cannot  be  in- 
duced to  adopt  the  European  arms.  We  have  no 
news  yet  of  Mr.  Lambe ;  of  course  our  Barbary  pro- 
ceedings are  still  at  a  stand.  This  will  be  br.  you 
by  Master  Franklin.  He  has  a  separate  letter  of 
introduction  to  you.  I  have  never  been  with  him. 
enough  to  unravel  his  character  with  certainty.  Seems 
to  be  good  in  the  main,  but  640.  /  see  sometimes  an 
attempt  to  keep  himself  unpenetrated,  which  perhaps 
is  the  effect  of  the  old  lesson  of  his  grandfather ;  his 
understanding  is  good  enough  for  common  use,  but  not 
great  enough  for  uncommon  ones.  However,  you  will 
have  better  opportunity  of  knowing  him.  The  Doctor 
is  extremely  wounded  by  the  inattention  of  Congress 
to  his  application  for  him.  He  expects  something  to 
be  done  as  a  reward  for  his  service.  He  will  present 
587.  8.  a  determined  silence  on  this  subject  in  future. 
Adieu.  Yours  affectionately. 

P.    S.       Europe   fixes  an   attentive    eye    on  your 
reception  of  Doc t.  Franklin.    He  is  infinitely  esteemed. 


VOL.  IV.— 5 


66  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

Do  not  neglect  any  mark  of  your  approbation  which 
you  think  639.  1543.  or  proper.  It  will  honor  you 
here. 


TO   MRS.  SPROWLE.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS,  July  5,  1785. 

MADAM, — Your  letter  of  the  2ist  of  June  has  come 
safely  to  hand.  That  which  you  had  done  me  the 
honour  of  writing  before  has  not  yet  been  received. 
Having  gone  by  Dr.  Witherspoon  to  America,  which 
I  had  left  before  his  return  to  it,  the  delay  is  easily 
accounted  for. 

I  wish  you  may  be  rightly  informed  that  the  prop- 
erty of  Mr.  Sprowle  is  yet  unsold.  It  was  advertised 
for  sale  so  long  ago  as  to  found  a  presumption  that 
the  sale  has  taken  place.  In  any  event,  you  may  go 
safely  to  Virginia.  It  is  in  the  London  newspapers 
only  that  exist  those  mobs  and  riots  which  are  fabri- 
cated to  deter  strangers  from  going  to  America. 
Your  person  will  be  sacredly  safe,  &  free  from  insult. 
You  can  best  judge  from  the  character  and  qualities 
of  your  son  whether  he  may  be  an  useful  coadjutor 
to  you  there.  I  suppose  him  to  have  taken  side  with 
the  British  before  our  declaration  of  independence  ; 
and  if  this  was  the  case,  I  respect  the  candour  of  the 
measure,  tho  I  do  not  it's  wisdom.  A  right  to  take 
the  side  which  every  man's  conscience  approves  in  a 
civil  contest  is  too  precious  a  right  and  too  favoura- 
ble to  the  preservation  of  liberty  not  to  be  protected 
by  all  it's  well  informed  friends.  The  Assembly  of 
Virginia  have  given  sanction  to  this  right  in  several 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  67 

of  their  laws,  discriminating  honourably  those  who 
took  side  against  us  before  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, from  those  who  remained  among  us  and 
strove  to  injure  us  by  their  treacheries.  I  sincerely 
wish  that  you  &  every  other  to  whom  this  distinc- 
tion applies  favourably,  may  find  in  the  Assembly  of 
Virginia  the  good  effects  of  that  justice  &  generos- 
ity which  have  dictated  to  them  this  discrimination. 
It  is  a  sentiment  which  'will  gain  strength  in  their 
breasts  in  proportion  as  they  can  forget  the  savage 
cruelties  committed  on  them,  and  will  I  hope  in  the 
end  induce  them  to  restore  the  property  itself  wher- 
ever it  is  unsold,  and  the  price  received  for  it  where 
it  has  been  actually  sold.  I  am  Madam  Your  very 
humble  servt, 


TO  MRS.  JOHN  (ABIGAIL)  ADAMS.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS,  July  7,  1785. 

DEAR  MADAM, — I  had  the  honor  of  writing  you 
on  the  2ist  of  June,  but  the  letter  being  full  of  trea- 
son, has  waited  a  private  conveiance.  Since  that 
date  there  has  been  received  for  you  at  Auteuil  a  cask 
of  about  60  gallons  of  wine.  I  would  have  examined 
its  quality,  &  have  ventured  to  decide  on  it's  disposal  t 
but  it  is  in  a  cask  within  a  cask,  and  therefore  cannot 
be  got  at  but  by  operations  which  would  muddy  it 
and  disguise  its  quality.  As  you  probably  know  what 
it  is,  what  it  cost,  &c.,  be  so  good  as  to  give  me  your 
orders  on  the  subject  &  they  shall  be  complied 
with. 


68  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

Since  my  last  I  can  add  another  chapter  to  the  his- 
tory of  the  redacteur  of  the  Journal  de  Paris.  After 
the  paper  had  been  discontinued  about  three  weeks 
it  appeared  again,  but  announcing  in  the  first  sentence 
a  changement  de  domicile  of  the  redacteur,  the  Eng- 
lish of  which,  is  that  the  redaction  of  the  paper  had 
been  taken  from  the  imprisoned  culprit,  and  given 
to  another.  Whether  the  imprisonment  of  the 
former  has  been  made  to  cease,  or  what  will  be  the 
last  chapter  of  his  history  I  cannot  tell.  I  love  energy 
in  Government  dearly, — it  is  evident  it  was  become 
necessary  on  this  occasion,  &  that  a  very  daring  spirit 
has  lately  appeared  in  this  country,  for  notwithstand- 
ing the  several  examples  lately  made  of  suppressing 
the  London  papers,  suppressing  the  Leyden  Gazette, 
imprisoning  Beaumarchais,  &  imprisoning  the  redac- 
teur of  the  Journal,  the  Author  of  the  Mercure  of 
the  last  week  has  had  the  presumption,  speaking 
of  the  German  newspapers,  to  say  '  car  les  journaux 
de  ce  pays — la  ne  sont  pas  forces  de  s'en  tenir  a 
juger  des  hemistiches  ou  a  annoncer  des  programes 
academiques.' — Probably  he  is  now  suffering  in  a 
jail  the  just  punishments  of  his  insolent  sneer  on 
this  mild  Government  tho'  as  yet  we  do  not  know 
the  fact. 

The  settlement  of  the  affairs  of  the  Abbie  Mably  is 
likely  to  detain  his  friends  Arnoud  &  Chault  in  Paris 
the  greatest  part  of  the  summer.  It  is  a  fortunate 
circumstance  for  me,  as  I  have  much  society,  with 
them. — What  mischief  is  this  which  is  brewing  anew 
between  Faneuil  hall  and  the  nation  of  God-dem- 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  69 

mees  ?  Will  that  focus  of  sedition  be  never  extin- 
guished ?  I  apprehend  the  fire  will  take  thro'  all  the 
states  and  involve  us  again  in  the  displeasure  of  our 
Mother  Country. 


TO    RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  J.MSS. 

PARIS,  July  12,  1785. 

SIR, — I  was  honoured  two  days  ago  with  yours  of 
May  1 6.  and  thank  you  for  the  intelligence  it  con- 
tained, much  of  which  was  new  to  me.  It  was  the 
only  letter  I  received  by  this  packet  except  one  from 
Mr.  Hopkinson  on  philosophical  subjects.  I  gener- 
ally write  about  a  dozen  by  every  packet,  &  receive 
sometimes  one,  sometimes  two,  &  sometimes  n  'er  a 
one.  You  are  right  in  supposing  all  letters  opened 
which  come  either  thro'  the  French  or  English  chan- 
nel, unless  trusted  to  a  passenger.  Yours  had  been 
evidently  opened,  and  I  think  I  never  received  one 
through  the  post  office  which  had  not  been.  It  is 
generally  discoverable  by  the  smoakiness  of  the  wax  & 
faintness  of  the  reimpression.  Once  they  sent  me  a 
letter  open,  having  forgotten  to  reseal  it.  I  should 
be  happy  to  hear  that  Congress  thought  of  estab- 
lishing packets  of  their  own  between  N.  York  and 
Havre.  To  send  a  packet  from  each  port  once  in 
two  months,  the  business  might  possibly  be  done 
by  two  packets,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  following 
scheme,  wherein  we  will  call  the  two  packets  A. 
and  B. 


THE  WRITINGS  OF 


[1785 


Jan.  A  sails  from  New  York,  B.  from  Havre. 


I  am  persuaded 
this  government 
would  gladly  a  r  - 
range  this  matter 
with  us,  and  send 
their  packets  in 
the  intermediate 
months,  as  they  are 
tired  of  the  e  x  - 
pence.  We  should 
then  have  a  safe 


Feb. 

Mar.  B.   New  York.  A.  Havre. 
Apr. 

May  A.   New  York.   B.  Havre. 
June. 

July  B.   New  York.   A.  Havre. 
Aug. 

Sep.  A.   New  York.   B.  Havre. 
Oct. 

Nov.  B.  New  York.  A.  Havre. 
Dec. 

conveiance  every  two  months,  &  one  for  common 
matters  every  month.  A  courier  would  pass  be- 
tween this  &  Havre  in  twenty-four  hours.  Could  not 
the  surplus  of  the  Post  office  revenue  be  applied  to 
this  ?  This  establishment  would  look  like  the  com- 
mencement of  a  little  Navy,  the  only  kind  of  force 
we  ought  to  possess.  You  mention  that  Congress  is 
on  the  subject  of  requisition.  No  subject  is  more 
interesting  to  the  honour  of  the  states.  It  is  an  opin- 
ion which  prevails  much  in  Europe  that  our  govern- 
ment wants  authority  to  draw  money  from  the  states, 
&  that  the  states  want  faith  to  pay  their  debts.  I 
shall  wish  much  to  hear  how  far  the  requisitions  on 
the  states  are  productive  of  actual  cash.  Mr.  Grand 
informed  me  the  other  day  that  the  Commissioners 
were  dissatisfied  with  his  having  paid  to  this  country 
but  200,000  livres  of  the  400,000  for  which  Mr. 
Adams  drew  on  Holland,  reserving  the  residue  to 
replace  his  advances  &  furnish  current  expenses. 


1785!  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  71 

They  observe  that  these  last  objects  might  have  been 
effected  by  the  residue  of  the  money  in  Holland 
which  was  lying  dead.  Mr.  Grand's  observation  to 
me  was  that  Mr.  Adams  did  not  like  to  draw  for 
these  purposes,  that  he  himself  had  no  authority,  and 
that  the  Commissioners  had  not  accompanied  their 
complaint  with  any  draught  on  that  fund,  so  that  the 
debt  still  remains  unpaid  while  the  money  is  lying 
dead  in  Holland.  He  did  not  desire  me  to  mention 
this  circumstance,  but  should  you  see  the  Commis- 
sioners it  might  not  be  amiss  to  communicate  it  to 
them,  that  they  may  take  any  measures  they  please,  if 
they  think  it  proper  to  do  anything  in  it.  I  am 
anxious  to  hear  what  is  done  with  the  states  of  Ver- 
mont &  Franklin.  I  think  that  the  former  is  the 
only  innovation  on  the  system  of  Apr.  23,  1784, 
which  ought  ever  possibly  to  be  admitted.  If  Con- 
gress are  not  firm  on  that  head,  our  several  states 
will  crumble  to  atoms  by  the  spirit  of  establishing 
every  little  canton  into  a  separate  state.  I  hope 
Virginia  will  concur  in  that  plan  as  to  her  terri- 
tory South  of  the  Ohio  &  not  leave  to  the  Western 
country  to  withdraw  themselves  by  force  &  be- 
come our  worst  enemies  instead  of  our  best  friends. 
Europe  is  likely  to  be  quiet.  The  departure 
of  the  Dutch  deputies  for  Vienna,  is  a  proof  that 
matters  are  arranged  between  the  Emperor  &  Dutch. 
The  Turks  shew  a  disposition  to  rally  against  the 
pursuits  of  the  Emperor :  but  if  this  country  can 
preserve  the  peace  she  will  do  it.  She  is  not  ready 
for  war,  and  yet  could  not  see  peaceably  any  new 


72  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

accession  of  power  to  him.  A  lover  of  humanity 
would  wish  to  see  that  charming  country  from  which 
the  Turks  exclude  science  &  freedom,  in  any  hands 
rather  than  theirs,  &  in  those  of  the  native  Greeks 
rather  than  any  others.  The  recovery  of  their  an- 
tient  language  would  not  be  desperate,  could  they 
recover  their  antient  liberty.  But  those  who  wish  to 
remove  the  Turks,  wish  to  put  themselves  in  their 
places.  This  would  be  exchanging  one  set  of  Bar- 
barians for  another  only. — I  am  sorry  to  hear  your 
health  is  not  yet  established.  I  was  in  hopes  a 
change  of  climate  would  have  effected  it.  Perhaps 
the  summer  of  N.  York  may  have  produced  that 
good  effect. 

This  will  be  handed  you  by  Monsr.  Houdon.  The 
letter  which  I  give  him  to  our  delegation  will  apprise 
you  of  his  character  and  mission,  as  well  as  of  the 
object  he  would  propose  with  Congress.  I  will  here 
only  add  my  request  to  you  personally  to  render  him 
such  civilities  as  may  be  convenient,  and  to  avail  him 
of  those  opportunities  which  are  in  your  power  of 
making  him  acquainted  with  the  members  of  Con- 
gress and  of  disposing  them  in  his  favour.  He  will 
well  merit  their  notice. 


TO  THE  VIRGINIA  DELEGATES  IN  CONGRESS.        J.  MSS. 

PARIS,  July  12,  1785. 

GENTLEMEN, — In  consequence  of  the  orders  of  the 
Legislative  &  Executive  bodies  of  Virginia,  I  have  en- 
gaged Monsr.  Houdon  to  make  the  Statue  of  Genl. 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  73 

Washington.  For  this  purpose  it  is  necessary  for  him 
to  see  the  General.  He  therefore  goes  with  Doctr. 
Franklin,  &  will  have  the  honor  of  delivering  you  this 
himself.  As  his  journey  is  at  the  expence  of  the 
State  according  to  our  contract,  I  will  pray  you  to 
favor  him  with  your  patronage  &  counsels,  and  to 
protect  him  as  much  as  possible  from  those  imposi- 
tions to  which  strangers  are  but  too  much  exposed. 
I  have  advised  him  to  proceed  in  the  stages  to  the 
General's.  I  have  also  agreed,  if  he  can  see  General 
Greene  &  Gates,  whose  busts  he  has  a  desire  to 
make,  that  he  may  make  a  moderate  deviation  for 
this  purpose,  after  he  is  done  with  General  Washing- 
ton. 

But  the  most  important  object  with  him  is  to  be 
employed  to  make  General  Washington's  equestrian 
statue  for  Congress.  Nothing  but  the  expectation 
of  this  could  have  engaged  him  to  have  undertaken 
this  voyage.  The  pedestrian  statue  for  Virginia  will 
not  make  it  worth  the  business  he  loses  by  absenting 
himself.  I  was  therefore  obliged  to  assure  him  of 
my  recommendations  for  this  greater  work.  Having 
acted  in  this  for  the  state,  you  will  I  hope  think  your- 
selves in  some  measure  bound  to  patronize  &  urge 
his  being  employed  by  Congress.  I  would  not  have 
done  this  myself,  nor  asked  you  to  do  it,  did  I  not 
see  that  it  would  be  better  for  Congress  to  put  this 
business  into  his  hands,  than  those  of  any  other 
person  living,  for  these  reasons :  i.  he  is  without 
rivalship  the  first  statuary  of  this  age ;  as  a  proof  of 
which  he  receives  orders  from  every  other  country  for 


74  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

things  intended  to  be  capital :  2.  he  will  have  seen 
General  Washington,  have  taken  his  measures  in 
every  part,  and  of  course  whatever  he  does  of  him 
will  have  the  merit  of  being  original,  from  which 
other  workmen  can  only  furnish  copies.  3.  He  is  in 
possession  of  the  house,  the  furnaces,  &  all  the 
apparatus  provided  for  making  the  statue  of  Louis 
XV.  If  any  other  workman  is  employed,  this  will 
all  be  to  be  provided  anew  and  of  course  to  be  added 
to  the  price  of  the  statue,  for  no  man  can  ever  expect 
to  make  two  equestrian  statues.  The  addition  which 
this  would  be  to  the  price  will  much  exceed  the 
expectation  of  any  person  who  has  not  seen  that 
apparatus.  In  truth  it  is  immense.  As  to  the  price 
of  the  work  it  will  be  much  greater  than  Congress  is 
aware  of,  probably.  I  have  enquired  somewhat  into 
this  circumstance,  and  find  the  prices  of  those  made 
for  two  centuries  past  have  been  from  1 20.000  guineas 
down  to  16.000  guineas,  according  to  the  size.  And 
as  far  as  I  have  seen,  the  smaller  they  are,  the  more 
agreeable.  The  smallest  yet  made  is  infinitely  above 
the  size  of  the  life,  and  they  all  appear  outree  and 
monstrous.  That  of  Louis  XV.  is  probably  the  best 
in  the  world,  and  it  is  the  smallest  here.  Yet  it  is 
impossible  to  find  a  point  of  view  from  which  it  does 
not  appear  a  monster,  unless  you  go  so  far  as  to  lose 
sight  of  the  features  and  finer  lineaments  of  the  face 
and  body.  A  statue  is  not  made,  like  a  mountain,  to 
be  seen  at  a  great  distance.  To  perceive  those 
minuter  circumstances  which  constitute  its  beauty 
you  must  be  near  it,  and,  in  that  case,  it  should  be  so 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  75 

little  above  the  size  of  the  life,  as  to  appear  actually 
of  that  size  from  your  point  of  view.  I  should  not 
therefore  fear  to  propose  that  the  one  intended  by 
Congress  should  be  considerably  smaller  than  any  of 
those  to  be  seen  here  ;  as  I  think  it  will  be  more 
beautiful,  and  also  cheaper.  I  have  troubled  you 
with  these  observations  as  they  have  been  suggested 
to  me  from  an  actual  sight  of  works  in  this  kind,  & 
supposed  they  might  assist  you  in  making  up  your 
minds  on  this  subject.  In  making  a  contract  with 
Monsr.  Houdon  it  would  not  be  proper  to  advance 
money,  but  as  his  disbursements  and  labour  advance. 
As  it  is  a  work  of  many  years,  this  will  render  the 
expence  insensible.  The  pedestrian  statue  of  marble 
is  to  take  three  years.  The  equestrian  of  course 
much  more.  Therefore  the  sooner  it  is  begun  the 
better. 


TO   THE   GOVERNOR   OF   VIRGINIA.  v.  s.  A. 

(PATRICK  HENRY.) 

PARIS,  July  15. 

SIR, — Mr  Houdon's  long  &  desperate  illness  has 
retarded  till  now  his  departure  for  Virginia,  and  we 
had  hoped  from  our  first  conversations  with  him  that 
it  would  be  easy  to  make  our  terms,  and  that  the 
cost  of  the  statue  and  expence  of  sending  him  would 
be  but  about  a  thousand  guineas  but  when  we  came 
to  settle  this  precisely,  he  thought  himself  obliged  to 
ask  vastly  more.  Insomuch  that  at  one  moment  we 
thought  our  treaty  at  an  end.  But  unwilling  to  com- 
mit such  a  work  to  an  inferior  hand,  we  made  him  an 


76  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

ultimate  proposition  on  our  part.  He  was  as  much 
mortified  at  the  prospect  of  not  being  the  executor 
of  such  a  work,  as  we  were,  not  to  have  it  done  by 
such  a  hand.  He  therefore  acceded  to  our  terms, 
tho'  we  are  satisfied  he  will  be  a  considerable  loser. 
We  were  led  to  insist  on  them  because  in  a  former 
letter  to  the  Governor  I  had  given  the  hope  we  en- 
tertained of  bringing  the  whole  within  1000  guineas. 
The  terms  are  25,000  livres  or  1000  English  guineas 
(the  English  guinea  being  worth  25  livres)  for  the 
statue  &  pedistal.  Besides  this  we  pay  his  expences 
going  &  returning,  which  we  expect  will  be  between 
four  and  five  thousand  livres  :  and  if  he  dies  in  the 
voyage  we  pay  his  family  10,000  livres.  This  latter 
proposition  was  disagreeable  to  us.  But  he  has  a 
father,  mother  &  sisters  who  have  no  resource  but  in 
his  labour  :  and  he  is  himself  one  of  the  best  men  in 
the  world.  He  therefore  made  it  a  sine  qua  non, 
without  which  all  would  have  been  off.  We  have 
reconciled  it  to  ourselves  by  determining  to  get  in- 
surance on  his  life  made  in  London,  which  we  expect 
can  be  done  for  5  per  cent,  so  that  it  becomes  an 
additional  sum  of  500  livres.  I  have  written  to  Mr 
Adams  to  know  for  what  per  cent  the  insurance  can 
be  had.  I  inclose  you  for  a  more  particular  detail, 
a  copy  of  the  agreement.  Dr  Franklin  being  on  his 
departure  did  not  become  a  party  to  the  instrum't, 
tho  it  has  been  concluded  with  his  approbation.  He 
was  disposed  to  give  250  guineas  more,  which  would 
have  split  the  difference  between  the  actual  terms  & 
Mr  Houdon's  demand.  I  wish  the  state,  at  the  con- 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  77 

elusion  of  the  work  may  agree  to  give  him  this  much 
more,  because  I  am  persuaded  he  will  be  a  loser, 
which  I  am  sure  their  generosity  would  not  wish. 
But  I  have  not  given  him  the  smallest  expectation  of 
it,  chusing  the  proposition  should  come  from  the 
state  which  will  be  more  honourable.  You  will  per- 
ceive by  the  agreement  that  I  pay  him  immediately 
8333!  livres,  which  is  to  be  employed  in  getting  the 
marble  in  Italy,  it's  transportation  &c.  The  package 
&  transportation  of  his  stucco  to  make  the  moulds 
will  be  about  500  livres.  I  shall  furnish  him  with 
money  for  his  expences  in  France  &  I  have  author- 
ised Dr  Franklin  when  he  arrives  in  Philadelphia  to 
draw  on  me  for  money  for  his  other  expences  going, 
staying  &  returning.  These  draughts  will  have  been 
made  probably  &  will  be  on  their  way  to  me  before 
you  receive  this,  &  with  the  paiments  made  here  will 
amount  to  about  5000  livres  more  than  the  amount 
of  the  bill  remitted  me.  Another  third,  of  8333^  will 
become  due  at  the  end  of  the  ensuing  year.  Dr 
Franklin  leaves  Passy  this  morning.  As  he  travels  in 
a  litter,  Mr  Houdon  will  follow  him  some  days  hence 
and  will  embark  with  him  for  Philadelphia.  I  am  in 
hopes  he  will  not  stay  in  America  more  than  a  month. 


TO  N.  AND  J.  VAN  STAPHORST.  l  J.MSS. 

PARIS,  July  30,  1785. 

GENTLEMEN, — I  received  yesterday  your  favor  of 
the  25th.     Supposing  that  the  funds  which  are  the 


Bankers  in  Amsterdam. 


78  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

object  of  your  enquiry  are  those  which  constitute  what 
we  call  our  Domestic  debt,  it  is  my  opinion  that  they 
are  absolutely  secure  :  I  have  no  doubt  at  all  but 
that  they  will  be  paid  with  their  interest  at  six  per 
cent.  But  I  cannot  say  that  they  are  as  secure 
and  solid  as  the  funds  which  constitute  our  foreign 
debt ;  because  no  man  in  America  ever  entertained 
a  doubt  that  our  foreign  debt  is  to  be  paid  fully  ; 
but  some  people  in  America  have  seriously  contended 
that  the  certificates  &  other  evidences  of  our  domes- 
tic debt  ought  to  be  redeemed  only  at  what  they 
have  cost  the  holder  ;  for  I  must  observe  to  you,  that 
these  certificates  of  Domestic  debt  having  as  yet  no 
provision  for  the  payment  either  of  principal  or  inter- 
est, and  the  original  holders  being  mostly  needy,  they 
have  been  sold  at  a  very  great  discount.  When  I 
left  America  (July  1784)  they  sold  in  different  states 
at  from  157  to  2/6  in  the  pound,  and  any  amount  of 
them  might  then  have  been  purchased.  Hence  some 
thought  that  full  justice  would  be  done  if  the  public 
paid  the  purchasers  of  them  what  they  actually  paid 
for  them,  &  interest  on  that.  But  this  is  very  far 
from  being  a  general  opinion  ;  a  very  great  majority 
being  firmly  decided  that  they  shall  be  paid  fully. 
Were  I  the  holder  of  any  of  them,  I  should  not  have 
the  least  fear  of  their  full  paiment.  There  is  also  a 
difference  between  different  species  of  certificates, 
some  of  them  being  receivable  in  taxes,  others  hav- 
ing the  benefit  of  particular  assurances,  &c.  Again 
some  of  these  certificates  are  for  paper  money  debts. 
A  deception  here  must  be  guarded  against.  Con- 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  79 

gress  ordered  all  such  to  be  re-settled  by  the  depre- 
ciation tables,  and  a  new  certificate  to  be  given  in 
exchange  for  them  expressing  their  value  in  real 
money.  Yet  all  have  not  yet  been  resettled.  In 
short  this  is  a  science  in  which  few  in  America  are 
expert,  and  no  person  in  a  foreign  country  can  be  so. 
Foreigners  should  therefore  be  sure  that  they  are 
well  advised  before  they  meddle  with  them,  or  they 
may  suffer.  If  you  will  reflect  with  what  degree  of 
success  persons  actually  in  America  could  speculate 
in  the  European  funds  which  rise  and  fall  daily,  you 
may  judge  how  far  those  in  Europe  may  do  it  in  the 
American  funds,  which  are  more  variable  from  a 
variety  of  causes. 

I  am  not  at  all  acquainted  with  Mr.  Daniel  Parker, 
but  as  having  once  seen  him  in  Philadelphia.  He  is 
of  Massachusetts  (I  believe)  and  I  am  of  Virginia. 
His  circumstances  are  utterly  unknown  to  me.  I 
think  there  are  few  men  in  America,  if  there  is  a 
single  one,  who  could  command  a  hundred  thousand 
pounds  sterling's  worth  of  these  notes,  at  their  real 
value.  At  their  nominal  amount  this  might  be  done 
perhaps  with  25.000^  sterling,  if  the  market  price  of 
them  be  as  low  as  when  I  left  America. 


TO    JOHN    ADAMS.1  j.  Mss. 

PARIS,  July  31,  1785. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  was  honoured  yesterday  with  yours 
of  the  24th  instant.     When  the  ist  article  of  our  in- 

1  The  parts  in  italic  are  underlined,  evidently  to  be  translated  into  cipher. 


8o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

strns  of  May  7.  1784,  was  under  debate  in  Con- 
gress, it  was  proposed  that  neither  party  should  make 
the  other  pay  in  their  ports  greater  duties  than  they 
paid\\\  \.\\&  ports  of  the  other.  One  objection  to  this 
was  it's  impracticability,  another  that  it  would  put  it 
out  of  our  power  to  lay  such  duties  on  alien  importa- 
tion as  might  encourage  importation  by  natives.  Some 
members  much  attached  to  English  policy  thought 
such  a  distinction  should  actually  be  established. 
Some  thought  the  power  to  do  it  should  be  reserved 
in  case  any  peculiar  circumstances  should  call  for  it, 
tho  under  the  present  or  perhaps  any  probable 
circumstances  they  did  not  think  it  would  be  good 
policy  ever  to  exercise  it.  The  footing  gentis  amicis- 
sima  was  therefore  adopted  as  you  see  in  the  instruc- 
tion. As  far  as  my  inquiries  enable  me  to  judge 
France  and  Holland  make  no  distinction  of  duties 
between  aliens  and  natives.  I  also  rather  believe  that 
the  other  states  of  Europe  make  none,  England  ex- 
cepted,  to  whom  this  policy ',  as  that  of  her  navigation 
act,  seems  peculiar.  The  question  then  is,  should  we 
disarm  ourselves  of  the  power  to  make  this  distinction 
against  all  nations  in  order  to  purchase  an  exception 
from  the  alien  duties  in  England  only  ;  for  if  we  put 
her  importations  on  the  footing  of  native,  all  other 
nations  with  whom  we  treat  will  have  a  riglit  to  claim 
the  same.  I  think  we  should  because  against  other 
nations  who  make  no  distinction  in  their  ports  between 
us  &  their  own  subjects,  we  ought  not  to  make  a  dis- 
tinction in  ours.  And  if  the  English  will  agree,  in 
like  manner  to  make  none,  we  should  with  equal 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  81 

reason  abandon  the  right  as  against  them.  I  think  all 
the  world  would  gain  by  setting  commerce  at  perfect 
liberty.  I  remember  this  proposition  to  put  foreigners 
and  natives  on  the  same  footing  was  considered',  and 
we  were  all  three  Dr.  F.  as  well  as  you  &  myself  in 
favor  of  it.  ?f<?  finally  however  did  not  admit  it 
partly  from  the  objection  you  mention,  but  more  still 
on  account  of  our  instructions.  But  tho'  the  English 
proclamation  had  appeared  in  America  at  the  time  of 
framing  these  instructions  I  think  it's  £^<r/  as  to  alien 
duties  had  not  yet  been  experienced  &  therefore  was 
not  attended  to.  If  it  had  been  noted  in  the  debate  I 
am  sure  that  the  annihilation  of  our  whole  trade 
would  have  been  thought  too  great  a  price  to  pay  for 
the  reservation  of  a  barren  power  which  a  majority  of 
the  members  did  not  propose  ever  to  exercise  tho 
they  were  willing  to  retain  it.  Stipulating  for  equal 
rights  ior  foreigners  Si  natives  we  obtain  more  in.  for- 
eign ports  than  our  instructions  required,  and  we  only 
part  with,  in  our  own  ports,  a  power  of  which  sound 
policy  would  probably  forever  forbid  the  exercise. 
Add  to  this,  that  our  treaty  will  be  for  a  very  short 
term,  and  if  any  evil  be  experienced  under  it,  a  refor- 
mation will  soon  be  in  our  power.  I  am  therefore  for 
plotting  this  among  our  original  propositions  to  the 
court  of  London.  If  it  should  prove  an  insuperable 
obstacle  with  them,  or  if  it  should  stand  in  the  way  of 
a  greater  advantage,  we  can  but  abandon  it  in  the 
course  of  the  negotiation. 

In  my  copy  of  the  cypher,  on  the  alphabetical  side, 
numbers    are  wanting  from  "Denmark"  to  "disc" 

VOL.    IV. — 6 


82  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

inclusive,  and  from  "gone"  to  "governor"  inclusive. 
I  suppose  them  to  have  been  omitted  in  copying.  Will 
you  be  so  good  as  to  send  them  to  me  from  yours  by 
the  first  safe  conveyance  ? 


TO  DR.  RICHARD  PRICE.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS,  Aug.  7,  1785. 

SIR, — Your  favor  of  July  2.  came  duly  to  hand. 
The  concern  you  therein  express  as  to  the  effect  of 
your  pamphlet  in  America,  induces  me  to  trouble 
you  with  some  observations  on  that  subject.  From 
my  acquaintance  with  that  country  I  think  I  am  able 
to  judge  with  some  degree  of  certainty  of  the  manner 
in  which  it  will  have  been  received.  Southward  of 
the  Chesapeak  it  will  find  but  few  readers  concurring 
with  it  in  sentiment  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  From 
the  mouth  to  the  head  of  the  Chesapeak,  the  bulk  of 
the  people  will  approve  it  in  theory,  and  it  will  find  a 
respectable  minority  ready  to  adopt  it  in  practice,  a 
minority  which  for  weight  &  worth  of  character  pre- 
ponderates against  the  greater  number,  who  have  not 
the  courage  to  divest  their  families  of  a  property 
which  however  keeps  their  conscience  inquiet.  North- 
ward of  the  Chesapeak  you  may  find  here  &  there  an 
opponent  to  your  doctrine  as  you  may  find  here  & 
there  a  robber  &  a  murderer,  but  in  no  greater  num- 
ber. In  that  part  of  America,  there  being  but  few 
slaves,  they  can  easily  disencumber  themselves  of 
them,  and  emancipation  is  put  into  such  a  train  that 
in  a  few  years  there  will  be  no  slaves  northward  ofj 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  83 

Maryland.  In  Maryland  I  do  not  find  such  a  dispo- 
sition to  begin  the  redress  of  this  enormity  as  in  Vir- 
ginia. This  is  the  next  state  to  which  we  may  turn 
our  eyes  for  the  interesting  spectacle  of  justice  in 
conflict  with  avarice  &  oppression  :  a  conflict  wherein 
the  sacred  side  is  gaining  daily  recruits,  from  the 
influx  into  office  of  young  men  grown  &  growing  up. 
These  have  sucked  in  the  principles  of  liberty  as  it 
were  with  their  mother's  milk ;  and  it  is  to  them  I 
look  with  anxiety  to  turn  the  fate  of  this  question. 
Be  not  therefore  discouraged.  What  you  have 
written  will  do  a  great  deal  of  good  :  and  could  you 
still  trouble  yourself  with  our  welfare,  no  man  is 
more  able  to  give  aid  to  the  labouring  side.  The 
college  of  William  &  Mary  in  Williamsburg,  since 
the  remodelling  of  it's  plan,  is  the  place  where  are 
collected  together  all  the  young  men  (of  Virginia) 
under  preparation  for  public  life.  They  are  there 
under  the  direction  (most  of  them)  of  a  Mr.  Wythe 
one  of  the  most  virtuous  of  characters,  and  whose 
sentiments  on  the  subject  of  slavery  are  unequivocal. 
I  am  satisfied  if  you  could  resolve  to  address  an 
exhortation  to  those  young  men,  with  all  that  elo- 
quence of  which  you  are  master,  that  it's  influence  on 
the  future  decision  of  this  important  question  would 
be  great,  perhaps  decisive.  Thus  you  see  that, 
so  far  from  thinking  you  have  cause  to  repent  of 
what  you  have  done,  I  wish  you  to  do  more,  and 
wish  it  on  an  assurance  of  it's  effect.  The  informa- 
tion I  have  received  from  America  of  the  reception 
of  your  pamphlet  in  the  different  states  agrees  with 


84  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

the  expectations  I  had  formed.  Our  country  is  getting 
into  a  ferment  against  yours,  or  rather  has  caught  it 
from  yours.  God  knows  how  this  will  end  ;  but  as- 
suredly in  one  extreme  or  the  other.  There  can  be 
no  medium  between  those  who  have  loved  so  much. 
I  think  the  decision  is  in  your  power  as  yet,  but  will 
not  be  so  long.  I  pray  you  to  be  assured  of  the  sin- 
cerity of  the  esteem  &  respect  with  which  I  have  the 
honour  to  be  Sir  your  most  obedt  humble  servt. 


TO  JAMES  MONROE.1  J.  MSS. 

PARIS  Aug.  28.  1785. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  wrote  you  on  the  5th  of  July  by  Mr. 
Franklin  &  on  the  i2th  of  the  same  month  by  Monsr 
Houdon.  Since  that  date  yours  of  June  16.  by  Mr. 
Mazzei  is  received.  Everything  looks  like  peace 
here.  The  settlement  between  the  Emperor  & 
Dutch  is  not  yet  published,  but  it  is  believed  to  be 
agreed.  Nothing  is  done  as  yet  between  him  &  the 
Porte.  He  is  much  wounded  by  the  Confederation 
of  several  of  the  Germanic  body  at  the  head  of  which 
is  the  King  of  Prussia,  &  to  which  the  King  of  Eng- 
land as  elector  of  Hanover  is  believed  to  accede.  The 
object  is  to  preserve  the  constitution  of  that  empire. 
It  shews  that  these  princes  entertain  serious  jealousies 
of  the  ambition  of  the  Emperor,  and  this  will  very 
much  endanger  the  election  of  his  nephew  as  King 
of  the  Romans.  A  late  arret  of  this  court  against 
the  admission  of  British  Manufactures  produces  a 

1  The  parts  in  italics  are  in  cipher  numbers  in  the  original. 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  85 

great  sensation  in  England.  I  wish  it  may  produce  a 
disposition  there  to  receive  our  commerce  in  all  their 
dominions  on  advantageous  terms.  This  is  the  only 
balm  which  can  heal  the  wound  that  it  has  received. 
It  is  but  too  true  that  that  country  furnishes  market, 
three  fourths  of  the  exports  of  the  eight  northern 
most  states.  A  truth  not  proper  to  be  spoken  of,  but 
which  should  influence  our  proceedings  with  them. 
How  that  negotiation  advances  you  are  probably 
better  informed  than  I  am.  The  infidelity  of  the 
post  offices  rendering  the  communication  between 
Master  Adams  and  myself  difficult.  The  improve- 
ment of  our  commerce  with  France  will  be  advanced 
more  by  negotiation  at  Saint  James  than  at  Versailles. 
The  July  French  packet  being  arrived  without 
bringing  any  news  of  Mr  Lambe.  If  the  English 
one  of  the  same  month  be  also  arrived  without  news 
of  him,  I  expect  Mr  Adams  will  concur  with  me  in 
sending  some  other  person  to  treat  with  the  Bar- 
bary  states.  Mr.  Barclay  is  willing  to  go,  &  I 
have  proposed  him  to  Mr.  Adams  but  have  not  yet 
received  his  answer.  The  peace  expected  between 
Spain  &  Algiers  will  probably  not  take  place.  It  is 
said  the  former  was  to  have  given  a  million  of  dollars. 
Would  it  not  be  prudent  to  send  a  minister  to  Portu- 
gal? Our  commerce  with  that  country  is  very  im- 
portant. Perhaps  more  so  than  with  any  other 
country  in  Europe.  It  is  possible  too  that  they 
might  permit  our  whaling  vessels  to  refresh  in  Brazil 
or  give  some  other  indulgence  in  South  America. 
The  lethargic  character  of  their  ambassador  here  gives 


86  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

a  very  unhopeful  aspect  to  a  treaty  on  this  ground. 
I  lately  spoke  with  him  on  the  subject  and  he  has 
promised  to  interest  \nmself  in  obtaining  an  answer 
from  his  court.  I  have  waited  to  see  what  was  the 
pleasure  of  Congress  as  to  the  secretaryship  of  my 
office  here  ;  that  is,  to  see  whether  they  proposed  to 
appoint  a  secretary  of  legation,  or  leave  me  to  ap- 
point a  private  secretary.  Colo.  Humphreys'  occupa- 
tion in  the  dispatches  &  record  of  the  matters  which 
relate  to  the  general  commissions  does  not  afford  him 
leisure  to  aid  me  in  my  office,  were  I  entitled  to  ask 
that  aid.  In  the  meantime  the  lengthy  papers  which 
often  accompany  the  communications  between  the 
ministers  here  &  myself,  &  the  other  business  of  the 
office  absolutely  require  a  scribe.  I  shall  therefore 
on  Mr.  Short's  return  from  the  Hague  appoint  him 
my  private  secretary  till  Congress  shall  think  proper 
to  signify  their  pleasure.  The  salary  allowed  Mr. 
Franklin  in  the  same  office  was  1000  Dollars  a  year. 
I  shall  presume  that  Mr  Short  may  draw  the  same 
allowance  from  the  funds  of  the  N.  T.  here  as  soon 
as  I  shall  have  made  this  appointment.  I  shall  give 
official  notice  of  it  to  Mr.  Jay,  that  Congress  may,  if 
they  disapprove  of  it,  say  so. 

I  am  much  pleased  with  your  land  ordinance,  & 
think  it  improved  from  the  first  in  the  most  material 
circumstances.  I  had  mistaken  the  object  of  the 
division  of  the  lands  among  the  states.  I  am  san- 
guine in  my  expectations  of  lessening  our  debts  by 
this  fund,  and  have  expressed  my  expectations  to  the 
Minister  &  others  here.  I  see  by  the  public  papers 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  87 

you  have  adopted  the  dollar  as  your  money  unit.  In 
the  arrangement  of  coins  I  had  proposed,  I  ought  to 
have  inserted  a  gold  coin  of  5.  dollars,  which  being 
within  2/  of  the  value  of  a  guinea  will  be  very  con- 
venient.— The  English  papers  so  incessantly  repeat- 
ing their  lies  about  the  tumults,  the  anarchy,  the 
bankruptcies  &  distresses  of  America,  these  ideas 
prevail  very  generally  in  Europe.  At  a  large  table 
where  I  dined  the  other  day,  a  gentleman  from  Swit- 
zerland expressed  his  apprehensions  for  the  fate  of 
Doct'  Franklin  as  he  said  he  had  been  informed  he 
would  be  received  with  stones  by  the  people,  who 
were  generally  dissatisfied  with  the  revolution  & 
incensed  against  all  those  who  had  assisted  in  bring- 
ing it  about.  I  told  him  his  apprehensions  were  just, 
&  that  the  People  of  America  would  probably  salute 
Dr.  Franklin  with  the  same  stones  they  had  thrown 
at  the  Marquis  Fayette.  The  reception  of  the 
Doctor  is  an  object  of  very  general  attention,  and 
will  weigh  in  Europe  as  an  evidence  of  the  satisfac- 
tion or  dissatisfaction  of  America  with  their  revolu- 
tion. As  you  are  to  be  in  Williamsburgh  early  in 
November,  this  is  the  last  letter  I  shall  write  you  till 
about  that  time  ;  I  am  with  very  sincere  esteem  Dr. 
Sir  Your  friend  and  servt. 


TO  JOHN  JAY.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  Aug  23  1785. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  shall  sometimes  ask  your  permission 
to  write  you  letters,  not  official  but  private.  The 
present  is  of  this  kind,  and  is  occasioned  by  the 


88  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

question  proposed  in  yours  of  June  14.  "whether  it 
would  be  useful  to  us  to  carry  all  our  own  produc- 
tions, or  none  ? "  Were  we  perfectly  free  to  decide 
this  question,  I  should  reason  as  follows.  We  have 
now  lands  enough  to  employ  an  infinite  number  of 
people  in  their  cultivation.  Cultivators  of  the  earth 
are  the  most  valuable  citizens.  They  are  the  most 
vigorous,  the  most  independant,  the  most  virtuous, 
&  they  are  tied  to  their  country  &  wedded  to  it's 
liberty  &  interests  by  the  most  lasting  bonds.  As 
long  therefore  as  they  can  find  employment  in  this 
line,  I  would  not  convert  them  into  mariners,  artisans 
or  anything  else.  But  our  citizens  will  find  employ- 
ment in  this  line  till  their  numbers,  &  of  course  their 
productions,  become  too  great  for  the  demand  both 
internal  &  foreign.  This  is  not  the  case  as  yet,  & 
probably  will  not  be  for  a  considerable  time.  As 
soon  as  it  is,  the  surplus  of  hands  must  be  turned  to 
something  else.  I  should  then  perhaps  wish  to  turn 
them  to  the  sea  in  preference  to  manufactures,  be- 
cause comparing  the  characters  of  the  two  classes  I 
find  the  former  the  most  valuable  citizens.  I  con- 
sider  the  class  of  artificers  as  the  panders  of  vice  & 
the  instruments  by  which  the  liberties  of  a  country 
are  generally  overturned.  However  we  are  not  free 
to  decide  this  question  on  principles  of  theory  only. 
Our  people  are  decided  in  the  opinion  that  it  is  neces- 
sary for  us  to  take  a  share  in  the  occupation  of  the 
ocean,  &  their  established  habits  induce  them  to 
require  that  the  sea  be  kept  open  to  them,  and  that 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  89 

that  line  of  policy  be  pursued  which  will  render  the 
use  of  that  element  as  great  as  possible  to  them.  I 
think  it  a  duty  in  those  entrusted  with  the  adminis- 
tration of  their  affairs  to  conform  themselves  to  the 
decided  choice  of  their  constituents  :  and  that  there- 
fore we  should  in  every  instance  preserve  an  equality 
of  right  to  them  in  the  transportation  of  commodities, 
in  the  right  of  fishing,  &  in  the  other  uses  of  the  sea. 
But  what  will  be  the  consequence  ?  Frequent  wars 
without  a  doubt.  Their  property  will  be  violated  on 
the  sea,  &  in  foreign  ports,  their  persons  will  be 
insulted,  imprisoned  &c.  for  pretended  debts,  con- 
tracts, crimes,  contraband,  &c.,  &c.  These  insults 
must  be  resented,  even  if  we  had  no  feelings,  yet  to 
prevent  their  eternal  repetition,  or  in  other  words,  our 
commerce  on  the  ocean  &  in  other  countries  must  be 
paid  for  by  frequent  war.  The  justest  dispositions 
possible  in  ourselves  will  not  secure  us  against  it.  It 
would  be  necessary  that  all  other  nations  were  just 
also.  Justice  indeed  on  our  part  will  save  us  from 
those  wars  which  would  have  been  produced  by  a 
contrary  disposition.  But  to  prevent  those  produced 
by  the  wrongs  of  other  nations  ?  By  putting  our- 
selves in  a  condition  to  punish  them.  Weakness 
provokes  insult  &  injury,  while  a  condition  to  punish 
it  often  prevents  it.  This  reasoning  leads  to  the 
necessity  of  some  naval  force,  that  being  the  only 
weapon  with  which  we  can  reach  an  enemy.  I 
think  it  to  our  interest  to  punish  the  first  insult  ; 
because  an  insult  unpunished  is  the  parent  of  many 


9o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

others.  We  are  not  at  this  moment  in  a  condition  to 
do  it,  but  we  should  put  ourselves  into  it  as  soon  as 
possible.  If  a  war  with  England  should  take  place, 
it  seems  to  me  that  the  first  thing  necessary  would 
be  a  resolution  to  abandon  the  carrying  trade  because 
we  cannot  protect  it.  Foreign  nations  must  in  that 
case  be  invited  to  bring  us  what  we  want  &  to  take 
our  productions  in  their  own  bottoms.  This  alone 
could  prevent  the  loss  of  those  productions  to  us  & 
the  acquisition  of  them  to  our  enemy.  Our  seamen 
might  be  employed  in  depredations  on  their  trade. 
But  how  dreadfully  we  shall  suffer  on  our  coasts,  if 
we  have  no  force  on  the  water,  former  experience  has 
taught  us.  Indeed  I  look  forward  with  horror  to  the 
very  possible  case  of  war  with  an  European  power, 
&  think  there  is  no  protection  against  them  but 
from  the  possession  of  some  force  on  the  sea.  Our 
vicinity  to  their  West  India  possessions  &  to  the 
fisheries  is  a  bridle  which  a  small  naval  force  on  our 
part  would  hold  in  the  mouths  of  the  most  powerful 
of  these  countries.  I  hope  our  land  office  will  rid  us 
of  our  debts,  &  that  our  first  attention  then  will  be 
to  the  beginning  a  naval  force  of  some  sort.  This 
alone  can  countenance  our  people  as  carriers  on  the 
water,  &  I  suppose  them  to  be  determined  to  con- 
tinue such. 

I  wrote  you  two  public  letters  on  the  i4th  inst., 
since  which  I  have  received  yours  of  July  13.  I  shall 
always  be  pleased  to  receive  from  you  in  a  private 
way  such  communications  as  you  might  not  chuse  to 
put  into  a  public  letter. 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  91 

TO    DAVID    HARTLEY.  J.  MSS. 

PARIS  Sep  5,  1785. 

DEAR  SIR, — Your  favour  of  Apr  15,  happened  to 
be  put  into  my  hands  at  the  same  time  with  a  large 
parcel  of  letters  from  America,  which  contained  a 
variety  of  intelligence.  It  was  then  put  where  I 
usually  place  my  unanswered  letters,  &  I  from  time 
to  time  put  off  acknoleging  the  receipt  of  it  till  I 
should  be  able  to  furnish  you  American  intelligence 
worth  communicating.  A  favourable  opportunity,  by 
a  courier,  of  writing  to  you  occurring  this  morning, 
what  has  been  my  astonishment  &  chagrin  on  reading 
your  letter  again  to  find  there  was  a  case  in  it  which 
required  an  immediate  answer,  but  which,  by  the 
variety  of  matters  which  happened  to  be  presented  to 
my  mind  at  the  same  time  had  utterly  escaped  my 
recollection.  I  pray  you  to  be  assured  that  nothing 
but  this  slip  of  memory  would  have  prevented  my 
immediate  answer,  &  no  other  circumstance  would 
have  prevented  it's  making  such  an  impression  on 
my  mind  as  that  it  could  not  have  escaped.  I 
hope  you  will  therefore  obliterate  the  imputation  of 
want  of  respect,  which  under  actual  appearances  must 
have  arisen  in  your  mind,  but  which  would  refer  to 
an  untrue  cause  the  occasion  of  my  silence.  I  am 
not  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  proceedings  of 
the  New  York  Assembly  to  say  with  certainty  in  what 
predicament  the  lands  of  Mr.  Upton  may  stand.  But 
on  conferring  with  Colo  Humphreys,  who  being  from 
the  neighboring  state  was  more  in  the  way  of  knowing 


92  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

what  passed  in  New  York,  he  thinks  that  the  descrip- 
tions in  their  confiscation  laws  were  such  as  not  to 
include  a  case  of  this  nature.  The  first  thing  to  be 
done  by  Mr.  Upton  is  to  state  his  case  to  some  in- 
telligent lawyer  of  the  country,  that  he  may  know 
with  certainty  whether  they  be  confiscated,  or  not ; 
&  if  not  confiscated,  to  know  what  measures  are  neces- 
sary for  completing  &  securing  his  grant.  But  if 
confiscated,  there  is  then  no  other  tribunal  of  redress 
but  their  general  assembly.  If  he  is  unacquainted 
there,  I  would  advise  him  to  apply  to  Colo  Hamilton 
(who  was  aid  to  Genl.  Washington)  and  is  now  very 
eminent  at  the  bar,  and  much  to  be  relied  on.  Your 
letter  in  his  favor  to  Mr.  Jay  will  also  procure  him  the 
benefit  of  his  council. 

With  respect  to  America  I  will  rather  give  you  a 
general  view  of  its  situation,  than  merely  relate  recent 
events.  The  impost  is  still  unpassed  by  the  two 
states  of  New  York  &  Rhode  Island  ;  for  the  manner 
in  which  the  latter  has  passed  it  does  not  appear  to 
me  to  answer  the  principal  object,  of  establishing  a 
fund,  which,  by  being  subject  to  Congress  alone,  may 
give  such  credit  to  the  certificates  of  public  debt  as 
will  make  them  negotiable.  This  matter  then  is  still 
suspended. 

Congress  have  lately  purchased  the  Indian  right  to 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  land  lying  in  the  new  state 
bounded  by  lake  Erie,  Pennsylvania  &  the  Ohio. 
The  northwestern  corner  alone  is  reserved  to  the 
Delawares  &  Wiandots.  I  expect  a  purchase  is  also 
concluded  with  other  tribes  for  a  considerable  proper- 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  93 

tion  of  the  state  next  to  this  on  the  north  side  of  the 
Ohio.  They  have  passed  an  ordinance  establishing 
a  land  office,  considerably  improved  I  think  on  the 
plan  of  which  I  had  the  honor  of  giving  you  a  copy. 
The  lands  are  to  be  offered  for  sale  to  the  highest 
bidder.  For  this  purpose  portions  of  them  are  to  be 
proposed  in  each  state,  that  each  may  have  the  means 
of  purchase  carried  equally  to  their  doors,  &  that  the 
purchasers  may  be  a  proper  mixture  of  the  citizens 
from  all  the  different  states.  But  such  lots  as  cannot 
be  sold  for  a  dollar  an  acre  are  not  to  be  parted  with. 
They  will  receive  as  money  the  certificates  of  public 
debt.  I  flatter  myself  that  this  arrangement  will  very 
soon  absorb  the  whole  of  these  certificates,  &  thus  rid  us 
of  our  domestic  debt,  which  is  four  fifths  of  our  whole 
debt.  Our  foreign  debt  will  then  be  a  bagatelle. 

I  think  it  probable  that  Vermont  will  be  made 
independant,  as  I  am  told  the  state  of  New  York  is 
likely  to  agree  to  it.  Le-Maine  will  probably  in 
time  be  also  permitted  to  separate  from  Massachu- 
setts. As  yet  they  only  begin  to  think  of  it.  When- 
ever the  people  of  Kentucky  shall  have  agreed  among 
themselves,  my  friends  write  me  word  that  Virginia 
will  consent  to  their  separation.  They  will  constitute 
the  new  state  on  the  South  side  of  Ohio,  joining 
Virginia.  North  Carolina,  by  an  act  of  their  assem- 
bly, ceded  to  Congress  all  their  lands  Westward  of 
the  Alleghany.  The  people  inhabiting  that  territory 
thereon  declared  themselves  independant,  called  their 
state  by  the  name  of  Franklin,  &  solicited  Congress  to 
be  received  into  the  Union.  But  before  Congress 


94  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

met,  N.  Carolina  (for  what  reasons  I  could  never 
learn)  resumed  their  cession.  The  people  however 
persist ;  Congress  recommended  to  the  state  to  desist 
from  their  opposition,  &  I  have  no  doubt  they  will  do 
it.  It  will  therefore  result  from  the  act  of  Congress 
laying  off  the  Western  country  into  new  states,  that 
these  states  will  come  into  the  union  in  the  manner 
therein  provided,  &  without  any  disputes  as  to  their 
boundaries. 

I  am  told  that  some  hostile  transaction  by  our 
people  at  the  Natchez  against  the  Spaniards  has 
taken  place.  If  it  be  fact  Congress  will  certainly  not 
protect  them,  but  leave  them  to  be  chastised  by  the 
Spaniards,  saving  the  right  to  the  territory.  A 
Spanish  minister  being  now  with  Congress,  &  both 
parties  interested  in  keeping  the  peace  I  think,  if  such 
an  event  has  happened,  it  will  be  easily  arranged. 

I  told  you  when  here  of  the  propositions  made  by 
Congress  to  the  States  to  be  authorized  to  make 
certain  regulations  in  their  commerce  ;  &  that  from 
the  disposition  to  strengthen  the  hands  of  Congress, 
which  was  then  growing  fast,  I  thought  they  would 
consent  to  it.  Most  of  them  did  so,  &  I  suppose  all 
of  them  would  have  done  it,  if  they  have  not  actually 
done  it,  but  that  events  proved  a  much  more  exten- 
sive power  would  be  requisite.  Congress  have  there- 
fore desired  to  be  invested  with  the  whole  regulation 
of  their  trade,  &  forever  :  &  to  prevent  all  temptations 
to  abuse  &  all  fears  of  it,  they  propose  that  whatever 
moneis  shall  be  levied  on  commerce,  either  for  the 
purpose  of  revenue  or  by  way  of  forfeitures  or  penalty, 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  95 

shall  go  directly  into  the  coffers  of  the  state  wherein 
it  is  levied  without  being  touched  by  Congress. 
From  the  present  temper  of  the  states  &  the  convic- 
tion which  your  country  has  carried  home  to  their 
minds  that  there  is  no  other  method  of  defeating  the 
greedy  attempts  of  other  countries  to  trade  with  them 
on  equal  terms,  I  think  they  will  add  an  article  for 
this  purpose  to  their  confederation.  But  the  present 
powers  of  Congress  over  the  commerce  of  the  states 
under  the  Confederation  seems  not  at  all  understood 
by  your  ministry.  They  say  that  body  has  no  power 
to  enter  into  a  treaty  of  commerce  ;  why  then  make 
one  ?  This  is  a  mistake.  By  the  6th  art.  of  the 
confederation  the  states  renounce  individually  all 
power  to  make  any  treaty  of  whatever  nature  with  a 
foreign  nation.  By  the  gth  article  they  give  the 
power  of  making  treaties  wholly  to  Congress,  with 
two  reservations  only.  i.  That  no  treaty  of  com- 
merce shall  be  made  which  shall  restrain  the  legisla- 
tures from  making  foreigners  pay  the  same  imposts 
with  their  own  people  :  nor  2,  from  prohibiting  the 
exportation  or  importation  of  any  species  of  mer- 
chandize which  they  might  think  proper.  Were 
any  treaty  to  be  made  which  should  violate  either 
of  these  two  reservations,  it  would  be  so  far  void.  In 
the  treaties  therefore  made  with  France,  Holland, 
&c.  this  has  been  cautiously  avoided.  But  are  these 
treaties  of  no  advantage  to  those  nations  ?  Besides 
the  advantages  expressly  given  by  them,  there  results 
another  of  great  value.  The  commerce  of  those 
nations  with  the  U.  S.  is  thereby  under  the  protection 


96  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

of  Congress,  &  no  particular  state,  acting  by  fits  & 
starts,  can  harass  the  trade  of  France,  Holland,  &c. 
by  such  measures  as  several  of  them  have  practiced 
against  England  by  loading  her  merchandize  with 
partial  impost,  refusing  admittance  to  it  altogether, 
excluding  her  merchants,  &c.  &c.  For  you  will  ob- 
serve that  tho  by  the  2d.  reservation  before-mentioned 
they  can  prohibit  the  importation  of  any  species  of 
merchandize,  as  for  instance  tho1  they  may  prohibit 
the  importation  of  wines  in  general,  yet  they  cannot 
prohibit  that  of  French  wines  in  particular.  Another 
advantage  is  that  the  nations  having  treaties  with 
Congress  can  &  do  provide  in  such  treaties  for  the 
admission  of  their  consuls,  a  kind  of  officer  very  neces- 
sary for  the  regulation  &  protection  of  commerce. 
You  know  that  a  Consul  is  the  creature  of  treaty. 
No  nation,  without  an  agreement,  can  place  an  officer 
in  another  country  with  any  powers  or  jurisdiction 
whatever.  But  as  the  states  have  renounced  the 
separate  power  of  making  treaties  with  foreign 
nations,  they  cannot  separately  receive  a  consul ;  & 
as  Congress  have  by  the  Confederation  no  immediate 
jurisdiction  over  commerce,  as  they  have  only  a 
power  of  bringing  that  jurisdiction  into  existence  by 
entering  into  a  treaty,  till  such  treaty  be  entered  into 
Congress  themselves  cannot  receive  a  Consul.  Till 
a  treaty  then  there  exists  no  power  in  any  part  of  our 
government,  federal  or  particular,  to  admit  a  Consul 
among  us  ;  &  if  it  be  true  as  the  papers  say  that 
you  have  lately  sent  one  over,  he  cannot  be  admitted 
by  any  power  in  existence  to  an  exercise  of  any  func- 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  97 

tion.  Nothing  less  than  a  new  article  to  be  agreed  to 
by  all  the  states  would  enable  Congress  or  the  parti- 
cular states  to  receive  him.  You  must  not  be  surprised 
then  if  he  be  not  received. 

I  think  I  have  by  this  time  tired  you  with  American 
politics  &  will  therefore  only  add  assurances  of  the 
sincere  regard  &  esteem  with  which  I  have  the 
honour  to  be  dr  Sir  your  most  obedient  humble 
servt. 


TO    MARY    JEFFERSON.1 

PARIS,  Sept.  aoth,  1785. 

MY  DEAR  POLLY,— I  have  not  received  a  letter 
from  you  since  I  came  to  France.  If  you  knew  how 
much  I  love  you  and  what  pleasure  the  receipt  of 
your  letters  gave  me  at  Philadelphia,  you  would  have 
written  to  me,  or  at  least  have  told  your  aunt  what 
to  write,  and  her  goodness  would  have  induced  her 
to  take  the  trouble  of  writing  it.  I  wish  so  much  to 
see  you,  that  I  have  desired  your  uncle  and  aunt  to 
send  you  to  me.  I  know,  my  dear  Polly,  how  sorry 
you  will  be,  and  ought  to  be,  to  leave  them  and  your 
cousins  ;  but  your  sister  and  myself  cannot  live  with- 
out you,  and  after  a  while  we  will  carry  you  back 
again  to  see  your  friends  in  Virginia.  In  the  mean- 
time you  shall  be  taught  here  to  play  on  the  harpsi- 
chord, to  draw,  to  read  and  talk  French,  and  such 
other  things  as  will  make  you  more  worthy  of  the 
love  of  your  friends  ;  but  above  all  things  by  our  care 

1  From  S.  N.  Randolph's  Domestic  Life  of  T.  Je/erson,  103. 

VOL.  IV. — 7 


98  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

and  love  of  you,  we  will  teach  you  to  love  us  more 
than  you  will  do  if  you  stay  so  far  from  us.  I  had 
no  opportunity  since  Colonel  Le  Maire  went,  to  send 
you  anything ;  but  when  you  come  here  you  shall 
have  as  many  dolls  and  playthings  as  you  want  for 
yourself,  or  to  send  to  your  cousins  whenever  you 
shall  have  opportunities.  I  hope  you  are  a  very  good 
girl,  that  you  love  your  uncle  and  aunt  very  much, 
and  are  very  thankful  to  them  all  for  their  goodness 
to  you  ;  that  you  never  suffer  yourself  to  be  angry 
with  anybody,  that  you  give  your  playthings  to  those 
who  want  them,  that  you  do  whatever  any  body  desires 
of  you  that  is  right,  that  you  never  tell  stories,  never 
beg  for  anything,  mind  your  books  and  your  work 
when  your  aunt  tells  you,  never  play  but  when  she 
permits  you,  nor  go  where  she  forbids  you  ;  remem- 
ber, too,  as  a  constant  charge,  not  to  go  out  without 
your  bonnet,  because  it  will  make  you  very  ugly,  and 
then  we  shall  not  love  you  so  much.  If  you  always 
practice  these  lessons  we  shall  continue  to  love  you 
as  we  do  now,  and  it  is  impossible  to  love  you  any 
more.  We  shall  hope  to  have  you  with  us  next 
summer,  to  find  you  a  very  good  girl,  and  to  assure 
you  of  the  truth  of  our  affection  for  you.  Adieu,  my 
dear  child.  Yours  affectionately. 


TO  MRS.  JOHN  (ABIGAIL)  ADAMS. 

PARIS  Sep.  25.  1785. 

DEAR  MADAM, — Mr.  Short's  return  the  night  before 
last  availed  me  of  your  favor  of  Aug.  1 2.  I  imme- 
diately ordered  the  shoes  you  desired  which  will  be 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  99 

ready  tomorrow.  I  am  not  certain  whether  this  will 
be  in  time  for  the  departure  of  Mr.  Barclay  or  of 
Col?  Franks,  for  it  is  not  yet  decided  which  of  them 
goes  to  London.  I  have  also  procured  for  you  three 
plateaux  de  dessert  with  a  silvered  ballustrade  round 
them,  and  four  figures.  Of  Biscuit  the  former  cost 
192*,  the  latter  i2tt  each,  making  together  240.  livres 
or  10.  Louis.  The  merchant  undertakes  to  send 
them  by  the  way  of  Rouen  through  the  hands  of  Mr. 
Garvey  &  to  have  them  delivered  in  London.  There 
will  be  some  additional  expenses  of  packing,  trans- 
portation &  duties  here.  Those  in  England  I  imagine 
you  can  save.  When  I  know  the  amount  I  will  in- 
form you  of  it,  but  there  will  be  no  occasion  to  remit 
it  here.  With  respect  to  the  figures  I  could  only 
find  three  of  those  you  named,  matched  in  size. 
These  were  Minerva,  Diana,  and  Apollo,  I  was 
obliged  to  add  a  fourth,  unguided  by  your  choice. 
They  offered  me  a  fine  Venus ;  but  I  thought  it  out 
of  taste  to  have  two  at  table  at  the  same  time. 
Paris  &  Helen  were  represented.  I  conceived  it 
would  be  cruel  to  remove  them  from  their  peculiar 
shrine.  When  they  shall  pass  the  Atlantic,  it  will  be 
to  sing  a  requiem  over  our  freedom  &  happiness.  At 
length  a  fine  Mars  was  offered,  calm,  bold,  his  faul- 
chion  not  drawn  but  ready  to  be  drawn.  This  will 
do,  thinks  I,  for  the  table  of  the  American  Minister 
in  London,  where  those  whom  it  may  concern  may 
look  and  learn  that  though  Wisdom  is  our  guide,  and 
the  Song  and  Chase  our  supreme  delight,  yet  we  offer 
adoration  to  that  tutelar  God  also  who  rocked  the 


ioo  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

cradle  of  our  birth,  who  has  accepted  our  infant  offer- 
ings &  has  shown  himself  the  patron  of  our  rights  & 
avenger  of  our  wrongs.  The  group  then  was  closed, 
and  your  party  formed.  Envy  &  malice  will  never 
be  quiet.  I  hear  it  already  whispered  to  you  that  in 
admitting  Minerva  to  your  table  I  have  departed 
from  the  principle  which  made  me  reject  Venus  :  in 
plain  English  that  I  have  paid  a  just  respect  to  the 
daughter  but  failed  to  the  mother.  No  Madam,  my 
respect  to  both  is  sincere.  Wisdom,  I  know,  is 
social.  She  seeks  her  fellows,  but  Beauty  is  jealous, 
and  illy  bears  the  presence  of  a  rival. — But,  Allons, 
let  us  turn  over  another  leaf,  &  begin  the  next  chap- 
ter, I  receive  by  Mr.  Short  a  budget  of  London 
papers,  they  teem  with  every  horror  of  which  human 
nature  is  capable,  assassinations,  suicides,  thefts, 
robberies,  &,  what  is  worse  than  assassination,  theft, 
suicide,  or  robbery,  the  blackest  slanders  !  indeed  the 
man  must  be  of  rock,  who  can  stand  all  this  ;  to  Mr. 
Adams  it  will  be  but  one  victory  the  more.  It  would 
have  illy  suited  me.  I  do  not  love  difficulties.  I  am 
fond  of  quiet,  willing  to  do  my  duty,  but  irritable  by 
slander  &  apt  to  be  forced  by  it  to  abandon  my  post. 
These  are  weaknesses  from  which  reason  &  your 
counsels  will  preserve  Mr.  Adams.  I  fancy  it  must 
be  the  quantity  of  animal  food  eaten  by  the  English 
which  renders  their  character  insusceptible  of  civiliza- 
tion. I  suspect  it  is  in  their  kitchens  &  not  in  their 
churches  that  their  reformation  must  be  worked,  & 
that  Missionaries  of  that  description  from  hence 
would  avail  more  than  those  who  should  endeavor  to 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  101 

tame  them  by  precepts  of  religion  or  philosophy. 
But  what  do  the  foolish  printers  of  America  mean  by 
retailing  all  this  stuff  in  our  papers  ?  As  if  it  was  not 
enough  to  be  slandered  by  one's  enemies  without  cir- 
culating the  slanders  among  his  friends  also. 

To  show  you  how  willingly,  I  shall  ever  receive  & 
execute  your  commissions,  I  venture  to  impose  one 
on  you.  From  what  I  recollect  of  the  diaper  & 
damask  we  used  to  import  from  England  I  think  they 
were  better  &  cheaper  than  here,  you  are  well  ac- 
quainted with  those  of  both  countries,  if  you  are  of 
the  same  opinion  I  would  trouble  you  to  send  me 
two  sets  of  tablecloths  &  napkins  for  20  covers  each, 
by  Col?  Franks  or  Mr.  Barclay  who  will  bring  them 
to  me,  but  if  you  think  they  can  be  better  got  here  I 
would  rather  avoid  the  trouble  this  commission  will 
give.  I  enclose  you  a  specimen  of  what  is  offered 
me  at  100  livres  for  the  tablecloth  &  12  napkins.  I 
suppose  that,  of  the  same  quality,  a  table  clot^  2 
aunes  wide  &.  4  aunes  long  &  20  napkins  of  i  aune 
each,  would  cost  7.  guineas. — I  shall  certainly  charge 
the  publick  my  houserent  &  court  taxes.  I  shall  do 
more.  I  shall  charge  my  outfit.  Without  this  I  can 
never  get  out  of  debt.  I  think  it  will  be  allowed. 
Congress  is  too  reasonable  to  expect,  where  no  im- 
prudent expenses  are  incurred,  none  but  those  which 
are  required  by  a  decent  respect  for  the  mantle  with 
which  they  cover  the  public  servants  that  such 
expences  should  be  left  as  a  burthen  on  our  private 
fortunes. — But  when  writing  to  you  I  fancy  myself  at 
Auteuil,  and  chatter  on  till  the  last  page  of  my  paper 


102  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

awakes  me  from  my  reverie,  &  tells  me  it  is  time  to 
assure  you  of  the  sincere  respect  &  esteem  with 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  be  Dear  Madam, 

Your  most  obedient  &  most  humble  serv- 
P.S.     The  cask  of  wine  at  Auteuil,   I  take  chear- 
fully.      I  suppose  the  seller  will  apply  to  me  for  the 
price.     Otherwise,   as  I   do  not  know  who  he  is,  I 
shall  not  be  able  to  find  him  out. 


TO  HOGENDORP.  j.  MSS. 

(COUNT   GYSBERT-CHARLES   VAN.) 

PARIS,  Oct.  13,  1785. 

DEAR  SIR, — Having  been  much  engaged  lately,  I 
have  been  unable  sooner  to  acknolege  the  receipt  of 
your  favor  of  Sep.  8.  What  you  are  pleased  to  say 
on  the  subject  of  my  Notes  is  more  than  they 
deserve.  The  condition  in  which  you  first  saw  them 
would  prove  to  you  how  hastily  they  had  been  origi- 
nally written  ;  as  you  may  remember  the  numerous 
insertions  I  had  made  in  them  from  time  to  time, 
when  I  could  find  a  moment  for  turning  to  them 
from  other  occupations.  I  have  never  yet  seen 
Monsr.  de  Buffon.  He  has  been  in  the  country  all 
the  summer.  I  sent  him  a  copy  of  the  book,  &  have 
only  heard  his  sentiments  on  one  particular  of  it,  that 
of  the  identity  of  the  Mammoth  &  Elephant.  As  to 
this  he  retains  his  opinion  that  they  are  the  same.  If 
you  had  formed  any  considerable  expectations  from 
our  Revised  code  of  laws  you  will  be  much  disap- 
pointed. It  contains  not  more  than  three  or  four  laws 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  103 

which  could  strike  the  attention  of  the  foreigner. 
Had  it  been  a  digest  of  all  our  laws,  it  would  not 
have  been  comprehensible  or  instructive  but  to  a 
native.  But  it  is  still  less  so,  as  it  digests  only  the 
British  statutes  &  our  own  acts  of  assembly,  which 
are  but  a  supplementary  part  of  our  law.  The  great 
basis  of  it  is  anterior  to  the  date  of  the  Magna  charta, 
which  is  the  oldest  statute  extant.  The  only  merit  of 
this  work  is  that  it  may  remove  from  our  book 
shelves  about  twenty  folio  volumes  of  our  statutes, 
retaining  all  the  parts  of  them  which  either  their  own 
merit  or  the  established  system  of  laws  required. 

You  ask  me  what  are  those  operations  of  the 
British  nation  which  are  likely  to  befriend  us,  and 
how  they  will  produce  this  effect  ?  The  British 
government  as  you  may  naturally  suppose  have  it 
much  at  heart  to  reconcile  their  nation  to  the  loss  of 
America.  This  is  essential  to  the  repose,  perhaps 
even  to  the  safety  of  the  King  &  his  ministers.  The 
most  effectual  engines  for  this  purpose  are  the  public 
papers.  You  know  well  that  that  government  always 
kept  a  kind  of  standing  army  of  news  writers  who 
without  any  regard  to  truth,  or  to  what  should  be 
like  truth,  invented  &  put  into  the  papers  whatever 
might  serve  the  minister.  This  suffices  with  the 
mass  of  the  people  who  have  no  means  of  distinguish- 
ing the  false  from  the  true  paragraphs  of  a  news- 
paper. When  forced  to  acknolege  our  independance 
they  were  forced  to  redouble  their  efforts  to  keep  the 
nation  quiet.  Instead  of  a  few  of  the  papers  formerly 
engaged,  they  now  engaged  every  one.  No  paper 


io4  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

therefore  comes  out  without  a  dose  of  paragraphs 
against  America.  These  are  calculated  for  a  second- 
ary purpose  also,  that  of  preventing  the  emigrations 
of  their  people  to  America.  They  dwell  very  much 
on  American  bankruptcies.  To  explain  these  would 
require  a  long  detail,  but  would  shew  you  that  nine 
tenths  of  these  bankruptcies  are  truly  English  bank- 
ruptcies in  no  wise  chargeable  on  America.  How- 
ever they  have  produced  effects  the  most  desirable  of 
all  others  for  us.  They  have  destroyed  our  credit  & 
thus  checked  our  disposition  to  luxury ;  &  forcing 
our  merchants  to  buy  no  more  than  they  have  ready 
money  to  pay  for,  they  force  them  to  go  to  those 
markets  where  that  ready  money  will  buy  most. 
Thus  you  see  they  check  our  luxury,  they  force  us  to 
connect  ourselves  with  all  the  world,  &  they  prevent 
foreign  emigrations  to  our  country  all  of  which  I  con- 
sider as  advantageous  to  us.  They  are  doing  us 
another  good  turn.  They  attempt  without  disguise 
to  possess  themselves  of  the  carriage  of  our  produce, 
&  to  prohibit  our  own  vessels  from  participating  of  it. 
This  has  raised  a  general  indignation  in  America. 
The  states  see  however  that  their  constitutions  have 
provided  no  means  of  counteracting  it.  They  are 
therefore  beginning  to  invest  Congress  with  the 
absolute  power  of  regulating  their  commerce,  only 
reserving  all  revenue  arising  from  it  to  the  state  in 
which  it  is  levied.  This  will  consolidate  our  federal 
building  very  much,  and  for  this  we  shall  be  indebted 
to  the  British. 

You  ask  what   I   think  on   the  expediency  of  en- 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  105 

couraging  our  states  to  be  commercial  ?  Were  I  to 
indulge  my  own  theory,  I  should  wish  them  to  prac- 
tise neither  commerce  nor  navigation,  but  to  stand 
with  respect  to  Europe  precisely  on  the  footing  of 
China.  We  should  thus  avoid  wars,  and  all  our 
citizens  would  be  husbandmen.  Whenever  indeed 
our  numbers  should  so  increase  as  that  our  produce 
would  overstock  the  markets  of  those  nations  who 
should  come  to  seek  it,  the  farmers  must  either  em- 
ploy the  surplus  of  their  time  in  manufactures,  or  the 
surplus  of  our  hands  must  be  employed  in  manufac- 
tures, or  in  navigation.  But  that  day  would,  I  think 
be  distant,  and  we  should  long  keep  our  workmen  in 
Europe,  while  Europe  should  be  drawing  rough 
materials  &  even  subsistence  from  America.  But 
this  is  theory  only,  &  a  theory  which  the  servants  of 
America  are  not  at  liberty  to  follow.  Our  people 
have  a  decided  taste  for  navigation  &  commerce. 
They  take  this  from  their  mother  country  :  &  their 
servants  are  in  duty  bound  to  calculate  all  their 
measures  on  this  datum  :  we  wish  to  do  it  by  throw- 
ing open  all  the  doors  of  commerce  &  knocking  off 
its  shackles.  But  as  this  cannot  be  done  for  others, 
unless  they  will  do  it  for  us,  &  there  is  no  great 
probability  that  Europe  will  do  this,  I  suppose  we 
shall  be  obliged  to  adopt  a  system  which  may  shackle 
them  in  our  ports  as  they  do  us  in  theirs. 

With  respect  to  the  sale  of  our  lands,  that  cannot 
begin  till  a  considerable  portion  shall  have  been  sur- 
veyed. They  cannot  begin  to  survey  till  the  fall  of 
the  leaf  of  this  year,  nor  to  sell  probably  till  the 


io6  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

ensuing  spring.  So  that  it  will  be  yet  a  twelve- 
month before  we  shall  be  able  to  judge  of  the  efficacy 
of  our  land  office  to  sink  our  national  debt.  It  is 
made  a  fundamental  that  the  proceeds  shall  be  solely 
&  sacredly  applied  as  a  sinking  fund  to  discharge  the 
capital  only  of  the  debt.  It  is  true  that  the  tobaccos 
of  Virginia  go  almost  entirely  to  England.  The 
reason  is  that  they  owe  a  great  debt  there  which  they 
are  paying  as  fast  as  they  can. — I  think  I  have  now 
answered  your  several  queries,  &  shall  be  happy  to 
receive  your  reflections  on  the  same  subjects,  &  at  all 
times  to  hear  of  your  welfare  &  to  give  you  assur- 
ances of  the  esteem  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
be  Dear  Sir  your  most  obedient  &  most  humble 
servant. 


TO    N.    AND    J.    VAN    STAPHORST. 

PARIS,  Oct.  25.  1785. 

GENTLEMEN, — I  received  yesterday  your  favor  of 
the  2Oth  inst.  In  order  to  give  you  the  information 
you  desire  on  the  subject  of  the  Liquidated  debts  of 
the  United  States,  &  the  comparative  footing  on 
which  they  stand,  I  must  observe  to  you  that  the  first 
&  great  division  of  our  federal  debt  is  into  i.  Foreign 
and  2.  Domestic.  The  Foreign  debt  comprehends 
i.  the  loan  from  the  government  of  Spain.  2.  the 
loans  from  the  government  of  France  &  from  the 
Farmers  general.  3.  the  loans  negotiated  in  Hol- 
land by  order  of  Congress.  This  branch  of  our  debt 
stands  absolutely  singular  :  no  man  in  the  United 
States  having  ever  supposed  that  Congress  or  their 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  107 

legislatures  can  in  any  wise  modify  or  alter  it.  They 
justly  view  the  United  States  as  the  one  party  &  the 
lenders  as  the  other  &  that  the  consent  of  both  would 
be  requisite  were  any  modification  to  be  proposed. 
But  with  respect  to  the  Domestic  debt,  they  consider 
Congress  as  representing  both  the  borrowers  & 
lenders,  and  that  the  modifications  which  have  taken 
place  in  this,  have  been  necessary  to  do  justice  be- 
tween the  two  parties,  &  that  they  flowed  properly 
from  Congress  as  their  mutual  umpire.  The  Do- 
mestic debt  comprehends  i.  the  army  debt  ;  2.  the 
Loan  office  debt.  3.  the  liquidated  debt.  &  4.  the 
unliquidated  debt.  The  Is.1  term  includes  debts  to 
the  officers  &  souldiers  for  pay,  bounty  &  subsistence. 
The  2d.  term  means  moneis  put  into  the  loan-office 
of  the  United  States.  The  3^  comprehends  all  debts 
contracted  by  quartermasters,  commissaries,  &  others 
duly  authorized  to  procure  supplies  for  the  army,  and 
which  have  been  liquidated  (that  is,  settled)  by  com- 
missioners appointed  under  the  resolution  of  Con- 
gress of  June  12.  1780.  or  by  the  officer  who  made 
the  contract.  The  4l.h  comprehends  the  whole  mass 
of  debts  described  in  the  preceding  article  which  have 
not  yet  been  liquidated.  These  are  in  a  course  of 
liquidation,  and  are  passing  over  daily  into  the 
3?  class.  The  debts  of  this  3?  class,  that  is  the  liqui- 
dated debt  is  the  object  of  your  inquiry.  No  time  is 
fixed  for  the  payment  of  it,  no  fund  is  yet  determined, 
nor  any  firm  provision  for  the  interest  in  the  mean- 
time. The  consequence  is  that  the  certificates  of 
these  debts  sell  greatly  below  par.  When  I  left 


io8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

America  they  could  be  bought  for  from  2/6  to  I5/  in 
the  pound :  this  difference  proceeding  from  the  cir- 
cumstance of  some  states  having  provided  for  paying 
the  interest  on  those  due  in  their  own  state,  which 
others  had  not.  Hence,  an  opinion  had  arisen  with 
some,  &  propositions  had  even  been  made  in  the 
legislatures  for  paying  off  the  principal  of  these  debts 
with  what  they  had  cost  the  holder  &  interest  on 
that.  This  opinion  is  far  from  being  general,  &  I 
think  will  not  prevail.  But  it  is  among  possible 
events.  I  have  been  thus  particular  that  you  might 
be  able  to  judge  not  only  in  the  present  case,  but  also 
in  others,  should  any  attempts  be  made  to  speculate 
in  your  city  on  these  papers.  It  is  a  business  in 
which  foreigners  will  be  in  great  danger  of  being 
duped.  It  is  a  science  which  bids  defiance  to  the 
powers  of  reason.  To  understand  it,  a  man  must  not 
only  be  on  the  spot,  and  be  perfectly  possessed  of  all 
the  circumstances  relative  to  every  species  of  these 
papers,  but  he  must  have  that  dexterity  which  the 
habit  of  buying  &  selling  them  alone  gives.  The 
brokers  of  these  certificates  are  few  in  number,  and 
any  other  person  venturing  to  deal  with  them  engages 
in  a  very  unequal  contest. 


TO    PHILLIP    MAZZEI.  o  ,,  J.  MSS. 

PARIS,  Nov.    ?  1785. 

DEAR  SIR, — You  desire  me  to  give  you  an  idea  of 
the  Origin  and  Object  of  our  Court  of  Chancery,  the 
Limits  of  it's  jurisdiction,  and  it's  Tendency  to  render 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  109 

property  &  liberty  more  or  less  secure  in  a  country 
where  that  security  is  infinitely  valued.  The  purpose 
for  which  you  require  this  obliges  me  to  be  concise, 
as  indeed  does  my  situation  here,  where,  as  you 
know,  I  am  without  books  which  might  enable  me  to 
enter  into  details,  I  shall  confine  myself  therefore  to 
general  description  only.  The  terms  of  this,  if  pre- 
sented to  professors  of  the  law,  would  furnish  matter 
for  abundant  exceptions.  But  these  should  be  sup- 
pressed by  the  reflection  that  we  mean  only  to  sketch 
for  foreigners  a  general  idea  of  this  Court. 

The  system  of  law  in  most  of  the  United  States,  in 
imitation  of  that  of  England  is  divided  into  two 
departments,  the  Common  law  &  the  Chancery. 

The  Common  law  is  a  written  law  the  text  of 
which  is  preserved  from  the  beginning  of  the  I3th 
century  downwards,  but  what  has  preceded  that  is 
lost,  it's  substance,  however,  has  been  retained  in  the 
memory  of  the  people  &  committed  to  writing  from 
time  to  time  in  the  decisions  of  the  judges  and  treatises 
of  the  jurists,  insomuch  that  it  is  still  considered  as  a 
lex  scripta,  the  letter  of  which  is  sufficiently  known  to 
guide  the  decisions  of  the  courts.  In  this  department 
the  courts  restrain  themselves  to  the  letter  of  the  law. 
Antiently  indeed  before  the  improvement  or  perhaps 
the  ex:-  nee  of  the  court  of  Chancery,  they  allowed 
themsei  greater  latitude,  extending  the  provisions 
of  every  law  not  only  to  the  cases  within  it's  letter 
but  to  those  also  which  came  within  the  spirit  and 
reason  of  it.  This  was  called  the  equity  of  the  law 
but  it  is  now  very  long  since  certainty  in  the  law  has 


no  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

become  so  highly  valued  by  the  nation  that  the 
judges  have  ceased  to  extend  the  operation  of  laws 
beyond  those  cases  which  are  clearly  within  the  in- 
tention of  the  legislators.  This  intention  is  to  be 
collected  principally  from  the  words  of  the  law  :  only 
where  these  are  ambiguous  they  are  permitted  to 
gather  further  evidence  from  the  history  of  the  times 
when  the  law  was  made  &  the  circumstances  which 
produced  it.  In  antient  times,  when  contracts  and 
transfers  of  property  were  more  rare,  and  their  objects 
more  simple,  the  imperfections  of  this  administration 
of  justice  according  to  the  letter  of  the  law  were  less 
felt.  But  when  commerce  began  to  make  progress, 
when  the  transfer  of  property  came  into  daily  use, 
when  the  modifications  of  these  transfers  were  in- 
finitely diversified,  when  with  the  improvement  of 
other  faculties  that  of  the  moral  sense  became  also 
improved,  and  learnt  to  respect  justice  in  a  variety  of 
cases  which  it  had  not  formerly  discriminated,  the 
instances  of  injustice  left  without  remedy  by  courts 
adhering  to  the  letter  of  the  law,  would  be  so 
numerous  as  to  produce  a  general  desire  that  a  power 
should  be  found  somewhere  which  would  redress 
them.  History  renders  it  probable  that  appeals  were 
made  to  the  king  himself  in  these  cases,  and  that  he 
exercised  this  power  sometimes  in  person,  but  more 
generally  by  his  Chancellor  to  whom  he  referred  the 
case.  This  was  most  commonly  an  Ecclesiastic, 
learning  being  rare  in  any  other  class  at  that  time. 
Roman  learning,  and  a  prejudice  in  favour  of  Roman 
institutions  are  known  to  have  been  a  leading  feature 


1785]  THOMA  S  JEFFERSON.  1 1 1 

in  the  ecclesiastical  character.  Hence  it  happened 
that  the  forms  of  proceeding  in  the  court  of  Chancery 
&  the  rules  of  its  decisions  were  assimilated  to  those 
of  the  Roman  law.  The  distinction  in  that  system 
between  the  jus  prsetorium,  or  discretion  of  the 
Prsetor,  and  the  general  law  is  well  known,  among 
the  Romans  &  in  most  modern  nations  these  were  & 
are  exercised  by  the  same  person.  But  the  Chancel- 
lors of  England,  finding  the  ordinary  courts  in  pos- 
session of  the  administration  of  general  law,  & 
confined  to  that,  assumed  to  themselves  by  degrees 
that  of  the  jus  praetorium,  and  made  theirs  be  con- 
sidered as  a  court  of  conscience,  or  of  equity.  The 
history  of  the  struggles  between  the  ordinary,  or 
common  law  courts,  and  the  court  of  equity  or  Chan- 
cery would  be  beyond  our  purpose,  it  is  sufficient  to 
say  that  the  interpositions  of  the  Chancellor  were  at 
first  very  rare,  that  they  increased  insensibly,  and 
were  rather  tolerated  from  their  necessity,  than 
authorized  by  the  laws  in  the  earlier  periods  of  his- 
tory. L,d.  Bacon  first  introduced  regularity  into  their 
proceedings  &  Finch,  Earl  of  Nottingham,  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  the  2d.  opened  to  view  that  system 
which  has  been  improving  from  that  time  to  this. 
The  power  of  that  court  as  acknowledged  at  this 
day,  is  to  relieve  : 

1.  Where  the  common  law  gives  no  remedy. 

2.  Where  its  remedy  is  imperfect. 

3.  Where  it  would  do  injustice   by  comprehending 

within  it's  letter  cases  not  within  it's  reason, 
nor  intended  to  have  been  comprehended. 


ii2  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

But  this  court  whilst  developing  and  systematising 
it's  powers  has  found,  in  the  jealousy  of  the  nation 
and  it's  attachment  to  certain  and  impartial  law,  an 
obstacle  insuperable  beyond  that  line.  It  has  been 
obliged  therefore  to  establish  for  itself  certain  barriers 
as  the  limitations  of  it's  power  which  whenever  it 
transcends,  the  general  jurisdiction  which  superin- 
tends all  the  Courts  &  receives  appeals  from  them 
corrects  it's  encroachments  &  reverses  it's  decisions. 
This  is  the  house  of  lords  in  England,  and  the  Court 
of  Appeals  in  Virginia.  These  limitations  are  i. 
That  it  cannot  take  cognisance  of  any  case  wherein  the 
common  law  can  give  complete  remedy.  2.  That  it 
cannot  interpose  in  any  case  against  the  express  letter 
and  intention  of  the  legislature.  If  the  legislature 
means  to  enact  an  injustice,  however  palpable,  the 
court  of  Chancery  is  not  the  body  with  whom  a  cor- 
recting power  is  lodged.  3.  That  it  shall  not  inter- 
pose in  any  case  which  does  not  come  within  a  general 
description  and  admit  of  redress  by  a  general  and 
practicable  rule.  This  is  to  prevent  partiality. 
When  a  Chancellor  pretends  that  a  case  is  distin- 
guished from  all  others,  it  is  thought  better  that  that 
singular  case  should  go  without  remedy,  than  that  he 
should  be  at  liberty  to  cover  partial  decisions  under 
pretence  of  singular  circumstances,  which  ingenious 
men  can  always  invent.  Hence  all  the  cases  remedi- 
able in  chancery  are  reduced  to  certain  classes.  When 
a  new  case  presents  itself,  not  found  in  any  of  these 
classes  it  is  dismissed  as  irremediable.  If  in  the 
progress  of  commerce,  and  of  the  developments  of 


1785]  THOMA  S  JEFFERSON.  1 1 3 

moral  duties  the  same  case  is  presented  so  often  that 
the  Chancellor  can  seize  certain  leading  features 
which  submit  it  to  a  general  description  and  show 
that  it  is  a  proper  object  for  the  application  of  some 
moral  rule — here  is  a  new  class  of  cases  formed  and 
brought  within  the  regular  relief  of  the  court  of 
Chancery,  which  thus  continues  the  administration 
of  justice  progressive  almost  in  equal  pace  with  the 
progress  of  commerce  and  refinement  of  morality. 
One  practice  only  is  wanting  to  render  this  court  com- 
pletely valuable.  That  is  that  when  a  class  of  cases 
has  been  formed  &  has  been  the  subject  of  so  many 
decisions  in  the  Court  of  Chancery  as  to  have  been 
seen  there  under  all  circumstances,  &  in  all  its  com- 
binations and  the  rules  for  its  decision  are  modified 
accordingly  &  thoroughly  digested,  the  legislature 
should  reduce  these  rules  to  a  text  and  transplant 
them  into  the  department  of  the  common  law,  which 
is  competent  then  to  the  application  of  them,  and  is 
a  safer  depository  for  the  general  administration  of 
justice.  This  would  be  to  make  the  Chancery  a 
nursery  only  for  the  forming  new  plants  for  the  De- 
partment of  the  common  law.  Much  of  the  business 
of  Chancery  is  now  actually  in  a  state  of  perfect 
preparation  for  removal  into  the  common  law. 

It  has  often  been  predicted  in  England  that  the 
Chancery  would  swallow  up  the  common  law,  during 
many  centuries  however,  that  these  two  courts  have 
gone  on  together,  the  jurisdiction  of  the  common 
law  has  not  been  narrowed  in  a  single  article  :  on  the 
contrary  it  has  been  enlarged  from  time  to  time  by 


ii4  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

act  of  the  legislature ;  but  jealousy  uncorrected  by 
reason  or  experience,  sees  certainty  where  ever  there 
is  a  possibility  and  sensible  men  still  think  that  the 
danger  from  this  court  overweighs  its  utility. 

Even  some  of  the  states  in  our  Union  have  chosen 
to  do  without  this  court ;  and  it  has  been  proposed 
to  others  to  follow  their  example  in  this  case.  One  of 
two  consequences  must  follow.  Either,  i — the  cases 
now  remediable  in  Chancery  must  be  left  without 
remedy,  in  which  event  the  clamorers  for  justice 
which  originally  begat  this  court,  would  produce  it's 
re-institution ;  or  2 — the  courts  of  common  law 
must  be  permitted  to  perform  the  discretionary  func- 
tions of  the  Chancery.  This  will  be  either  by  adopt- 
ing at  once  all  the  rules  of  the  Chancery,  with  the 
consent  of  the  legislature,  or  if  that  is  withheld,  these 
courts  will  be  led,  by  the  desire  of  doing  justice,  to 
extend  the  text  of  the  law  according  to  it's  equity  as 
was  done  in  England  before  the  Chancery  took  a 
regular  form.  This  will  be  worse  than  running  on 
Scylla  to  avoid  Charybdis,  for  at  present  nine  tenths 
of  our  legal  contestations  are  perfectly  remedied  by 
the  common  law,  &  can  be  carried  before  that  judi- 
cature only.  This  proportion  then  of  our  rights  is 
placed  on  sure  ground.  Relieve  the  judges  from  the 
rigour  of  text  law,  and  permit  them,  with  prsetorian 
discretion,  to  wander  into  its  equity,  &  the  whole 
legal  system  becomes  incertain.  This  has  been  it's 
fate  in  every  country  where  the  fixed,  &  the  dis- 
cretionary law  have  been  committed  into  the  same 
hands.  It  is  probable  that  the  singular  certainty,  with 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  115 

which  justice  has  been  administered  in  England,  has 
been  the  consequence  of  their  distribution  into  two 
distinct  departments.  Unhappily  for  that  country, 
however,  a  very  unexpected  revolution  is  working  in 
their  laws  of  late  years.  L^  Mansfield,  a  man  of  the 
clearest  head  &  most  seducing  eloquence  coming 
from  a  country  where  the  powers  of  the  common  law 
&  chancery  are  united  in  the  same  court,  has  been 
able  since  his  admission  to  the  bench  of  judges  in 
England,  to  persuade  the  courts  of  common  law  to 
revise  the  practice  of  construing  their  text  equitably. 
The  object  of  former  judges  has  been  to  render  the 
law  more  &  more  certain.  That  of  this  personage  to 
render  it  more  incertain  under  pretence  of  rendering 
it  more  reasonable.  No  period  of  the  English  law 
of  what  ever  length  it  be  taken,  can  be  produced 
wherein  so  many  of  it's  settled  rules  have  been 
reversed  as  during  the  time  of  this  judge.  His 
decisions  will  be  precious  in  those  states  where  no 
chancery  is  established,  but  his  accession  to  the 
bench  should  form  the  epoch,  after  which  all  recur- 
rence to  English  decisions  should  be  proscribed  in 
those  states  which  have  separated  the  two  courts. 
His  plan  of  rendering  the  chancery  useless  by  ad- 
ministering justice  in  the  same  way  in  the  courts  of 
common  law  has  been  admirably  seconded  by  the 
celebrated  D-  Blackstone,  a  judge  in  the  same 
department,  who  has  endeavored  seriously  to  prove 
that  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Chancery  is  a  chaos, 
irreducible  to  system,  insusceptible  of  fixed  rules,  & 
incapable  of  definition  or  explanation.  Were  this  true, 


n6  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  [1785 

it  would  be  a  monster  whose  existence  should  not  be 
suffered  one  moment  in  a  free  country  wherein  every 
power  is  dangerous  which  is  not  bound  up  by  general 
rules. 

Before  I  end  up  my  letter  I  will  further  observe, 
to  guard  still  more  effectually  against  the  dangers 
apprehended  from  a  court  of  Chancery,  the  legisla- 
ture of  Virginia  have  very  wisely  introduced  into  it 
the  trial  by  jury  for  all  matters  of  fact. 

I  have  thus  gone  over,  with  much  rapidity  the 
subject  of  your  inquiries,  yet  I  fear  I  have  been  more 
lengthy  than  you  wished.  You  can,  however,  extract 
such  of  these  details  as  will  fulfill  your  object,  neglect- 
ing those  which  go  beyond  it.  I  shall  close  therefore 
with  assurances  of  the  sincere  esteem  with  which  I 
am  Dear  Sir,  Your  friend  &  servant. 


CONFERENCE    WITH    THE    COUNT    DE  VERGENNES  ON  THE 

SUBJECT    OF    THE    COMMERCE     OF    THE    UNITED 

STATES    WITH    FRANCE.1 

1785. 

The  next  levee  day  at  Versailles,  I  meant  to  bring  again  under 
the  view  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  the  whole  subject  of  our 
commerce  with  France  ;  but  the  number  of  audiences  of  ambas- 
sadors and  other  ministers,  which  take  place,  of  course,  before 
mine,  and  which  seldom,  indeed,  leave  me  an  opportunity  of 
audience  at  all,  prevented  me  that  day.  I  was  only  able  to  ask 
the  Count  de  Vergennes,  as  a  particular  favor,  that  he  would 
permit  me  to  wait  on  him  some  day  that  week.  He  did  so,  and 
I  went  to  Versailles  the  Friday  following  (the  pth  of  December). 
M.  de  Reyneval  was  with  the  Count.  Our  conversation  began 
with  the  usual  topic  ;  that  the  trade  of  the  United  States  had  not 
yet  learned  the  way  to  France,  but  continued  to  centre  in  Eng- 
land, though  no  longer  obliged  by  law  to  go  there.  I  observed, 
that  the  real  cause  of  this,  was  to  be  found  in  the  difference  of 
the  commercial  arrangements  in  the  two  countries  ;  that  mer- 
chants would  not,  and  could  not  trade  but  where  there  was  to  be 

1  In  a  letter  to  John  Jay,  dated  Paris,  January  2,  1786,  Jefferson  wrote  : 
"  SIR, — Several  conferences  and  letters  having  passed  between  the  Count  de 
Vergennes  and  myself,  on  the  subject  of  the  commerce  of  this  country  with  the 
United  States,  I  think  them  sufficiently  interesting  to  be  communicated  to 
Congress.  They  are  stated  in  the  form  of  a  report,  and  are  herein  enclosed. 
The  length  of  this  despatch,  perhaps,  needs  apology.  Yet  I  have  not  been 
able  to  abridge  it,  without  omitting  circumstances  which  I  thought  Congress 
would  rather  choose  to  know.  Some  of  the  objects  of  these  conferences  pre- 
sent but  small  hopes  for  the  present,  but  they  seem  to  admit  a  possibility  of 
success  at  some  future  moment.  .  .  ." 
See  also  post,  letter  to  Jay,  of  May  23,  1786. 

TIT 


n8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

some  gain  ;  that  the  commerce  between  two  countries  could  not 
be  kept  up,  but  by  an  exchange  of  commodities  ;  that,  if  an 
American  merchant  was  forced  to  carry  his  produce  to  London, 
it  could  not  be  expected  he  would  make  a  voyage  from  thence  to 
France,  with  the  money,  to  lay  it  out  here  ;  and,  in  like  manner, 
that  if  he  could  bring  his  commodities,  with  advantage,  to  this 
country,  he  would  not  make  another  voyage  to  England,  with  the 
money,  to  lay  it  out  there,  but  would  take  in  exchange  the  mer- 
chandise of  this  country.  The  Count  de  Vergennes  agreed  to 
this,  and  particularly  that  where  there  was  no  exchange  of  mer- 
chandise, there  could  be  no  durable  commerce  ;  and  that  it  was 
natural  for  merchants  to  take  their  returns  in  the  port  where  they 
sold  their  cargo.  I  desired  his  permission  then,  to  take  a  sum- 
mary view  of  the  productions  of  the  United  States,  that  we  might 
see  which  of  them  could  be  brought  here  to  advantage. 

i.  Rice.  France  gets  from  the  Mediterranean  a  rice  not  so 
good  indeed,  but  cheaper  than  ours.  He  said  that  they  bought 
of  our  rice,  but  that  they  got  from  Egypt  also,  rice  of  a  very  fine 
quality.  I  observed  that  such  was  the  actual  state  of  their  com- 
merce, in  that  article,  that  they  take  little  from  us.  2.  Indigo. 
They  make  a  plenty  in  their  own  colonies.  He  observed  that 
they  did,  and  that  they  thought  it  better  than  ours.  3.  Flour, 
fish,  and  provisions  of  all  sorts,  they  produce  for  themselves. 
That  these  articles  might,  therefore,  be  considered  as  not  exist- 
ing, for  commerce,  between  the  United  States  and  the  kingdom 
of  France. 

I  proceeded  to  those  capable  of  becoming  objects  of  exchange 
between  the  two  nations,  i.  Peltry  and  furs.  Our  posts  being 
in  the  hands  of  the  English,  we  are  cut  off  from  that  article.  I 
am  not  sure  even,  whether  we  are  not  obliged  to  buy  of  them,  for 
our  own  use.  When  these  posts  are  given  up,  if  ever  they  are,  we 
shall  be  able  to  furnish  France  with  skins  and  furs,  to  the  amount 
of  two  millions  of  livres,  in  exchange  for  her  merchandise  ;  but 
at  present,  these  articles  are  to  be  counted  as  nothing.  2.  Potash. 
An  experiment  is  making  whether  this  can  be  brought  here.  We 
hope  it  may,  but  at  present  it  stands  for  nothing.  He  observed 
that  it  was  much  wanted  in  France,  and  he  thought  it  would  suc- 
ceed. 3.  Naval  stores.  Trials  are  also  making  on  these,  as  sub- 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  119 

jects  of  commerce  with  France.  They  are  heavy,  and  the  voyage 
long.  The  result,  therefore,  is  doubtful.  At  present,  they  are 
as  nothing  in  our  commerce  with  this  country.  4.  Whale  oil. 
I  told  him  I  had  great  hopes  that  the  late  diminution  of  duty 
would  enable  us  to  bring  this  article,  with  advantage,  to  France  ; 
that  a  merchant  was  just  arrived  (Mr.  Barrett)  who  proposed  to 
settle  at  L'Orient,  for  the  purpose  of  selling  the  cargoes  of  this 
article,  and  choosing  the  returns.  That  he  had  informed  me, 
that  in  the  first  year,  it  would  be  necessary  to  take  one-third  in 
money,  and  the  remainder  only  in  merchandise  ;  because  the 
fishermen  require,  indispensably,  some  money.  But  he  thought 
that  after  the  first  year,  the  merchandise  of  the  preceding  year, 
would  always  produce  money  for  the  ensuing  one,  and  that  the 
whole  amount  would  continue  to  be  taken  annually  afterwards, 
in  merchandise.  I  added,  that  though  the  diminution  of  duty 
was  expressed  to  be  but  for  one  year,  yet  I  hoped  they  would  find 
their  advantage  in  renewing  and  continuing  it ;  for  that  if  they 
intended  really  to  admit  it  for  one  year  only,  the  fishermen  would 
not  find  it  worth  while  to  rebuild  their  vessels,  and  to  prepare 
themselves  for  the  business.  The  Count  expressed  satisfaction 
on  the  view  of  commercial  exchange  held  up  by  this  article.  He 
made  no  answer  as  to  the  continuance  of  it ;  and  I  did  not  choose 
to  tell  him,  at  that  time,  that  we  should  claim  its  continuance 
under  their  treaty  with  the  Hanseatic  towns,  which  fixes  this  duty 
for  them,  and  our  own  treaty,  which  gives  us  the  rights  of  the 
most  favored  nation.  5.  Tobacco.  I  recalled  to  the  memory  of 
the  Count  de  Vergennes,  the  letter  I  had  written  to  him  on  this 
article  ;  and  the  object  of  the  present  conversation  being,  how 
to  facilitate  the  exchange  of  commerciable  articles  between  the 
two  countries,  I  pressed  that  of  tobacco,  in  this  point  of  view  ; 
observed  that  France,  at  present,  paid  us  two  millions  of  livres 
for  this  article ;  that  for  such  portions  of  it  as  were  bought  in 
London,  they  sent  the  money  directly  there,  and  for  what  they 
bought  in  the  United  States,  the  money  was  still  remitted  to 
London,  by  bills  of  exchange  ;  whereas,  if  they  would  permit  our 
merchants  to  sell  this  article  freely,  they  would  bring  it  here,  and 
take  the  returns  on  the  spot,  in  merchandise,  not  money.  The 
Count  observed,  that  my  proposition  contained  what  was  doubt- 


120  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

less  useful,  but  that  the  King  received  on  this  article,  at  present, 
a  revenue  of  twenty-eight  millions,  which  was  so  considerable,  as 
to  render  them  fearful  of  tampering  with  it ;  that  the  collection 
of  this  revenue  by  way  of  Farm,  was  of  very  ancient  date,  and 
that  it  was  always  hazardous  to  alter  arrangements  of  long  stand- 
ing, and  of  such  infinite  combinations  with  the  fiscal  system.  I 
answered,  that  the  simplicity  of  the  mode  of  collection  proposed 
for  this  article,  withdrew  it  from  all  fear  of  deranging  other  parts 
of  their  system  ;  that  I  supposed  they  would  confine  the  importa- 
tion to  some  of  their  principal  ports,  probably  not  more  than  five 
or  six  ;  that  a  single  collector  in  each  of  these,  was  the  only  new 
officer  requisite ;  that  he  could  get  rich  himself  on  six  livres  a 
hogshead,  and  would  receive  the  whole  revenue,  and  pay  it  into 
the  treasury,  at  short  hand.  M.  de  Reyneval  entered  particularly 
into  this  part  of  the  conversation,  and  explained  to  the  Count, 
more  in  detail,  the  advantages  and  simplicity  of  it,  and  concluded 
by  observing  to  me,  that  it  sometimes  happened  that  useful  prop- 
ositions, though  not  practicable  at  one  time,  might  become  so  at 
another.  I  told  him  that  that  consideration  had  induced  me  to 
press  the  matter  when  I  did,  because  I  had  understood  the  re- 
newal of  the  Farm  was  then  on  the  carpet,  and  that  it  was  the 
precise  moment  when  I  supposed  that  this  portion  might  be 
detached  from  the  mass  of  the  Farms.  I  asked  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes  whether,  if  the  renewal  of  the  Farm  was  pressing,  this 
article  might  not  be  separated,  merely  in  suspense,  till  govern- 
ment should  have  time  to  satisfy  themselves  on  the  expediency  of 
renewing  it.  He  said  no  promises  could  be  made. 

In  the  course  of  this  conversation  he  had  mentioned  the  lib- 
erty we  enjoyed  of  carrying  our  fish  to  the  French  islands.  I 
repeated  to  him  what  I  had  hinted  in  my  letter,  of  November  the 
zoth,  1785,  that  I  considered  as  a  prohibition  the  laying  such 
duties  on  our  fish,  and  giving  such  premiums  on  theirs,  as  made  a 
difference  between  their  and  our  fishermen  of  fifteen  livres  the 
quintal,  in  an  article  which  sold  for  but  fifteen  livres.  He  said  it 
would  not  have  that  effect,  for  two  reasons  :  i.  That  their  fisher- 
men could  not  furnish  supplies  sufficient  for  their  islands,  and,  of 
course,  the  inhabitants  must,  of  necessity,  buy  our  fish.  2.  That 
from  the  constancy  of  our  fishery,  and  the  short  season  during 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  121 

which  theirs  continued,  and  also  from  the  economy  and  manage- 
ment of  ours,  compared  with  the  expense  of  theirs,  we  had  always 
been  able  to  sell  our  fish,  in  their  islands,  at  twenty-five  livres  the 
quintal,  while  they  were  obliged  to  ask  thirty-six  livres.  (I  sup- 
pose he  meant  the  livre  of  the  French  islands.)  That  thus,  the 
duty  and  premium  had  been  a  necessary  operation  on  their  side, 
to  place  the  sale  of  their  fish  on  a  level  with  ours,  and  that  with- 
out this,  theirs  could  not  bear  the  competition. 

I  have  here  brought  together  the  substance  of  what  was  said  on 
the  preceding  subjects,  not  pretending  to  give  it  verbatim,  which 
my  memory  does  not  enable  me  to  do.  I  have,  probably,  omitted 
many  things  which  were  spoken,  but  have  mentioned  nothing 
which  was  not.  It  was  interrupted,  at  times,  with  collateral  mat- 
ters. One  of  these  was  important.  The  Count  de  Vergennes 
complained,  and  with  a  good  deal  of  stress,  that  they  did  not  find 
a  sufficient  dependence  on  arrangements  taken  with  us.  This 
was  the  third  time  too,  he  had  done  it  ;  first,  in  a  conversation  at 
Fontainebleau,  when  he  first  complained  to  me  of  the  navigation 
acts  of  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire  ;  secondly,  in  his  letter 
of  October  the  3oth,  1785,  on  the  same  subject ;  and  now,  in  the 
present  conversation,  wherein  he  added,  as  another  instance,  the 
case  of  the  Chevalier  de  Mezieres,  heir  of  General  Oglethorpe, 
who,  notwithstanding  that  the  i  ith  article  of  the  treaty  provides, 
that  the  subjects  or  citizens  of  either  party  shall  succeed,  ab  intes- 
tato,  to  the  lands  of  their  ancestors,  within  the  dominions  of  the 
other,  had  been  informed  from  Mr.  Adams,  and  by  me  also,  that 
his  right  of  succession  to  the  General's  estate  in  Georgia  was 
doubtful.  He  observed  too,  that  the  administration  of  justice 
with  us  was  tardy,  insomuch  that  their  merchants,  when  they  had 
money  due  to  them  within  our  States,  considered  it  as  desperate  ; 
and  that  our  commercial  regulations,  in  general,  were  disgusting 
to  them.  These  ideas  were  new,  serious  and  delicate.  I  decided, 
therefore,  not  to  enter  into  them  at  that  moment,  and  the  rather, 
as  we  were  speaking  in  French,  in  which  language  I  did  not  choose 
to  hazard  myself.  I  withdrew  from  the  objections  of  the  tardi- 
ness of  justice  with  us,  and  the  disagreeableness  of  our  commer- 
cial regulations,  by  a  general  observation,  that  I  was  not  sensible 
they  were  well  founded.  With  respect  to  the  case  of  the  Cheva- 


122  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

Her  de  Mezieres,  I  was  obliged  to  enter  into  some  explanations. 
They  related  chiefly  to  the  legal  operation  of  our  Declaration  of 
Independence,  to  the  undecided  question  whether  our  citizens 
and  British  subjects  were  thereby  made  aliens  to  one  another,  to  the 
general  laws  as  to  the  conveyances  of  land  to  aliens,  and  the 
doubt  whether  an  act  of  the  Assembly  of  Georgia  might  not  have 
been  passed,  to  confiscate  General  Oglethorpe's  property,  which 
would  of  course  prevent  its  devolution  on  any  heir.  Mr.  Rey- 
neval  observed,  that  in  this  case,  it  became  a  mere  question  of 
fact,  whether  a  confiscation  of  these  lands  had  taken  place  before 
the  death  of  General  Oglethorpe,  which  fact  might  be  easily  known 
by  inquiries  in  Georgia,  where  the  possessions  lay.  I  thought  it 
very  material,  that  the  opinion  of  this  court  should  be  set  to  rights 
on  these  points.  On  my  return,  therefore,  I  wrote  the  following 
observations  on  them,  which,  the  next  time  I  went  to  Versailles, 
(not  having  an  opportunity  of  speaking  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes), 
I  put  into  the  hands  of  M.  Reyneval,  praying  him  to  read  them, 
and  to  ask  the  favor  of  the  Count  to  do  the  same. 

Explanations  on  some  of  the  subjects  of  conversation  which  I  had  the 
honor  of  having  with  his  Excellency,  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  when 
I  was  last  at  Versailles. 

The  principal  design  of  that  conversation  was,  to  discuss  those 
articles  of  commerce  which  the  United  States  could  spare,  which 
are  wanted  in  France,  and  if  received  there  on  a  convenient  foot- 
ing, would  be  exchanged  for  the  productions  of  France.  But  in 
the  course  of  the  conversation,  some  circumstances  were  incident- 
ally mentioned  by  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  which  induced  me  to 
suppose  he  had  received  impressions,  neither  favorable  to  us,  nor 
derived  from  perfect  information. 

The  case  of  the  Chevalier  de  Mezieres  was  supposed  to  furnish 
an  instance  of  our  disregard  to  treaties  ;  and  the  event  of  that 
case  was  inferred  from  opinions  supposed  to  have  been  given  by 
Mr.  Adams  and  myself.  This  is  ascribing  a  weight  to  our  opin- 
ions, to  which  they  are  not  entitled.  They  will  have  no  influence 
on  the  decision  of  the  case.  The  judges  in  our  courts,  would  not 
suffer  them  to  be  read.  Their  guide  is  the  law  of  the  land,  of 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  123 

which  law  its  treaties  make  a  part.  Indeed,  I  know  not  what 
opinion  Mr.  Adams  may  have  given  on  the  case.  And,  if  any  be 
imputed  to  him  derogatory  of  our  regard  to  the  treaty  with  France, 
I  think  his  opinion  has  been  misunderstood.  With  respect  to  my- 
self, the  doubts  which  I  expressed  to  the  Chevalier  de  Mezieres, 
as  to  the  success  of  his  claims,  were  not  founded  on  any  question 
whether  the  treaty  between  France  and  the  United  States  would 
be  observed.  On  the  contrary,  I  venture  to  pronounce  that  it 
will  be  religiously  observed,  if  his  case  comes  under  it.  But  I 
doubted  whether  it  would  come  under  the  treaty.  The  case,  as  I 
understand  it,  is  this  :  General  Oglethorpe,  a  British  subject,  had 
lands  in  Georgia.  He  died  since  the  peace,  having  devised  these 
lands  to  his  wife.  His  heirs  are  the  Chevalier  de  Mezieres,  son  of 
his  elder  sister,  and  the  Marquise  de  Belgarde,  son  of  his  younger 
sister.  This  case  gives  rise  to  legal  questions,  some  of  which 
have  not  yet  been  decided,  either  in  England  or  America,  the 
laws  of  which  countries  are  nearly  the  same. 

1.  It  is  a  question  under  the  laws  of  those  countries,  whether 
persons  born  before  their  separation,  and  once  completely  invested, 
in  both,  with  the  character  of  natural  subjects,  can  ever  become 
aliens  in  either  ?     There  are  respectable  opinions  on  both  sides. 
If  the  negative  be  right,  then  General  Oglethorpe  having  never 
become  an  alien,  and  having  devised  his  lands  to  his  wife,  who, 
on  this  supposition,  also,  was  not  an  alien,  the  devise  has  trans- 
ferred the  lands  to  her,  and  there  is  nothing  left  for  the  treaty  to 
operate  on. 

2.  If  the  affirmative  opinion  be  right,  and  the  inhabitants  of 
Great  Britain  and  America,  born  before  the  Revolution,  are  become 
aliens  to  each  other,  it  follows  by  the  laws  of  both,  that  the  lands 
which  either  possessed,  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  other,  be- 
came the  property  of  the  State  in  which  they  are.     But  a  question 
arises,  whether  the  transfer  of  the  property  took  place  on  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  or  not  till  an  office,  or  an  act  of 
Assembly,  had  declared  the  transfer.     If  the  property  passed  to 
the  State  on  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  then  it  did  not 
remain  in  General  Oglethorpe,  and,  of  course,  at  the  time  of  his 
death,  he  having  nothing,  there  was  nothing  to  pass  to  his  heirs, 
and  so,  nothing  for  the  treaty  to  operate  on. 


i24  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

3.  If  the  property  does  not  pass  till  declared  by  an  office  found 
by  jury,  or  an  act  passed  by  the  Assembly,  the  question  then  is, 
whether  an  office  had  been  found,  or  an   act  of  Assembly  been 
passed  for  that  purpose,  before  the  peace  ?     If  there  was,  the 
lands  had  passed  to  the  State  during  his  life,  and  nothing  being 
left  in  him,  there  is  nothing  for  his  heirs  to  claim  under  the 
treaty. 

4.  If  the  property  had  not  been  transferred  to  the  State  before 
the  peace,  either  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  or  an  office, 
or  an  act  of  Assembly,  then  it  remained  in  General  Oglethorpe  at 
the  epoch  of  the  peace  ;  and  it  will  be  insisted,  no  doubt,  that,  by 
the  sixth  article  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  which  forbids  future  confiscations,  General 
Oglethorpe  acquired  a  capacity  of  holding  and  of  conveying  his 
lands.     He  has  conveyed  them  to  his  wife.     But  she  being  an 
alien,  it  will  be  decided  by  the  laws  of  the  land,  whether  she  took 
them  for  her  own  use,  or  for  the  use  of  the  State.     For  it  is  a 
general  principle  of  our  law,  that  conveyances  to  aliens  pass  the 
lands  to  the  State  ;  and  it  may  be  urged,  that  though,  by  the 
treaty  of  peace,  General  Oglethorpe  could  convey,  yet  that  treaty 
did  not  mean  to  give  him  a  greater  privilege  of  conveyance  than 
natives  hold,  to  wit  :  a  privilege  of  transferring  the  property  to 
persons  incapable,  by  law,  of  taking  it.     However,  this  would  be 
a  question  between  the  State  of  Georgia  and  the  widow  of  General 
Oglethorpe,  in  the  decision  of  which  the  Chevalier  de  Mezieres  is 
not  interested,  because,  whether  she  takes  the  land  by  the  will,  for 
her  own  use,  or  for  that  of  the  State,  it  is  equally  prevented  from 
descending  to  him  :  there  is  neither  a  conveyance  to  him,  nor  a 
succession  ab  intestato  devolving  on  him,  which  are  the  cases  pro- 
vided for  by  our  treaty  with  France.     To  sum  up  the  matter  in  a 
few  words  ;  if  the  lands  had  passed  to  the  State  before  the  epoch 
of  peace,  the  heirs  of  General  Oglethorpe  cannot  say  they  have 
descended  on  them,  and  if  they  remained  in  the  General  at  that 
epoch,  the  treaty  saving  them  to  him,  he  could  convey  them  away 
from  his  heirs,  and  he  has  conveyed  them  to  his  widow,  either  for 
her  own  use,  or  for  that  of  the  State. 

Seeing  no  event  in  which,  according  to  the  facts  stated  to  me, 
the  treaty  could  be  applied  to  this  case,  or  could  give  any  right 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  125 

whatever,  to  the  heirs  of  General  Oglethorpe,  I  advised  the  Cheva- 
lier de  Mezieres  not  to  urge  his  pretensions  on  the  footing  of 
right,  nor  under  the  treaty,  but  to  petition  the  Assembly  of  Georgia 
for  a  grant  of  these  lands.  If,  in  the  question  between  the  State 
and  the  widow  of  General  Oglethorpe,  it  should  be  decided  that 
they  were  the  property  of  the  State,  I  expected  from  their  gener- 
osity, and  the  friendly  disposition  in  America  to  the  subjects 
of  France,  that  they  would  be  favorable  to  the  Chevalier  de 
Mezieres.  There  is  nothing  in  the  preceding  observations  which 
would  not  have  applied  against  the  heir  of  General  Oglethorpe, 
had  he  been  a  native  citizen  of  Georgia,  as  it  now  applies  against 
him,  being  a  subject  of  France.  The  treaty  has  placed  the  sub- 
jects of  France  on  a  footing  with  natives,  as  to  conveyances  and 
descent  of  property.  There  was  no  occasion  for  the  Assemblies 
to  pass  laws  on  this  subject  ;  the  treaty  being  a  law,  as  I  conceive, 
superior  to  those  of  particular  Assemblies,  and  repealing  them, 
when  they  stand  in  the  way  of  its  operations. 

The  supposition  that  the  treaty  was  disregarded  on  our  part,  in 
the  instance  of  the  acts  of  Assembly  of  Massachusetts  and  New 
Hampshire,  which  made  a  distinction  between  natives  and  for- 
eigners, as  to  the  duties  to  be  paid  on  commerce,  was  taken  notice 
of  in  the  letter  of  November  the  2oth,  which  I  had  the  honor  of 
addressing  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes.  And  while  I  express  my 
hopes  that,  on  a  revision  of  these  subjects,  nothing  will  be  found 
in  them  derogatory  from  either  the  letter  or  spirit  of  our  treaty,  I 
will  add  assurances  that  the  United  States  will  not  be  behind  hand 
in  going  beyond  both,  whenever  occasion  shall  offer  of  manifest- 
ing their  sincere  attachment  to  this  country. 

I  will  pass  on  to  the  observation,  that  our  commercial  regula- 
tions are  difficult,  and  repugnant  to  the  French  merchants.  To 
detail  these  regulations  minutely,  as  they  exist  in  every  State, 
would  be  beyond  my  information.  A  general  view  of  them,  how- 
ever, will  suffice,  because  the  States  differ  little  in  their  several 
regulations.  On  the  arrival  of  a  ship  in  America,  her  cargo  must 
be  reported  at  the  proper  office.  The  duties  on  it  are  to  be  paid. 
These  are  commonly  from  two  and  a  half  to  five  per  cent,  on  its 
value.  On  many  articles,  the  value  of  which  is  tolerably  uniform, 
the  precise  sum  is  fixed  by  law.  A  tariff  of  these  is  presented  to 


126  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

the  importer,  and  he  can  see  what  he  has  to  pay,  as  well  as  the 
officer.  For  other  articles,  the  duty  is  such  a  per  cent,  on  their 
value.  That  value  is  either  shown  by  the  invoice,  or  by  the  oath 
of  the  importer.  This  operation  being  once  over,  and  it  is  a  very 
short  one,  the  goods  are  considered  as  entered,  and  may  then 
pass  through  the  whole  thirteen  States  without  their  being  ever 
more  subject  to  a  question,  unless  they  be  reshipped.  Exporta- 
tion is  still  more  simple  ;  because,  as  we  prohibit  the  exportation 
of  nothing,  and  very  rarely  lay  a  duty  on  any  article  of  export, 
the  State  is  little  interested  in  examining  outward-bound  vessels. 
The  captain  asks  a  clearance  for  his  own  purposes.  As  to  the 
operations  of  internal  commerce,  such  as  matters  of  exchange,  of 
buying,  selling,  bartering,  &c.,  our  laws  are  the  same  as  the 
English.  If  they  have  been  altered  in  any  instance,  it  has  been 
to  render  them  more  simple. 

Lastly,  as  to  the  tardiness  of  the  administration  of  justice  with 
us,  it  would  be  equally  tedious  and  impracticable  for  me  to  give 
a  precise  account  of  it  in  every  State.  But  I  think  it  probable 
that  it  is  much  on  the  same  footing  through  all  the  States,  and 
that  an  account  of  it  in  any  one  of  them  may  found  a  general 
presumption  of  it  in  the  others.  Being  best  acquainted  with  its 
administration  in  Virginia,  I  shall  confine  myself  to  that.  Before 
the  Revolution,  a  judgment  could  not  be  obtained  under  eight 
years  in  the  supreme  court,  where  the  suit  was  in  the  department 
of  the  common  law,  which  department  embraces  about  nine- 
tenths  of  the  subject  of  legal  contestation.  In  that  of  the 
chancery,  from  twelve  to  twenty  years  were  requisite.  This  did 
not  proceed  from  any  vice  in  the  laws,  but  from  the  indolence 
of  the  judges  appointed  by  the  King  ;  and  these  judges  holding 
their  office  during  his  will  only,  he  could  have  reformed  the  evil 
at  any  time.  This  reformation  was  among  the  first  works  of  the 
legislature  after  our  independence.  A  judgment  can  now  be 
obtained  in  the  supreme  court  in  one  year  at  the  common  law, 
and  in  about  three  years  in  the  chancery.  But  more  particularly 
to  protect  the  commerce  of  France,  which,  at  that  moment,  was 
considerable  with  us,  a  law  was  passed,  giving  all  suits  wherein  a 
foreigner  was  a  party,  a  privilege  to  be  tried  immediately,  on  the 
return  of  his  process,  without  waiting  till  those  of  natives,  which 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  127 

stand  before  them,  shall  have  been  decided  on.  Out  of  this  act, 
however,  the  British  stand  excluded  by  a  subsequent  one.  This, 
with  its  causes,  must  be  explained.  The  British  army,  after 
ravaging  the  State  of  Virginia,  had  sent  off  a  very  great  number 
of  slaves  to  New  York.  By  the  seventh  article  of  the  treaty  of 
peace,  they  stipulated  not  to  carry  away  any  of  these.  Notwith- 
standing this,  it  was  known,  when  they  were  evacuating  New 
York,  that  they  were  carrying  away  the  slaves.  General  Wash- 
ington made  an  official  demand  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  that  he 
should  cease  to  send  them  away.  He  answered,  that  these  people 
had  come  to  them  under  promise  of  the  King's  protection,  and 
that  that  promise  should  be  fulfilled  in  preference  to  the  stipula- 
tion in  the  treaty.  The  State  of  Virginia,  to  which  nearly  the 
whole  of  these  slaves  belonged,  passed  a  law  to  forbid  the  re- 
covery of  debts  due  to  British  subjects.  They  declared,  at  the 
same  time,  they  would  repeal  the  law,  if  Congress  were  of  opinion 
they  ought  to  do  it.  But,  desirous  that  their  citizens  should  be 
discharging  their  debts,  they  afterwards  permitted  British  credi- 
tors to  prosecute  their  suits,  and  to  receive  their  debts  in  seven 
equal  and  annual  payments  ;  relying  that  the  demand  for  the 
slaves  would  be  either  admitted  or  denied  in  time  to  lay  their 
hands  on  some  of  the  latter  payments  for  reimbursement.  The 
immensity  of  this  debt  was  another  reason  for  forbidding  such  a 
mass  of  property  to  be  offered  for  sale  under  execution  at  once, 
as,  from  the  small  quantity  of  circulating  money,  it  must  have 
sold  for  little  or  nothing,  whereby  the  creditor  would  have  failed 
to  receive  his  money,  and  the  debtor  would  have  lost  his  whole 
estate  without  being  discharged  of  his  debt.  This  is  the  history 
of  the  delay  of  justice  in  that  country  in  the  case  of  British 
creditors.  As  to  all  others,  its  administration  is  as  speedy  as 
justice  itself  will  admit.  I  presume  it  is  equally  so  in  all  the 
other  States,  and  can  add,  that  it  is  administered  in  them  all, 
with  a  purity  and  integrity  of  which  few  countries  can  afford  an 
example. 

I  cannot  take  leave  altogether  of  the  subjects  of  this  conver- 
sation without  recalling  the  attention  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes 
to  what  had  been  its  principal  drift.  This  was  to  endeavor  to 
bring  about  a  direct  exchange  between  France  and  the  United 


isS  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1785 

States  (without  the  intervention  of  a  third  nation),  of  those  pro- 
ductyons  with  which  each  could  furnish  the  other.  We  can 
furnish  to  France  (because  we  have  heretofore  furnished  to 
England),  of  whale  oil  and  spermaceti,  of  furs  and  peltry,  of 
ships  and  naval  stores,  and  of  potash  to  the  amount  of  fifteen 
millions  of  livres  ;  and  the  quantities  will  admit  of  increase.  Of 
our  tobacco,  France  consumes  the  value  of  ten  millions  more. 
Twenty-five  millions  of  livres,  then,  mark  the  extent  of  that 
commerce  of  exchange,  which  is,  at  present,  practicable  between 
us.  We  want,  in  return,  productions  and  manufactures,  not 
money.  If  the  duties  on  our  produce  are  light,  and  the  sale  free, 
we  shall  undoubtedly  bring  it  here,  and  lay  out  the  proceeds  on 
the  spot  in  the  productions  and  manufactures  which  we  want. 
The  merchants  of  France  will,  on  their  part,  become  active  in 
the  same  business.  We  shall  no  more  think,  when  we  shall  have 
sold  our  produce  here,  of  making  an  useless  voyage  to  another 
country  to  lay  out  the  money,  than  we  think  at  present,  when  we 
have  sold  it  elsewhere,  of  coming  here  to  lay  out  the  money. 
The  conclusion  is,  that  there  are  commodities  which  form  a 
basis  of  exchange  to  the  extent  of  a  million  of  guineas  annually  ; 
it  is  for  the  wisdom  of  those  in  power  to  contrive  that  the 
exchange  shall  be  made. 

Having  put  this  paper  into  the  hands  of  Monsieur  Reyneval, 
we  entered  into  conversation  again,  on  the  subject  of  the  Farms, 
which  were  now  understood  to  be  approaching  to  a  conclusion. 
He  told  me,  that  he  was  decidedly  of  opinion,  that  the  interest 
of  the  State  required  the  Farm  of  tobacco  to  be  discontinued, 
and  that  he  had,  accordingly,  given  every  aid  to  my  proposition, 
which  laid  within  his  sphere  ;  that  the  Count  de  Vergennes  was 
very  clearly  of  the  same  opinion,  and  had  supported  it  strongly 
with  reasons  of  his  own,  when  he  transmitted  it  to  the  Comp- 
troller General  ;  but  that  the  Comptroller,  in  the  discussions  of 
this  subject  which  had  taken  place,  besides  the  objections  which 
the  Count  de  Vergennes  had  repeated  to  me,  and  which  are  be- 
fore mentioned,  had  added,  that  the  contract  with  the  Farmers 
General  was  now  so  far  advanced,  that  the  article  of  tobacco 
could  not  be  withdrawn  from  it,  without  unravelling  the  whole 
transaction.  Having  understood  that,  in  this  contract,  there  was 


1785]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  129 

always  reserved  to  the  crown  a  right  to  discontinue  it  at  any 
moment,  making  just  reimbursements  to  the  Farmers,  I  asked 
M.  Reyneval,  if  the  contract  should  be  concluded  in  its  present 
form,  whether  it  might  still  be  practicable  to  have  it  discontinued, 
as  to  the  article  of  tobacco,  at  some  future  moment.  He  said  it 
might  be  possible. 

Upon  the  whole,  the  true  obstacle  to  this  proposition  has 
penetrated,  in  various  ways,  through  the  veil  which  covers  it. 
The  influence  of  the  Farmers  General  has  been  heretofore  found 
sufficient  to  shake  a  minister  in  his  office.  Monsieur  de  Calon- 
nes'  continuance  or  dismission,  has  been  thought,  for  some  time, 
to  be  on  a  poise.  Were  he  to  shift  this  great  weight,  therefore, 
out  of  his  own  scale  into  that  of  his  adversaries,  it  would  decide 
their  preponderance.  The  joint  interests  of  France  and  America 
would  be  insufficient  counterpoise  in  his  favor. 

It  will  be  observed  that  these  efforts  to  improve  the  commerce 
of  the  United  States,  have  been  confined  to  that  branch  only 
which  respects  France  itself,  and  that  nothing  passed  on  the  sub- 
ject of  our  commerce  with  the  West  Indies,  except  an  incidental 
conversation  as  to  our  fish.  The  reason  of  this,  was  no  want  of 
a  due  sense  of  its  importance.  Of  that,  I  am  thoroughly  sensible. 
But  efforts  in  favor  of  this  branch  would,  at  present,  be  des- 
perate. To  nations  with  which  we  have  not  yet  treated,  and  who 
have  possessions  in  America,  we  may  offer  a  free  vent  of  their 
manufactures  in  the  United  States,  for  a  full  or  modified  admit- 
tance into  those  possessions.  But  to  France,  we  are  obliged  to 
give  that  freedom  for  a  different  compensation  ;  to  wit,  for  her  aid 
in  effecting  our  independence.  It  is  difficult,  therefore,  to  say 
what  we  have  now  to  offer  to  her,  for  an  admission  into  her  West 
Indies.  Doubtless,  it  has  its  price.  But  the  question  is,  what 
this  would  be,  and  whether  worth  our  while  to  give  it.  Were  we 
to  propose  to  give  to  each  other's  citizens  all  the  rights  of  natives 
they  would,  of  course,  count  what  they  should  gain  by  this  en- 
largement of  right,  and  examine  whether  it  would  be  worth  to 

^them  as  much  as  their  monopoly  of  their  West  India  commerce. 

jilf  not,  that  commercial  freedom  which  we  wish  to  preserve,  and 
which,  indeed,  is  so  valuable,  leaves  us  little  to  offer.  An  ex- 
pression in  my  letter  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  of  November 


i3o  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  [1785 

the  2oth,  wherein  I  hinted  that  both  nations  might,  perhaps,  come 
into  the  opinion,  that  the  condition  of  natives  might  be  a  better 
ground  of  intercourse  for  their  citizens,  than  that  of  the  most 
favored  nation,  was  intended  to  furnish  an  opportunity  to  the 
minister  of  parleying  on  that  subject,  if  he  was  so  disposed,  and 
to  myself,  of  seeing  whereabouts  they  would  begin,  that  I  might 
communicate  it  to  Congress,  and  leave  them  to  judge  of  the 
expediency  of  pursuing  the  subject.  But  no  overtures  have 
followed  ;  for  I  have  no  right  to  consider  as  coming  from  the 
minister,  certain  questions  which  were,  very  soon  after,  proposed 
to  me  by  an  individual.  It  sufficiently  accounts  for  these  ques- 
tions, that  that  individual  had  written  a  memorial  on  the  subject, 
for  the  consideration  of  the  minister,  and  might  wish  to  know 
what  we  would  be  willing  to  do.  The  idea  that  I  should  answer 
such  questions  to  him,  is  equally  unaccountable,  whether  we  sup- 
pose them  originating  with  himself,  or  coming  from  the  minister. 
In  fact,  I  must  suppose  them  to  be  his  own  ;  and  I  transmit 
them,  only  that  Congress  may  see  what  one  Frenchman,  at  least, 
thinks  on  the  subject.  If  we  can  obtain  from  Great  Britain 
reasonable  conditions  of  commerce,  (which,  in  my  idea,  must 
forever  include  an  admission  into  her  islands,)  the  freest  ground 
between  these  two  nations  would  seem  to  be  the  best.  But  if  we 
can  obtain  no  equal  terms  from  her,  perhaps  Congress  might 
think  it  prudent,  as  Holland  has  done,  to  connect  us  unequivo- 
cally with  France.  Holland  has  purchased  the  protection  of 
France.  The  price  she  pays,  is  aid  in  time  of  war.  It  is  in- 
teresting for  us  to  purchase  a  free  commerce  with  the  French 
islands.  But  whether  it  is  best  to  pay  for  it,  by  aids  in  war,  or 
by  privileges  in  commerce,  or  not  to  purchase  it  at  all,  is  the 
question. 


CORRESPONDENCE. 

1786. 


TO    DR.    JAMES    CURRIE.  j.  MSS. 

Paris,  Jan.  18.  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  Oct.  17.  with  a  P.S.  of 
Oct.  20.  came  to  hand  a  few  days  ago  and  I  am  now 
to  thank  you  for  the  intelligence  it  contains.  It  is 
more  difficult  here  to  get  small  than  great  news  be- 
cause most  of  our  correspondents  in  writing  letters  to 
cross  the  Atlantic,  think  they  must  always  tread  in 
buskins,  so  that  half  one's  friends  might  be  dead 
without  it's  being  ever  spoken  of  here.  Your  letter 
was  handed  me  by  Mr.  Littlepage  whom  I  have  never 
seen  before  and  who  set  out  from  home  for  Warsaw 
after  two  or  three  days  stay.  I  observe  by  the  public 
papers  that  he  has  brought  on  a  very  disagreeable 
altercation  with  Mr.  Jay,  in  which  he  has  given  to  the 
character  of  the  latter  a  colouring  which  does  not 
belong  to  it.  These  altercations,  little  thought  of  in 
America,  make  a  great  impression  here,  in  truth  it  is 
afflicting  that  a  man  who  has  past  his  life  in  serving 
the  public,  who  has  served  them  in  every  the  highest 
stations  with  universal  approbation,  and  with  a  purity 

131 


1 32  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

of  conduct  which  has  silenced  even  party  opprobrium, 
who  tho'  poor,  has  never  permitted  himself  to  make 
a  shilling  in  the  public  employ,  should  yet  be  liable 
to  have  his  peace  of  mind  so  much  disturbed  by  any 
individual  who  shall  think  proper  to  arraign  him  in  a 
newspaper.  It  is  however  an  evil  for  which  there  is 
no  remedy,  our  liberty  depends  on  the  freedom  of 
the  press,  and  that  cannot  be  limited  without  being 
lost.  To  the  sacrifice  of  time,  labor,  fortune,  a  pub- 
lic servant  must  count  upon  adding  that  of  peace  of 
mind  and  even  reputation.  And  all  this  is  preferable 
to  European  bondage,  he  who  doubts  it  need  only  be 
placed  for  one  week  on  any  part  of  the  Continent  of 
Europe.  Your  desire  of  possessing  the  new  Ency- 
clopedic was  expressed  so  problematically  in  a  former 
letter  that  I  doubted  whether  you  did  not  merely 
render  yourself  thro'  complaisance  to  my  proposition. 
Your  last  letter,  however,  is  more  explicit,  wherefore 
I  have  immediately  subscribed  for  you.  And  have 
obtained  an  abatement  of  two  guineas  in  the  price. 
It  will  be  brought  to  me  to-day  and  as  there  are  now 
29.  vols  complete,  and  binding  is  done  so  much  better 
and  cheaper  here  (about  3  livres  a  volume)  I  will 
have  them  bound  and  send  them  by  the  first  con- 
veiance.  The  medical  part  has  not  yet  begun  to 
appear,  that  author  having  chosen  to  publish  the 
whole  at  once.  I  do  not  expect  it  will  be  the  most 
valuable  part  of  the  work,  for  that  science  was 
demolished  here  by  the  blows  of  Moliere,  and  in  a 
nation  so  addicted  to  ridicule,  I  question  if  ever  it 
rises  under  the  weight  while  his  comedies  continue  to 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  133 

be  acted.  It  furnished  the  most  striking  proof  I 
have  ever  seen  in  my  life  of  the  injury  which  ridicule 
is  capable  of  doing.  I  send  by  this  conveiance 
designs  for  the  Capitol.  They  are  simple  & 
sublime,  more  cannot  be  said,  they  are  not  the  brat 
of  a  whimsical  conception  never  before  brought  to 
light,  but  copied  from  the  most  precious,  the  most 
perfect  model  of  antient  architecture  remaining  on 
earth  ;  one  which  has  received  the  approbation  of 
near  2000  years,  and  which  is  sufficiently  remarkable 
to  have  been  visited  by  all  travellers.  It  will  be  less 
expensive  too,  than  the  one  begun.  For  some  time 
past  nothing  has  come  out  here  worth  sending  you. 
Whenever  there  does  you  shall  receive  it.  The 
Abbe  Rochon  (who  had  discovered  that  all  the 
natural  chrystels  were  composed  of  two  different  sub- 
stances of  different  refracting  powers,  and  those 
powers  actually  uncombined  tho'  the  substances  seem 
perfectly  combined.)  has  lately  applied  the  metal 
called  Platina  to  the  purpose  of  making  the  specula 
of  telescopes.  It  is  susceptable  of  as  high  a  polish 
as  the  metallic  composition  heretofore  used,  and  as 
insusceptible  of  rust  as  gold  ;  it  yields  like  that  to  no 
acid  but  the  aqua  vegra.  One  Hoffman  practices 
here  a  pleasing  method  of  engraving,  such  as  would 
be  useful  to  any  Gentleman.  He  gives  you  a  plate 
of  copper,  write  on  it  with  his  ink,  letters,  designs  of 
animals,  landscapes,  architecture,  music,  geography, 
or  what  you  please,  and  in  an  hour  the  plate  is  ready 
to  strike  off  what  number  of  copies  you  please. 

I  charge  you  always  with  my  affectionate  respects 


134  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

to  the  families  at  Tuckaho  &  Ampthill  &  to  McLurg 
whose  indolence  is  the  only  bar  to  our  correspondence 
without  an  intermediate.  I  have  taken  the  liberty  of 
desiring  A.  Stuart  to  send  some  objects  of  natural 
history  for  me  to  your  care,  relying  you  will  be  so 
good  as  to  contrive  them  to  me,  always  remembering 
that  Havre  is  the  most  convenient  port,  &  next  to 
that  1'Orient,  and  that  packages  for  me  must  be 
directed  to  the  American  Consul  at  the  port.  I  am 
with  sincere  esteem  Dear  Sir,  Your  friend  &  servt. 


TO    THE    GOVERNOR    OF    VIRGINIA. 
(PATRICK  HENRY.) 


PARIS,  January  24,  1786. 

SIR, — I  have  been  honored  with  your  Excellency's 
two  letters  of  Sept.  loth,  and  that  of  Oct.  14th,  1785. 
The  former  were  brought  me  by  Mr.  Houdon,  who 
is  returned  with  the  necessary  moulds  and  measures 
for  General  Washington's  Statue.  I  fear  the  expen- 
ces  of  his  journey  have  been  considerably  increased 
by  the  unlucky  accident  of  his  tools,  materials,  clothes, 
&c.,  not  arriving  at  Havre  in  time  to  go  with  him  to 
America,  so  that  he  had  to  supply  himself  there.  The 
money  which  you  were  so  kind  as  to  send  by  Capt. 
Littlepage,  for  the  purpose  of  this  statue,  he  found 
himself  obliged  to  deposite  in  New  York,  to  satisfy 
a  demand  made  upon  him  there.  This  was  a  debt 
which  he  owed  to  Mr.  Jay.  He  assures  me  that  in  a 

1  From  Calendar  of  Virginia  State  Papers,  iv. ,  84. 


1 7 86]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON  135 

settlement  with  his  guardian  the  latter  took  credit 
for  this  debt,  so  as  to  be  answerable  to  Mr.  Jay  for 
it,  and  of  course  to  the  State,  now  that  Mr.  Jay  is 
paid  with  the  State's  money.  I  mention  this  circum- 
stance, that  your  Excellency  may  be  enabled  to  take 
the  earliest  measures  for  recovering  this  money  and 
indemnifying  the  State. 

Mr.  Littlepage,  to  satisfy  me,  had  obtained  from 
the  M.  de  la  Fayette  his  engagement  to  stand  bound 
as  Mr.  Littlepage's  security  for  the  paiment  of  this 
money,  but  knowing  the  punctuality  and  responsi- 
bility of  his  guardian,  I  did  not  suppose  a  security 
necessary.  Besides,  if  a  loss  was  to  be  incurred,  I 
know  too  well  the  sentiments  of  the  State  of  Virginia 
towards  M.  de  la  Fayette  to  suppose  they  would  be 
willing  to  throw  that  loss  on  him.  I  therefore  acted 
as  I  thought  your  Excellency  and  the  Council  would 
have  directed  me  to  act  could  you  have  been  con- 
sulted. I  waited  on  the  Marquis,  and  in  his  presence 
cancelled  his  name  from  the  obligation  which  had 
been  given  me,  leaving  only  that  of  Mr.  Littlepage. 
I  have  now  the  honor  to  enclose  you  one  of  those  in- 
struments, duplicates  of  which  had  been  given  me  by 
Mr.  Littlepage.  The  first  of  the  Marquis's  busts  will 
be  finished  next  month.  I  shall  present  that  one  to 
the  City  of  Paris,  because  the  delay  has  been  noticed 
by  some.  I  hope  to  be  able  to  send  another  to  Vir- 
ginia in  the  course  of  the  summer.  These  are  to 
cost  three  thousand  livres  each. 

The  agreement  for  the  arms  has  been  at  length 
concluded  by  Mr.  Barclay.  He  was  so  much  better 


136  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

acquainted  with  this  business  than  the  Marquis 
Fayette  or  myself,  that  we  left  it  altogether  with  him. 
We  were  sensible  that  they  might  have  been  got 
cheaper,  but  not  so  good.  However,  I  suppose  he 
has  given  you  the  details  of  his  proceedings,  so  as  to 
render  them  unnecessary  from  me.  It  will  be  eight 
months  before  they  will  be  ready.  The  cause  of  this, 
too,  Mr.  Barclay  told  me  he  would  explain  to  you. 
It  is  principally  to  ensure  their  goodness.  The  bills 
remitted  to  pay  for  them  have  been  honoured,  and 
the  money  is  lodged  in  Mr.  Grand's  hands  who  is 
willing  to  allow  a  small  interest  for  it. 

An  improvement  is  made  here  in  the  construction 
of  the  musket,  which  may  be  worthy  of  attention.  It 
consists  in  making  every  part  of  them  so  exactly 
alike  that  every  part  of  every  one  may  be  used  for 
the  same  part  in  any  other  musket  made  by  the  same 
hand.  The  government  here  has  examined  and  ap- 
proved the  method,  and  is  establishing  a  large  manu- 
factory for  the  purpose.  As  yet  the  inventor  has 
only  completed  the  lock  of  the  musket  on  this  plan. 
He  will  proceed  immediately  to  have  the  barrel,  stock 
and  their  parts  executed  in  the  same  way.  I  visited 
the  workman.  He  presented  me  the  parts  of  50  locks 
taken  to  pieces  and  arranged  in  compartments.  I 
put  several  together  myself,  taking  the  pieces  at 
hazard  as  they  came  to  hand,  and  found  them  to  fit 
interchangeably  in  the  most  perfect  manner.  The 
tools  by  which  he  effects  this  have,  at  the  same  time, 
so  abridged  the  labour  that  he  thinks  he  shall  be  able 
to  furnish  the  musket  two  livres  cheaper  than  the 


1 7 36]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  137 

King's  price.  But  it  will  be  two  or  three  years  before 
he  will  be  able  to  finish  any  quantity. 

I  have  duly  received  the  propositions  of  Messrs. 
Ross,  Pleasants  &  Co.  for  furnishing  tobacco  to  the 
farmers  general ;  but  Mr.  Morris  had,  in  the  meantime, 
obtained  the  contract.  I  have  been  fully  sensible  of 
the  baneful  influence  on  the  commerce  of  France  and 
America  which  this  double  monopoly  will  have.  I 
have  struck  at  its  root  here,  and  spared  no  pains  to 
have  the  farm  itself  demolished,  but  it  has  been  in 
vain.  The  persons  interested  in  it  are  too  powerful 
to  be  opposed,  even  by  the  interest  of  the  whole 
country.  I  mention  this  matter  in  confidence,  as  a 
knowledge  of  it  might  injure  any  future  endeavors  to 
attain  the  same  object. 

Everything  is  quiet  here,  and  will  certainly  remain 
so  another  year.  Mr.  Barclay  left  Paris  a  few  days 
ago,  and  will  be  absent  from  France  for  some  time. 
I  shall  spare  no  endeavors  to  fulfill  the  several 
objects  with  which  he  was  charged  in  the  best  manner 
I  can. 


ANSWERS  TO  QUESTIONS  PROPOUNDED  BY  M.  DE  MEUSNIER.1 

j.  MSS. 

1786. 

[Jan.  24.  1786.] 

i.  On  the  original  establishment  of  the  several  states,  the  civil 
code  of  England,  from  whence  they  had  emigrated,  was  adopted. 
This  of  course  could  extend  only  to  general  laws,  and  not  to 
those  which  were  particular  to  certain  places  in  England  only. 
The  circumstances  of  the  new  states  obliged  them  to  add  some 
new  laws  which  their  special  situation  required,  and  even  to 
change  some  of  the  general  laws  of  England  in  cases  which  did 
not  suit  their  circumstances  or  ways  of  thinking.  The  law  of 
descents  for  instance  was  changed  in  several  states.  On  the  late 
revolution,  the  changes  which  their  new  form  of  government 
rendered  necessary  were  easily  made.  It  was  only  necessary  to 
say  that  the  powers  of  legislation,  the  judiciary  &  the  executive 
powers,  heretofore  exercised  by  persons  of  such  and  such  descrip- 
tions shall  henceforth  be  exercised  by  persons  to  be  appointed  in 
such  &  such  manners.  This  was  what  their  constitutions  did. 
Virginia  thought  it  might  be  necessary  to  examine  the  whole 
code  of  law,  to  reform  such  parts  of  it  as  had  been  calculated  to 
produce  a  devotion  to  monarchy,  and  to  reduce  into  smaller 
volume  such  useful  parts  as  had  become  too  diffuse.  A  Com- 
mittee was  appointed  to  execute  this  work  ;  they  did  it  ;  and  the 
assembly  began  in  Octob.  1785,  the  examination  of  it,  in  order 
to  change  such  parts  of  the  report  as  might  not  meet  their  appro- 
bation and  to  establish  what  they  should  approve.  We  may  ex- 
pect to  hear  the  result  of  their  deliberations  about  the  last  of 
February  next. 

1  Supplied  by  Jefferson  to  Monsieur  de  Meusnier,  author  of  that  part  of  the 
Encyclopedie  Politique entitled  "  Economic  Politique  et  Diplomatique.' '  See  also 
the  two  papers  immediately  following  this. 

138 


1786] 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


I  have  heard  that  Connecticut  undertook  a  like  work  :  but  I 
am  not  sure  of  this,  nor  do  I  know  whether  any  other  of  the 
states  have  or  have  not  done  the  same. 

2.  The  Constitution  of  New  Hampshire  established  in  1776, 
having  been  expressly  made  to  continue  only  during  the  contest 
with  Great  Britain,  they  proceeded,  after  the  close  of  that,  to 
form  and  establish  a  permanent  one,  which  they  did.     The  Con- 
vention of  Virginia  which  organized  their  new  government  had 
been  chosen  before  a  separation  from  Gr  Britain  had  been  thought 
of  in  their  state.     They  had  therefore  none  but  the  ordinary 
powers  of  legislation.     This  leaves  their  act  for  organizing  the 
government  subject  to  be  altered  by  every  legislative  assembly, 
and  tho  no  general  change  in  it  has  been  made,  yet  it's  effect  has 
been  controulled  in  several  special  cases.     It  is  therefore  thought 
that  that  state  will  appoint  a  Convention  for  the  special  purpose 
of  forming  a  stable  constitution.     I  think  no  change  has  been 
made  in  any  other  of  the  states. 

3.  The  following  is  a  rough  estimate  of  the  particular  debts  of 
some  of  the  states  as  they  existed  in  the  year  1784  : 


United  States'  principal  of  For- 
eign debt  nearly  ....  $7,000,000. 

The  principal  of  the  domestic 
debt  is  somewhere  between 
27^  millions  &  35^  millions, 
call  it  therefore  ....  31,500,000. 


Dollars. 

New  Hampshire  500,000 
Rhode  island  .  430,000 
Massachusetts  5,000,000 
Connecticut  .  3>439.°86f  $38,500,000. 

Virginia  ....  2,500,000.  The  other  states  not  named  here  are 
probably  indebted  in  the  same  proportion  to  their  abilities.  If 
so,  &  we  estimate  their  abilities  by  the  rule  of  quotaing  them 
those  8  states  will  owe  about  14  millions,  &  consequently  the 
particular  debts  of  all  the  states  will  amount  to  25  or  26  millions 
of  dollars. 

5.  A  particular  answer  to  this  question  would  lead  to  very 
minute  details.  One  general  idea  however  may  be  applied  to  all 
the  states.  Each  having  their  separate  debt,  and  a  determinate 
proportion  of  the  federal  debt,  they  endeavour  to  lay  taxes  suffi- 
cient to  pay  the  interest  of  both  of  these,  and  to  support  their 


140  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

own  &  the  federal  government.  These  taxes  are  generally  about 
one  or  one  &  a  half  per  cent,  on  the  value  of  property,  &  from 
z\  to  5  per  cent,  on  foreign  merchandise  imported.  But  the 
paiment  of  this  interest  regularly  is  not  accomplished  in  many 
of  the  states.  The  people  are  as  yet  not  recovered  from  the 
depredations  of  the  war.  When  that  ended,  their  houses 
were  in  ruin,  their  farms  waste,  themselves  distressed  for 
clothing  and  necessaries  for  their  household.  They  cannot  as 
yet  therefore  bear  heavy  taxes.  For  the  paiment  of  the  principal 
no  final  measures  are  yet  taken.  Some  states  will  have  land  for 
sale,  the  produce  of  which  may  pay  the  principal  debt.  Some 
will  endeavor  to  have  an  exceeding  of  their  taxes  to  be  applied 
as  a  sinking  fund,  and  all  of  them  look  forward  to  the  increase  of 
population,  &  of  course  an  increase  of  productiveness  in  their 
present  taxes  to  enable  them  to  be  sinking  their  debt.  This  is  a 
general  view.  Some  of  the  states  have  not  yet  made  even  just 
efforts  for  satisfying  either  the  principal  or  interest  of  their  public 
debt. 

6.  By  the  close  of  the  year  1785   there  had  probably  passed 
over  about  50,000  emigrants.     Most  of  these  were  Irish.     The 
greatest  number   of   the  residue  were   Germans.     Philadelphia 
receives  most  of  them,  and  next  to  that,  Baltimore  &  New  York. 

7.  Nothing  is  decided  as  to  Vermont.     The  four  northernmost 
states  wish  it  to  be  received  into  the  Union.     The  middle  & 
Southern  states  are  rather  opposed  to  it.     But  the  great  difficulty 
arises  with  New  York  which  claims  that  territory.     In  the  begin- 
ning every  individual  of  that  state  revolted  at  the  idea  of  giving 
them  up.     Congress  therefore  only  interfered  from  time  to  time 
to  prevent  the  two  parties  from  coming  to  an  open  rupture.     In 
the  meanwhile  the  minds  of  the  New  Yorkers  have  been  familiar- 
izing to  the  idea  of  a  separation  &  I  think  it  will  not  be  long 
before  they  will  consent  to  it.      In   that  case  the  Southern  & 
Middle  states  will  doubtless  acquiesce,  and  Vermont  will  be  re- 
ceived into  the  Union. 

LeMaine,  a  part  of  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  but  de- 
tached from  it  (the  state  of  N  Hampshire  lying  between)  begins 
to  desire  to  be  separated.  They  are  very  weak  in  numbers  as  yet  ; 
but  whenever  they  shall  obtain  a  certain  degree  of  population, 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  141 

there  are  circumstances  which  render  it  highly  probable  they  will 
be  allowed  to  become  a  separate  member  of  the  Union. 

8.  It  is  believed  that  the  state  of  Virginia  has  by  this  time  made 
a  second  cession  of  lands  to  Congress,  comprehending  all  those 
between  the  meridian  of  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanhaway,  the 
Ohio,  Mississippi  &  Carolina  boundary.  Within  this  lies  Ken- 
tucky. I  believe  that  their  numbers  are  sufficient  already  to  en- 
title them  to  come  into  Congress,  and  that  their  reception  there 
will  only  incur  the  delay  necessary  for  taking  the  consent  of  the 
several  assemblies.  There  is  no  other  new  state  as  yet  approach- 
ing the  time  of  it's  reception. 

10.  The   number  of   Royalists   which  left  New   York,  South 
Carolina  &  Georgia  when  they  were  evacuated  by  the  British 
army  was  considerable,  but  I  am  absolutely  unable  to  conjecture 
their  numbers.     From  all  the  other  states  I  suppose  perhaps  two 
thousand  may  have  gone. 

11.  The  Confederation  is  a  wonderfully  perfect  instrument, 
considering  the  circumstances  under  which  it  was  formed.  There 
are  however   some   alterations  which   experience    proves  to  be 
wanting.     These  are  principally  three,     i.  To  establish  a  general 
rule  for  the  admission  of  new  states   into  the  Union.     By  the 
Confederation  no  new  state,  except  Canada,  can  be  permitted  to 
have  a  vote  in  Congress  without  first  obtaining  the  consent  of  all 
the  thirteen  legislatures.     It  becomes  necessary  to  agree  what 
districts  may  be  established  into  separate  states,  and  at  what 
period  of  their  population  they  may  come  into  Congress.     The 
act  of  Congress  of  April  23,  1784,  has  pointed  out  what  ought  to 
be  agreed  on,  to  say  also  what  number  of  votes  must  concur  when 
the  number  of  voters  shall  be  thus  enlarged.     2.  The  Confedera- 
tion in  it's  eighth  article,  decides  that  the  quota  of  money  to  be  con- 
tributed by  the  several  states  shall  be  proportioned  to  the  value  of 
landed  property  in  the  state.     Experience  has  shown  it  imprac- 
ticable to  come  at  this  value.     Congress  have  therefore  recom- 
mended to  the  states  to   agree   that  their   quotas  shall  be   in 
proportion  to  the  number  of  their  inhabitants,  counting  5   slaves 
however  but  as  equal  to  3  free  inhabitants.     I  believe  all  the 
states  have  agreed  to  this  alteration  except  Rhode  island.  3.  The 
Confederation  forbids  the  states  individually  to  enter  into  treaties 


i42  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

of  commerce,  or  of  any  other  nature,  with  foreign  nations  :  and 
it  authorizes  Congress  to  establish  such  treaties,  with  two  reserva- 
tions however,  viz.,  that  they  shall  agree  to  no  treaty  which 
would  i.  restrain  the  legislatures  from  imposing  such  duties  on 
foreigners,  as  natives  are  subjected  to  ;  or  2.  from  prohibiting 
the  exportation  or  importation  of  any  species  of  commodities. 
Congress  may  therefore  be  said  to  have  a  power  to  regulate  com- 
merce, so  far  as  it  can  be  effected  by  conventions  with  other 
nations,  &  by  conventions  which  do  not  infringe  the  two  funda- 
mental reservations  before  mentioned.  But  this  is  too  imperfect. 
Because  till  a  convention  be  made  with  any  particular  nation,  the 
commerce  of  any  one  of  our  states  with  that  nation  may  be  regu- 
lated by  the  State  itself,  and  even  when  a  convention  is  made, 
the  regulation  of  the  commerce  is  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
several  states  only  so  far  as  it  is  covered  or  provided  for  by  that 
convention  or  treaty.  But  treaties  are  made  in  such  general 
terms,  that  the  greater  part  of  the  regulations  would  still  result 
to  the  legislatures.  Let  us  illustrate  these  observations  by  ob- 
serving how  far  the  commerce  of  France  &  of  England  can  be 
affected  by  the  state  legislatures.  As  to  England,  any  one  of  the 
legislatures  may  impose  on  her  goods  double  the  duties  which  are 
paid  other  nations  ;  may  prohibit  their  goods  altogether  ;  may 
refuse  them  the  usual  facilities  for  recovering  their  debts  or  with- 
drawing their  property,  may  refuse  to  receive  their  Consuls  or  to 
give  those  Consuls  any  jurisdiction.  But  with  France,  whose 
commerce  is  protected  by  a  treaty,  no  state  can  give  any  molesta- 
tion to  that  commerce  which  is  defended  by  the  treaty.  Thus, 
tho'  a  state  may  exclude  the  importation  of  all  wines  (because 
one  of  the  reservations  aforesaid  is  that  they  may  prohibit  the 
importation  of  any  species  of  commodities)  yet  they  cannot  pro- 
hibit the  importation  of  French  wines  particularly  while  they 
allow  wines  to  be  brought  in  from  other  countries.  They  can- 
not impose  heavierMuties  on  French  commodities  than  on  those  of 
other  nations.  They  cannot  throw  peculiar  obstacles  in  the  way 
of  their  recovery  of  debts  due  to  them  &c.  &c.  because  those 
things  are  provided  for  by  treaty.  Treaties  however  are  very  im- 
perfect machines  for  regulating  commerce  in  the  detail.  The 
principal  objects  in  the  regulation  of  our  commerce  would  be  :  i. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  143 

to  lay  such  duties,  restrictions,  or  prohibitions  on  the  goods  of 
any  particular  nation  as  might  oblige  that  nation  to  concur  in 
just  &  equal  arrangements  of  commerce.  2.  To  lay  such  uniform 
duties  on  the  articles  of  commerce  throughout  all  the  states,  as 
may  avail  them  of  that  fund  for  assisting  to  bear  the  burthen  of 
public  expenses.  Now  this  cannot  be  done  by  the  states  sepa- 
rately ;  because  they  will  not  separately  pursue  the  same  plan. 
New  Hampshire  cannot  lay  a  given  duty  on  a  particular  article, 
unless  Massachusetts  will  do  the  same  ;  because  it  will  turn  the 
importation  of  that  article  from  her  ports  into  those  of  Massa- 
chusetts, from  whence  they  will  be  smuggled  into  New  Hamp- 
shire by  land.  But  tho  Massachusetts  were  willing  to  concur 
with  N  Hampshire  in  laying  the  same  duty,  yet  she  cannot  do  it, 
for  the  same  reason,  unless  Rhode  island  will  also,  nor  can  Rhode 
island  without  Connecticut,  nor  Connecticut  without  N  York,  nor  N 
York  without  N  Jersey,  &  so  on  quite  to  Georgia.  It  is  visible  there- 
fore that  the  commerce  of  the  states  cannot  be  regulated  to  the 
best  advantage  but  by  a  single  body,  and  no  body  so  proper  as 
Congress.  Many  of  the  states  have  agreed  to  add  an  article  to 
the  Confederation  for  allowing  to  Congress  the  regulation  of  their 
commerce,  only  providing  that  the  revenues  to  be  raised  on  it, 
shall  belong  to  the  state  in  which  they  are  levied.  Yet  it  is 
believed  that  Rhode  island  will  prevent  this  also.  An  everlasting 
recurrence  to  this  same  obstacle  will  occasion  a  question  to  be 
asked.  How  happens  it  that  Rhode  island  is  opposed  to  every 
useful  proposition  ?  Her  geography  accounts  for  it,  with  the  aid 
of  one  or  two  observations.  The  cultivators  of  the  earth  are  the 
most  virtuous  citizens,  and  possess  most  of  the  amor  patriae. 
Merchants  are  the  least  virtuous,  and  possess  the  least  of  the  amor 
patriae.  The  latter  reside  principally  in  the  seaport  towns,  the 
former  in  the  interior  country.  Now  it  happened  that  of  the 
territory  constituting  Rhode  island  &  Connecticut,  the  part  con- 
taining the  seaports  was  erected  into  a  state  by  itself  &  called 
Rhode  island,  &  that  containing  the  interior  country  was  erected 
into  another  state  called  Connecticut.  For  tho  it  has  a  little  sea- 
coast,  there  are  no  good  ports  in  it.  Hence  it  happens  that  there 
is  scarcely  one  merchant  in  the  whole  state  of  Connecticut,  while 
there  is  not  a  single  man  in  Rhode  island  who  is  not  a  merchant 


144  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

of  some  sort.  Their  whole  territory  is  but  a  thousand  square 
miles,  and  what  of  that  is  in  use  is  laid  out  in  grass  farms  almost 
entirely.  Hence  they  have  scarcely  any  body  employed  in  agri- 
culture. All  exercise  some  species  of  commerce.  This  circum- 
stance has  decided  the  characters  of  these  two  states.  The 
remedies  to  this  evil  are  hazardous.  One  would  be  to  consolidate 
the  two  states  into  one.  Another  would  be  to  banish  Rhode 
island  from  the  union.  A  third  to  compel  her  submission  to  the 
will  of  the  other  twelve.  A  fourth  for  the  other  twelve  to  govern 
themselves  according  to  the  new  propositions  and  to  let  Rhode 
island  go  on  by  herself  according  to  the  antient  articles.  But  the 
dangers  £:  difficulties  attending  all  these  remedies  are  obvious. 

These  are  the  only  alterations  proposed  to  the  confederation, 
and  the  last  of  them  is  the  only  additional  power  which  Congress 
is  thought  to  need. 

12.  Congress  have  not  yet  ultimately  decided  at   what   rates 
they  will  redeem  the  paper  money  in  the  hands  of  the  holders, 
but  a  resolution  of  1784,  has  established  the  principle, 
so  that  there  can  be  little  doubt  but  that  the  holders  of  paper 
money  shall  receive  as  much  real  money  as  the  paper  was  actually 
worth  at  the  time  they  received  it,  and  an  interest  of  6  per  cent 
from  the  time  they  received  it.     It's  worth  will  be  found  in  the 
depreciation  table  of  the  state  wherein  it  was  received  ;  these  de- 
preciation tables  having  been  formed  according  to  the  market 
prices  of  the  paper  money  at  different  epochs. 

13.  Those  who  talk  of  the  bankruptcy  of  the  U.  S.  are  of  two 
descriptions,     i.  Strangers   who  do  not  understand  the  nature 
&  history  of  our  paper  money.     2.  Holders  of  that  paper-money 
who  do   not  wish   that  the  world  should  understand  it.     Thus 
when,  in  March  1780.  the  paper  money  being  so  far  depreciated 
that  40  dollars  of  it  would  purchase  only  i.  silver  dollar,  Congress 
endeavored  to  arrest  the  progress  of  that  depreciation  by  declar- 
ing they  would  emit  no  more,  and  would  redeem  what  was  in  cir- 
culation at  the  rate  of  one  dollar  of  silver  for  40  of  paper ;  this 
was  called  by  the  brokers  in  paper  money,  a  bankruptcy.     Yet 
these  very  people  had  only  given  one  dollar's  worth  of  provisions, 
of  manufactures,  or  perhaps  of  silver  for  their  forty  dollars,  & 
were  displeased  that  they  could  not  in  a  moment  multiply  their 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  145 

silver  into  40.  If  it  were  decided  that  the  U.  S.  should  pay  a 
silver  dollar  for  every  paper  dollar  they  emitted,  I  am  of  opinion 
(conjecturing  from  loose  data  of  my  memory  only  as  to  the 
amount  &  true  worth  of  the  sums  emitted  by  Congress  and  by  the 
several  states)  that  a  debt,  which  in  it's  just  amount  is  not  more 
perhaps  than  6  millions  of  dollars,  would  amount  up  to  400  mil- 
lions ;  and  instead  of  assessing  every  inhabitant  with  a  debt  of 
about  2  dollars,  would  fix  on  him  thirty  guineas  which  is  con- 
siderably more  than  the  national  debt  of  England  affixes  on  each 
of  its  inhabitants,  and  would  make  a  bankruptcy  where  there  is 
none.  The  real  just  debts  of  the  U.  S.,  which  were  stated  under 
the  3d  query,  will  be  easily  paid  by  the  sale  of  their  lands,  which 
were  ceded  on  the  fundamental  condition  of  being  applied  as  a 
sinking  fund  for  this  purpose. 

14.  La  canne  a  sucre  est  un  erreur  du  traducteur  de  M.  Filson. 
Le  mot  Anglois  '  cane '  vent  dire  '  arundo  '  en  latin,  et '  roseau'  ou 
'  canne  '  en  Franfois  le  traducteur  en  a  fait  la  '  canne  du  sucre,' 
probablement  que  le  '  caffier '  est  une  erreur  semblable. 

15.  The  whole  army  of  the  United  States  was  disbanded  at  the 
close  of  the   war.     A  few   guards  only   were  engaged  for  their 
magazines.     Lately  they  have  enlisted  some  two  or  three  regi- 
ments to  garrison  the  posts  along  the  Northern  boundary  of  the 
U.S. 

16.  17.  The  U.  S.  do  not  own  at  present  a  single  vessel  of 
war ;   nor  has   Congress   entered   into   any   resolution   on   that 
subject. 

1 8.  I  conjecture  there  are  650,000  negroes  in  the  five  Southern- 
most states,  and  not  50,000  in  the  rest.  In  most  of  these  latter 
effectual  measures  have  been  taken  for  their  future  emancipation. 
In  the  former,  nothing  is  done  towards  that.  The  disposition  to 
emancipate  them  is  strongest  in  Virginia,  Those  who  desire  it, 
form,  as  yet,  the  minority  of  the  whole  state,  but  it  bears  a  re- 
spectable proportion  to  the  whole  in  numbers  &  weight  of  char- 
acter, &  it  is  continually  recruiting  by  the  addition  of  nearly  the 
whole  of  the  young  men  as  fast  as  they  come  into  public  life.  I 
flatter  myself  it  will  take  place  there  at  some  period  of  time  not 
very  distant.  In  Maryland  &  N.  Carolina  a  very  few  are  disposed 
to  emancipate.  In  S.  Carolina  &  Georgia  not  the  smallest  symp- 

VOU    IV. — 10 


146  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

toms  of  it,  but,  on  the  contrary  these  two  states  &  N.  Carolina 
continue  importations  of  negroes.  These  have  been  long  prohib- 
ited in  all  the  other  states. 

19.  In  Virginia,  where  a  great  proportion  of   the   legislature 
consider  the   constitution  but  as  other  acts  of  legislation,  laws 
have  been  frequently    passed  which  controulled  it's  effects.     I 
have  not  heard  that  in  the  other  states  they  have  ever  infringed 
their  constitution  ;  &  I  suppose  they  have  not  done  it  ;  as  the 
judges  would  consider  any  law  as  void  which  was  contrary  to  the 
constitution.     Pennsylvania  is    divided  into   two    parties,   very 
nearly  equal,   the  one   desiring  to  change  the  constitution,  the 
other  opposing  a  change.     In  Virginia  there  is  a  part  of  the  state 
which  considers  the  act  for  organizing  their  government  as  a  con- 
stitution, &  are  content  to  let  it  remain  ;  there  is  another  part 
which  considers  it  only  as  an  ordinary  act  of  the  legislature,  who 
therefore  wish  to  form  a  real  constitution,  amending  some  defects 
which  have  been  observed  in  the  acts  now  in  force.     Most  of  the 
young  people  as  they  come  into  office  arrange  themselves  on  this 
side,  and  I  think  they  will  prevail  ere  long.     But  there  are  no 
heats  on  this  account.     I  do  not  know  that  any  of  the  other  states 
propose  to  change  their  constitution. 

20.  I  have  heard  of  no  malversations  in  office  which  have  been 
of  any  consequence  ;  unless  we  consider  as  such  some  factious 
transactions  in  the  Pennsylvania  assembly  ;  or  some  acts  of  the 
Virginia  assembly  which  have  been  contrary  to  their  constitu- 
tion.    The   causes   of  these   were    explained   in   the   preceding 
article. 

21.  Broils  among  the  states  may  happen  in  the  following  ways  : 
i.  A  state  may  be  embroiled  with  the  other  twelve  by  not  com- 
plying with  the  lawful  requisitions  of  Congress.     2.  Two  states 
may  differ  about  their  boundaries.     But  the  method  of  settling 
these  is  fixed  by  the  Confederation,  and  most  of  the  states  which 
have  any   differences  of   this  kind   are  submitting  them  to  this 
mode  of  determination  ;  and  there  is  no  danger  of  opposition  to 
the  decree  by  any  state.    The  individuals  interested  may  complain, 
but  this  can  produce  no  difficulty.     3.  Other  contestations  may 
arise  between  two    states,    such  as   pecuniary    demands,   affrays 
among  their  citizens,  &  whatever  else  may  arise  between  any  two 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  147 

nations.  With  respect  to  these,  there  are  two  opinions.  One  that 
they  are  to  be  decided  according  to  the  gih  article  of  the  Confed- 
eration, which  says  that  "  Congress  shall  be  the  last  resort  in  all 
differences  between  two  or  more  states,  concerning  boundary 
jurisdiction,  or  any  other  cause  whatever "  ;  and  prescribes  the 
mode  of  decision,  and  the  weight  of  reason  is  undoubtedly  in 
favor  of  this  opinion,  yet  there  are  some  who  question  it. 

It  has  been  often  said  that  the  decisions  of  Congress  are  impo- 
tent because  the  Confederation  provides  no  compulsory  power. 
But  when  two  or  more  nations  enter  into  compact,  it  is  not  usual 
for  them  to  say  what  shall  be  done  to  the  party  who  infringes  it. 
Decency  forbids  this,  and  it  is  unnecessary  as  indecent,  because 
the  right  of  compulsion  naturally  results  to  the  party  injured  by 
the  breach.  When  any  one  state  in  the  American  Union  refuses 
obedience  to  the  Confederation  by  which  they  have  bound  them- 
selves, the  rest  have  a  natural  right  to  compel  them  to  obedience. 
Congress  would  probably  exercise  long  patience  before  they  would 
recur  to  force  ;  but  if  the  case  ultimately  required  it,  they  would 
use  that  recurrence.  Should  this  case  ever  arise,  they  will  prob- 
ably coerce  by  a  naval  force,  as  being  more  easy,  less  dangerous 
to  liberty,  &  less  likely  to  produce  much  bloodshed. 

It  has  been  said  too  that  our  governments  both  federal  and  par- 
ticular want  energy  ;  that  it  is  difficult  to  restrain  both  individuals 
&  states  from  committing  wrong.  This  is  true,  &  it  is  an  incon- 
venience. On  the  other  hand  that  energy  which  absolute  govern- 
ments derive  from  an  armed  force,  which  is  the  effect  of  the  bayo- 
net constantly  held  at  the  breast  of  every  citizen,  and  which  re- 
sembles very  much  the  stillness  of  the  grave,  must  be  admitted 
also  to  have  it's  inconveniences.  We  weigh  the  two  together, 
and  like  best  to  submit  to  the  former.  Compare  the  number  of 
wrongs  committed  with  impunity  by  citizens  among  us,  with 
those  committed  by  the  sovereign  in  other  countries,  and  the  last 
will  be  found  most  numerous,  most  oppressive  on  the  mind,  and 
most  degrading  of  the  dignity  of  man. 

22.  The  states  differed  very  much  in  their  proceedings  as  to 
British  property  ;  and  I  am  unable  to  give  the  details.  In  Vir- 
ginia, the  sums  sequestered  in  the  treasury  remain  precisely  as  they 
did  at  the  conclusion  of  the  peace.  The  British  having  refused 


i48  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

to  make  satisfaction  for  the  slaves  they  carried  away,  contrary  to 
the  treaty  of  peace,  and  to  deliver  up  the  ports  within  our  limits, 
the  execution  of  that  treaty  is  in  some  degree  suspended.  Indi- 
viduals however  are  paying  off  their  debts  to  British  subjects,  and 
the  laws  even  permit  the  latter  to  recover  them  judicially.  But  as 
the  amount  of  these  debts  are  20  or  30  times  the  amount  of  all 
the  money  in  circulation  in  that  state,  the  same  laws  permit  the 
debtor  to  pay  his  debts  in  seven  equal  &  annual  payments. 


ADDITIONAL    QUESTIONS    OF    M.    DE    MEUSNIER,    AND 

ANSWERS.  j.  MSS. 

I.  What  has  led  Congress  to  determine  that  the  concurrence  of  seven  votes 
is  requisite  in  questions  which  by  the  Confederation  are  submitted  to  the  deci- 
sion of  a  Majority  of  the  U.  S.  in  Congress  assembled  ? 

The  IXth  article  of  Confederation  §  6.  evidently  establishes 
three  orders  of  questions  in  Congress,  i.  The  greater  ones,  which 
relate  to  making  peace  or  war,  alliances,  coinage,  requisitions  for 
money,  raising  military  force,  or  appointing  it's  commander-in- 
chief.  2.  The  lesser  ones,  which  comprehend  all  other  matters 
submitted  by  the  Confederation  to  the  federal  head.  3.  The  sin- 
gle question  of  adjourning  from  day  to  day.  This  gradation  of 
questions  is  distinctly  characterized  by  the  article. 

In  proportion  to  the  magnitude  of  these  questions,  a  greater 
concurrence  of  the  voices  composing  the  Union  was  thought 
necessary.  Three  degrees  of  concurrence,  well  distinguished  by 
substantial  circumstances,  offered  themselves  to  notice,  i.  A  con- 
currence of  a  majority  of  the  people  of  the  Union.  It  was  thought 
that  this  would  be  ensured  by  requiring  the  voices  of  nine  states  ; 
because  according  to  the  loose  estimates  which  had  been  made 
of  the  inhabitants,  &  the  proportion  of  them  which  were  free,  it 
was  believed  that  even  the  nine  smallest  would  include  a  majority 
of  the  free  citizens  of  the  Union.  The  voices  therefore  of  nine 
states  were  required  in  the  greater  questions.  2.  A  concurrence 
of  the  majority  of  the  states.  Seven  constitute  that  majority.  This 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  149 

number  therefore  was  required  in  the  lesser  questions.  3.  A  con- 
currence of  the  majority  of  Congress,  that  is  to  say,  of  the  states 
actually  present  in  it.  As  there  is  no  Congress  when  there  are 
not  seven  states  present,  this  concurrence  could  never  be  of  less 
than  four  states.  But  these  might  happen  to  be  the  four  smallest, 
which  would  not  include  one  ninth  part  of  the  free  citizens  of  the 
Union.  This  kind  of  majority  therefore  was  entrusted  with 
nothing  but  the  power  of  adjourning  themselves  from  day  to 
day. 

Here  then  are  three  kind  of  majorities,  i.  Of  the  people.  2. 
Of  the  states.  3.  Of  the  Congress  :  each  of  which  is  entrusted  to 
a  certain  length. 

Tho  the  paragraph  in  question  be  clumsily  expressed,  yet  it 
strictly  ennounces  it's  own  intentions.  It  defines  with  precision 
the  greater  questions  for  which  nine  votes  shall  be  requisite.  To 
the  lesser  questions  it  then  requires  a  majority  of  the  U.  S.  in 
Congress  assembled :  a  term  indeed  which  will  apply  either  to  the 
number  seven,  as  being  a  majority  of  the  states  ;  or  to  the  number 
four,  as  being  a  majority  of  Congress.  Which  of  the  two  kinds  of 
majority  was  meant  ?  Clearly  that  which  would  leave  a  still 
smaller  kind  for  the  decision  of  the  question  of  adjournment. 
The  contrary  would  be  absurd. 

This  paragraph  therefore  should  be  understood  as  if  it  had 
been  expressed  in  the  following  terms  :  "  The  United  States  in 
Congress  assembled  shall  never  engage  in  war  &c.  but  with  the 
consent  of  nine  states  :  nor  determine  any  other  question  but 
with  the  consent  of  a  majority  of  the  whole  states  ;  except  the 
question  of  adjournment  from  day  to  day,  which  may  be 
determined  by  a  majority  of  the  states  actually  present  in 
Congress." 

2.  How  far  is  it  permitted  to  bring  on  the  reconsideration  of  a  question, 
which  Congress  has  once  determined  ? 

The  first  Congress  which  met  being  composed  mostly  of  per- 
sons who  had  been  members  of  the  legislatures  of  their  respective 
states,  it  was  natural  for  them  to  adopt  those  rules  in  their  pro- 
ceedings to  which  they  had  been  accustomed  in  their  legislative 


150  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

houses  ;  and  the  more  so  as  these  happened  to  be  nearly  the 
same,  as  having  been  copied  from  the  same  original,  the  British 
parliament.  One  of  those  rules  of  proceeding  was,  that  "  a  ques- 
tion once  determined  cannot  be  proposed  a  second  time  in  the 
same  session."  Congress,  during  their  first  session,  in  the  autumn 
of  1774,  observed  this  rule  strictly.  But  before  their  meeting  in 
the  spring  of  the  following  year,  the  war  had  broke  out.  They 
found  themselves  at  the  head  of  that  war  in  an  Executive  as  well 
as  Legislative  capacity.  They  found  that  a  rule,  wise  and  neces- 
sary for  a  Legislative  body,  did  not  suit  an  Executive  one,  which, 
being  governed  by  events,  must  change  their  purposes,  as  those 
change.  Besides  their  session  was  likely  then  to  become  of  equal 
duration  with  the  war  ;  and  a  rule  which  should  render  their  legis- 
lation immutable  during  all  that  period  could  not  be  submitted 
to.  They  therefore  renounced  it  in  practice,  and  have  ever  since 
continued  to  reconsider  their  questions  freely.  The  only  restraint 
as  yet  provided  against  the  abuse  of  this  permission  to  reconsider, 
is  that  when  a  question  has  been  decided,  it  cannot  be  proposed 
for  reconsideration  but  by  some  one  who  voted  in  favor  of  the 
former  decision,  &  declares  that  he  has  since  changed  his  opinion. 
I  do  not  recollect  accurately  enough  whether  it  be  necessary  that 
his  vote  should  have  decided  that  of  his  state,  and  the  vote  of  his 
state  have  decided  that  of  Congress. 

Perhaps  it  might  have  been  better  when  they  were  forming  the 
federal  constitution,  to  have  assimilated  it  as  much  as  possible 
to  the  particular  constitutions  of  the  states.  All  of  these  have 
distributed  the  Legislative,  executive  &  judiciary  powers  into  dif- 
ferent departments.  In  the  federal  constitution  the  judiciary 
powers  are  separated  from  the  others :  but  the  legislative  and 
executive  are  both  exercised  by  Congress.  A  means  of  amend- 
ing this  defect  has  been  thought  of.  Congress  having  a  power 
to  establish  what  committees  of  their  own  body  they  please,  and 
to  arrange  among  them  the  distribution  of  their  business,  they 
might  on  the  first  day  of  their  annual  meeting  appoint  an  execu- 
tive committee,  consisting  of  a  member  from  each  state,  and  refer 
to  them  all  executive  business  which  should  occur  during  their 
session  ;  confining  themselves  to  what  is  of  a  legislative  nature, 
that  is  to  say  to  the  heads  described  in  the  gth  article  as  of  the 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFEJtSON.  151 

competence  of  9  states  only,  and  to  such  other  questions  as 
should  lead  to  the  establishment  of  general  rules.  The  journal 
of  this  committee  of  the  preceding  day  might  be  read  the  next 
morning  in  Congress,  &  considered  as  approved,  unless  a  vote 
was  demanded  on  a  particular  article,  &  that  article  changed. 
The  sessions  of  Congress  would  then  be  short,  &  when  they  sepa- 
rated, the  Confederation  authorizes  the  appointment  of  a  commit- 
tee of  the  states,  which  would  naturally  succeed  to  the  business 
of  the  Executive  committee.  The  legislative  business  would  be 
better  done,  because  the  attention  of  the  members  would  not  be 
interrupted  by  the  details  of  execution  ;  and  the  executive  busi- 
ness would  be  better  done,  because  business  of  this  nature  is 
better  adapted  to  small  than  great  bodies.  A  monarchical  head 
should  confide  the  execution  of  it's  will  to  departments  consist- 
ing each  of  a  plurality  of  hands,  who  would  warp  that  will  as 
much  as  possible  towards  wisdom  &  moderation,  the  two  qualities 
it  generally  wants.  But  a  republican  head  founding  it's  decrees 
originally  in  these  two  qualities  should  commit  them  to  a  single 
hand  for  execution,  giving  them  thereby  a  promptitude  which 
republican  proceedings  generally  want.  Congress  could  not  in- 
deed confide  their  executive  business  to  a  smaller  number  than 
a  committee  consisting  of  a  member  from  each  state.  This  is 
necessary  to  ensure  the  confidence  of  the  Union.  But  it  would 
be  gaining  a  great  deal  to  reduce  the  executive  head  to  thirteen, 
and  to  debarrass  themselves  of  those  details.  This  however  has 
as  yet  been  the  subject  of  private  conversations  only. 

3.  Calculating  the  federal  debts  by  the  interest  they  pay,  their 
principal  would  be  much  more  than  is  stated  under  the  3d.  of  the 
former  queries.  The  reason  for  this  is  that  there  is  a  part  of  the 
money  put  into  the  loan  office  which  was  borrowed  under  a 
special  contract  that  whatever  depreciation  might  take  place  on 
the  principal,  the  interest  should  be  paid  in  hard  money  on  the 
nominal  amount,  Congress  only  reserving  to  itself  the  right,  when- 
ever they  should  pay  off  the  principal,  to  pay  it  according  to  it's 
true  value,  without  regard  to  it's  nominal  one.  The  amount  of 
this  part  of  the  debt  is  3,459.200  dollars.  From  the  best  docu- 
ments in  my  possession  I  estimate  the  capital  of  the  federal  debt 
as  follows. 


152  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 


Dollars 
Spanish  loan 

ft 
Farmers  general  of  France  846,710-5  156.798 

Individuals  in  France 250.000 

H 
Crown  of  France,  in  it's  own  right.. . .     24.000.000. . .  .4.444.444 

To  Holland,  guarantied  by  France. . .     10.000.000. . .  .1.851.851 

Dutch  loan  of  5  million  of  florins 2.020.207 

Dutch  loan  of  2  million  of  florins. .          808.080 


9-7°5.375 

Domestic  debt  as  stated  in  Apr.  1783,  since  which  there  is  no 
better  state. 

Loan  office  debt 11.463.802 

Credits  in  the  treasury  books 638.042 

Army  debt 5.635.618 

Unliquidated  debt  estimated  at 8.000.000 

Commutation  to  the  army 5.000.000 

Bounty  due  to  Privates 500.000 

Deficiencies  of  this  estimate  supposed 2.000.000 


33.237.462 
Whole  debt  foreign  &  domestic 42.942.837 

The  result  as  to  the  foreign  debt  is  considerably  more  than  in 
the  estimate  I  made  before.  That  was  taken  on  the  state  of  the 
Dutch  loans  as  known  to  Congress  in  1784.  The  new  estimate 
of  1785  however  (lately  come  to  hand)  shews  those  loans  to  be 
completed  up  to  7  millions  of  florins,  which  is  much  more  than 
their  amount  in  the  preceding  statements.  The  domestic  debt 
too  is  made  somewhat  higher  than  in  the  preceding  answer  to  the 
3d.  query.  I  had  in  that  taken  the  statement  of  1783  for  my 
basis,  and  had  endeavored  to  correct  that  by  the  subsequent  liqui- 
dation of  1784.  &  1785.  On  considering  more  maturely  those 
means  of  correction,  I  apprehend  they  will  be  more  likely  to  lead 
to  error  ;  and  that,  upon  the  whole,  the  statement  of  1783,  is  the 
surest  we  can  have  recourse  to.  I  have  therefore  adopted  it 
literally. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  153 

3.  A  succinct  account  of  paper  money. 

Previous  to  the  late  revolution,  most  of  the  states  were  in  the 
habit,  whenever  they  had  occasion  for  more  money  than  could 
be  raised  immediately  by  taxes,  to  issue  paper  notes  or  bills  in 
the  name  of  the  state,  wherein  they  promised  to  pay  to  the 
bearer  the  sum  named  in  the  note  or  bill.  In  some  of  the  states 
no  time  of  paiment  was  fixed,  nor  tax  laid  to  enable  paiment. 
In  these  the  bills  depreciated.  But  others  of  the  states  named 
in  the  bill  the  day  when  it  should  be  paid,  laid  taxes  to  bring  in 
money  enough  for  that  purpose,  &  paid  the  bills  punctually  on 
or  before  the  day  named.  In  these  states,  paper  money  was  in 
as  high  estimation  as  gold  &  silver.  On  the  commencement 
of  the  late  revolution,  Congress  had  no  money.  The  external 
commerce  of  the  states  being  suppressed,  the  farmer  could  not 
sell  his  produce,  &  of  course  could  not  pay  a  tax.  Congress 
had  no  resource  then  but  in  paper  money.  Not  being  able  to  lay 
a  tax  for  it's  redemption  they  could  only  promise  that  taxes  should 
be  laid  for  that  purpose  so  as  to  redeem  the  bills  by  a  certain 
day.  They  did  not  foresee  the  long  continuance  of  the  war,  the 
almost  total  suppression  of  their  exports,  and  other  events,  which 
rendered  the  performance  of  their  engagement  impossible.  The 
paper  money  continued  for  a  twelvemonth  equal  to  gold  &  sil- 
ver. But  the  quantities  which  they  were  obliged  to  emit  for  the 
purpose  of  the  war  exceeded  what  had  been  the  usual  quantity 
of  the  circulating  medium.  It  began  therefore  to  become 
cheaper,  or  as  we  expressed  it,  it  depreciated,  as  gold  &  silver 
would  have  done,  had  they  been  thrown  into  circulation  in  equal 
quantities.  But  not  having,  like  them,  an  intrinsic  value,  it's  de- 
preciation was  more  rapid  &  greater  than  could  ever  have  hap- 
pened with  them.  In  two  years  it  had  fallen  to  two  dollars  of 
paper  for  one  of  silver,  in  three  years  to  4  for  i.  in  9  months 
more  it  fell  to  10  for  i.  and  in  the  six  months  following,  that  is 
to  say,  by  Sep.  1779.  it  had  fallen  to  20  for  i.  Congress,  alarmed 
at  the  consequences  which  were  to  be  apprehended  should  they 
lose  this  resource  altogether,  thought  it  necessary  to  make  a  vigor- 
ous effort  to  stop  its  further  depreciation.  They  therefore  deter- 
mined in  the  first  place,  that  their  emissions  should  not  exceed 


154  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

200  millions  of  dollars,  to  which  term  they  were  then  nearly 
arrived  ;  and  tho'  they  knew  that  twenty  dollars  of  what  they  were 
then  issuing  would  buy  no  more  for  their  army  than  one  silver 
dollar  would  buy,  yet  they  thought  it  would  be  worth  while  to 
submit  to  the  sacrifice  of  19.  out  of  20.  dollars,  if  they  could 
thereby  stop  further  depreciation.  They  therefore  published  an 
address  to  their  constituents  in  which  they  renewed  their  original 
declarations  that  this  paper  money  should  be  redeemed  at  dollar 
for  dollar.  They  proved  the  ability  of  the  states  to  do  this,  and 
that  their  liberty  would  be  cheaply  bought  at  that  price. '  The 
declaration  was  ineffectual.  No  man  received  the  money  at  a 
better  rate  ;  on  the  contrary  in  6.  months  more  that  is  by  March, 
1780  it  had  fallen  to  40  for  i.  Congress  then  tried  an  experi- 
ment of  a  different  kind.  Considering  their  former  offers  to 
redeem  this  money  at  par,  as  relinquished  by  the  general  refusal 
to  take  it  but  in  progressive  depreciation,  they  required  the  whole 
to  be  brought  in,  declared  it  should  be  redeemed  at  it's  present 
value  of  40  for  i.  and  that  they  would  give  to  the  holders  new 
bills  reduced  in  their  denomination  to  the  sum  of  gold  or  silver 
which  was  actually  to  be  paid  for  them.  This  would  reduce  the 
nominal  sum  of  the  mass  in  circulation  to  the  present  worth  of 
that  mass,  which  was  5.  millions,  a  sum  not  too  great  for  the  cir- 
culation of  the  states,  and  which  they  therefore  hoped  would  not 
depreciate  further,  as  they  continued  firm  in  their  purpose  of 
emitting  no  more.  This  effort  was  as  unavailing  as  the  former. 
Very  little  of  the  money  was  brought  in.  It  continued  to  circu- 
late &  to  depreciate  till  the  end  of  1780,  when  it  had  fallen  to  75 
for  one,  and  the  money  circulated  from  the  French  army  being  by 
that  time  sensible  in  all  the  states  north  of  the  Patowmac,  the 
paper  ceased  it's  circulation  altogether,  in  those  states.  In  Vir- 
ginia &  N.  Carolina  it  continued  a  year  longer,  within  which  time 
it  fell  to  1000  for  i.  and  then  expired,  as  it  had  done  in  the  other 
states,  without  a  single  groan.  Not  a  murmur  was  heard  on  this 
occasion  among  the  people.  On  the  contrary  universal  congratu- 
lations took  place  on  their  seeing  this  gigantic  mass,  whose  dis- 
solution had  threatened  convulsions  which  should  shake  their 
infant  confederacy  to  it's  center,  quietly  interred  in  it's  grave. 
Foreigners  indeed  who  do  not,  like  the  natives,  feel  indulgence 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  155 

for  it's  memory,  as  of  a  being  which  has  vindicated  their  liberties 
and  fallen  in  the  moment  of  victory,  have  been  loud  &  still  are 
loud.  A  few  of  them  have  reason  but  the  most  noisy  are  not  the 
best  of  them.  They  are  persons  who  have  become  bankrupt  by 
unskilful  attempts  at  commerce  with  America.  That  they  may 
have,  some  pretext  to  offer  to  their  creditors,  they  have  bought  up 
great  masses  of  this  dead  money  in  America,  where  it  is  to  be 
had  at  5000  for  i,  &  they  show  the  certificates  of  their  paper 
possessions  as  if  they  had  all  died  in  their  hands,  and  had  been 
the  cause  of  their  bankruptcy.  Justice  will  be  done  to  all,  by 
paying  to  all  persons  what  this  money  actually  cost  them,  with 
an  interest  of  6.  per  cent  from  the  time  they  received  it.  If  diffi- 
culties present  themselves  in  the  ascertaining  the  epoch  of  the 
receipt,  it  has  been  thought  better  that  the  state  should  lose  by 
admitting  easy  proofs,  than  that  individuals  &  especially  for- 
eigners should,  by  being  held  to  such  as  would  be  difficult,, 
perhaps  impossible. 

5.  Virginia   certainly   owed   two  millions   sterling  to   Great 
Britain  at  the  conclusion  of  the  war.     Some  have  conjectured 
the  debt  as  high  as  three  millions.     I  think  that  state  owned  near 
as  much  as  all  the  rest  put  together.     This  is  to  be  ascribed  to 
peculiarities  in  the  tobacco  trade.      The  advantages  made  by  the 
British  merchants  on  the  tobaccos  consigned  to  them  were  so  enor- 
mous that  they  spared  no  means  of  increasing  those  consign- 
ments.    A  powerful  engine  for  this  purpose  was  the  giving  good 
prices  &  credit  to  the  planter  till  they  got  him  more  immersed  in 
debt  than  he  could  pay  without  selling  his  lands  or  slaves.     They 
then  reduced  the  prices  given  for  his  tobacco,  so  that,  let  his  ship- 
ments be  ever  so  great,  and  his  demand  of  necessaries  ever  so- 
economical,  they  never  permitted  him  to  clear  off  his  debt.    These 
debts  had  become  hereditary  from  father  to  son  for  many  genera- 
tions, so  that  the  planters  were   a  species  of  property  annexed 
to  certain  mercantile  houses  in  London. 

6.  The  members  of  Congress  are  differently  paid  by  different 
states.     Some  are  on  fixed  allowances,  from  4.  to  8.  dollars  a  day. 
Others  have  their  expenses  paid  &  a  surplus  for  their  time.   This 
surplus  is  of  two,  three,  or  four  dollars  a  day. 

7.  I  do  not  believe  there  has  ever  been   a  moment  when  a 


156  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

single  whig  in  any  one  state  would  not  have  shuddered  at  the  very 
idea  of  a  separation  of  their  state  from  the  Confederacy.  The 
tories  would  at  all  times  have  been  glad  to  see  the  Confederacy 
dissolved  even  by  particles  at  a  time,  in  hopes  of  their  attaching 
themselves  again  to  Great  Britain. 

8.  The  nth  article  of  Confederation  admits  Canada  to  accede 
to  the  Confederation  at  its  own  will  ;  but  adds  that  "  no  other 
colony  shall  be  admitted  to  the  same,  unless  such  admission  be 
agreed  to  by  nine  states."  When  the  plan  of  April,  1784,  for 
establishing  new  states  was  on  the  carpet,  the  committee  who 
framed  the  report  of  that  plan,  had  inserted  this  clause,  "  pro- 
vided nine  states  agree  to  such  admission,  according  to  the  reser- 
vation of  the  nth  of  the  articles  of  Confederation."  It  was  ob- 
jected i.  That  the  words  of  the  confederation  "  no  other  colony  " 
could  only  refer  to  the  residuary  possessions  of  Gr.  Britain,  as 
the  two  Floridas,  Nova  Scotia,  &c.  not  being  already  parts  of  the 
Union  ;  that  the  law  for  "  admitting "  a  new  member  into  the 
union  could  not  be  applied  to  a  territory  which  was  already  in 
the  Union,  as  making  part  of  a  state  which  was  a  member  of  it. 
2.  That  it  would  be  improper  to  allow  "  nine  "  states  to  receive  a 
new  member,  because  the  same  reasons  which  rendered  that  num- 
ber proper  now  would  render  a  greater  one  proper  when  the 
number  composing  the  Union  should  be  increased.  They  there- 
fore struck  out  this  paragraph,  and  inserted  a  proviso  that  "  the 
consent  of  so  many  states,  in  Congress,  shall  be  first  obtained  as 
may  at  the  time  be  competent,"  thus  leaving  the  question  whether 
the  nth  article  applies  to  the  admission  of  new  states  ?  to  be  de- 
cided when  that  admission  shall  be  asked.  See  the  Journ  of 
Congress  of  Apr  20,  1784.  Another  doubt  was  started  in  this 
debate,  viz.  :  whether  the  agreement  of  the  nine  states  required 
by  the  Confederation  was  to  be  made  by  their  legislatures  or  by 
their  delegates  in  Congress  ?  The  expression  adopted  viz.  :  "  so 
many  states  in  Congress  is  first  obtained  "  shew  what  was  their 
sense  in  this  matter.  If  it  be  agreed  that  the  nth  article  of  the 
Confederation  is  not  to  be  applied  to  the  admission  of  these  new 
states,  then  it  is  contended  that  their  admission  comes  within  the 
i3th  article,  which  forbids  "any  alteration  unless  agreed  to  in  a 
Congress  of  the  U  S,  and  afterwards  confirmed  by  the  legislatures 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  157 

of  every  state.  The  independence  of  the  new  states  of  Kentucke" 
and  Frankland  will  soon  bring  on  the  ultimate  decision  of  all 
these  questions. 

9.  Particular  instances  whereby  the  General  assembly  of  Vir- 
ginia have  shewn  that  they  considered  the  ordinance,  called  their 
Constitution  as  every  other  ordinance  or  act  of  the  legislature, 
subject  to  be  altered  by  the  legislature  for  the  time  being.  The 
convention  which  formed  that  Constitution  declared  themselves 
to  be  the  house  of  delegates  during  the  term  for  which  they  were 
originally  elected,  and  in  the  autumn  of  the  year,  met  the  Senate 
elected  under  the  new  constitution,  &  did  legislative  business  with 
them.  At  this  time  there  were  malefactors  in  the  public  jail,  and 
there  was  as  yet  no  court  established  for  their  trial.  They  passed 
a  law  appointing  certain  members  by  name,  who  were  then  mem- 
bers of  the  Executive  council,  to  be  a  court  for  the  trial  of  these 
malefactors,  tho'  the  constitution  had  said,  in  it's  first  clause,  that 
'  no  person  should  exercise  the  powers  of  more  than  one  of  the 
three  departments,  legislative,  executive  &  judiciary,  at  the  same 
time.'  This  proves  that  the  very  men  who  had  made  that  consti- 
tution understood  that  it  would  be  alterable  by  the  General 
assembly.  This  court  was  only  for  that  occasion.  When  the 
next  general  assembly  met  after  the  election  of  the  ensuing  year, 
there  was  a  new  set  of  malefactors  in  the  jail,  &  no  court  to  try 
them.  This  assembly  passed  a  similar  law  to  the  former,  ap- 
pointing certain  members  of  the  Executive  council  to  be  an  occa- 
sional court  for  this  particular  case.  Not  having  the  journals  of 
assembly  by  me,  I  am  unable  to  say  whether  this  measure  was 
repealed  afterwards.  However  they  are  instances  of  executive  & 
judiciary  powers  exercised  by  the  same  persons  under  the  author- 
ity of  a  law,  made  in  contradiction  to  the  Constitution.  2.  There 
was  a  process  depending  in  the  ordinary  courts  of  justice,  between 
two  individuals  of  the  name  of  Robinson  &  Fauntleroy,  who  were 
relations,  of  different  descriptions,  to  one  Robinson  a  British  sub- 
ject lately  dead.  Each  party  claimed  a  right  to  inherit  the  lands 
of  the  decedent  according  to  the  laws.  Their  right  should,  by 
the  constitution,  have  been  decided  by  the  judiciary  courts  ;  and 
it  was  actually  depending  before  them.  One  of  the  parties  peti- 
tioned the  assembly  (I  think  it  was  in  the  year  1782)  who  passed 


158  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 


a  law  deciding  the  right  in  his  favor.  In  the  following  year,  a 
Frenchman,  master  of  a  vessel,  entered  into  port  without  comply- 
ing with  the  laws  established  in  such  cases,  whereby  he  incurred 
the  forfeitures  of  the  law  to  any  person  who  would  sue  for  them. 
An  individual  instituted  a  legal  process  to  recover  these  forfeit- 
ures according  to  the  law  of  the  land.  The  Frenchman  petitioned 
the  assembly,  who  passed  a  law  deciding  the  question  of  forfeit- 
ure in  his  favor.  These  acts  are  occasional  repeals  of  that  part 
•of  the  constitution  which  forbids  the  same  persons  to  exercise 
legislative  &  judiciary  powers  at  the  same  time.  3.  The  assem- 
,bly  is  in  the  habitual  exercise  during  their  sessions  of  directing 
the  Executive  what  to  do.  There  are  few  pages  of  their  journals 
which  do  not  show  proofs  of  this,  &  consequently  instances  of 
the  legislative  &  executive  powers  exercised  by  the  same  persons 
at  the  same  time.  These  things  prove  that  it  has  been  the  unin- 
terrupted opinion  of  every  assembly,  from  that  which  passed  the 
ordinance  called  the  Constitution  down  to  the  present  day,  that 
•their  acts  may  controul  that  ordinance,  &  of  course  that  the  state 
•of  Virginia  has  no  fixed  Constitution  at  all. 


•OBSERVATIONS    ON    THE    ARTICLE    ETATS-UNIS  PREPARED 
FOR     THE    ENCYCLOPEDIE.  1  j.  Mss. 

[June  22,   1786.] 

i.  II.  17.  29.  Pa  8.  The  Malefactors  sent  to  America  were 
not  sufficient  in  number  to  merit  enumeration  as  one  class  out  of 
three  which  peopled  America.  It  was  at  a  late  period  of  their 
history  that  this  practice  began.  I  have  no  book  by  me  which 
enables  me  to  point  out  the  date  of  it's  commencement.  But  I  do 
not  think  the  whole  number  sent  would  amount  to  2000  &  being 
principally  men,  eaten  up  with  disease,  they  married  seldom  & 

1  In  preparing  an  article  for  the  Encydoptdie  Politique,  M.  Meusnier  applied 
to  Jefferson  for  information  (cf.  ante  p.  138).  On  the  proofs  of  that  article, 
Jefferson  prepared  the  above  notes.  This  article  was  separately  printed,  and 
for  Jefferson's  comments  upon  it,  see  his  letters  of  August  25  and  27,  1786, 
post. 


iy86j  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  159 

propagated  little.  I  do  not  suppose  that  themselves  &  their  de- 
scendants are  at  present  4000,  which  is  little  more  than  one 
thousandth  part  of  the  whole  inhabitants. 

Indented  servants  formed  a  considerable  supply.  These  were 
poor  Europeans  who  went  to  America  to  settle  themselves.  If 
they  could  pay  their  passage  it  was  well.  If  not,  they  must  find 
means  of  paying  it.  They  were  at  liberty  therefore  to  make  an 
agreement  with  any  person  they  chose,  to  serve  him  such  a  length 
of  time  as  they  agreed  on,  on  condition  that  he  would  repay  to 
the  master  of  the  vessel  the  expenses  of  their  passage.  If  being 
foreigners  unable  to  speak  the  language,  they  did  not  know  how 
to  make  a  bargain  for  themselves  the  captain  of  the  vessel  con- 
tracted for  them  with  such  persons  as  he  could.  This  contract 
was  by  deed  indented,  which  occasioned  them  to  be  called  in- 
dented servants.  Sometimes  they  were  called  Redemptioners, 
because  by  their  agreement  with  the  master  of  the  vessel  they 
could  redeem  themselves  from  his  power  by  paying  their  passage, 
which  they  frequently  effected  by  hiring  themselves  on  their 
arrival  as  is  before  mentioned.  In  some  states  I  know  that  these 
people  had  a  right  of  marrying  themselves  without  their  master's 
leave,  &  I  did  suppose  they  had  that  right  everywhere.  I  did  not 
know  that  in  any  of  the  states  they  demanded  so  much  as  a  week 
for  every  day's  absence  without  leave.  I  suspect  this  must  have 
been  at  a  very  early  period  while  the  governments  were,  in  the 
hands  of  the  first  emigrants,  who  being  mostly  labourers,  were 
narrow-minded  and  severe.  I  know  that  in  Virginia  the  laws 
allowed  their  servitude  to  be  protracted  only  two  days  for  every 
one  they  were  absent  without  leave.  So  mild  was  this  kind  of 
servitude,  that  it  was  very  frequent  for  foreigners  who  carried  to 
America  money  enough,  not  only  to  pay  their  passage,  but  to  buy 
themselves  a  farm,  it  was  common  I  say  for  them  to  indent  them- 
selves to  a  master  for  three  years,  for  a  certain  sum  of  money, 
with  a  view  to  learn  the  husbandry  of  the  country.  I  will  here 
make  a  general  observation.  So  desirous  are  the  poor  of  Europe 
to  get  to  America,  where  they  may  better  their  condition,  that, 
being  unable  to  pay  their  passage,  they  will  agree  to  serve  two  or 
three  years  on  their  arrival  there,  rather  than  not  go.  During  the 
time  of  that  service  they  are  better  fed,  better  clothed,  and  have 


160  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

lighter  labour  than  while  in  Europe.  Continuing  to  work  for  hire 
a  few  years  longer,  they  buy  a  farm,  marry,  and  enjoy  all  the 
sweets  of  a  domestic  society  of  their  own.  The  American  govern- 
ments are  censured  for  permitting  this  species  of  servitude  which 
lays  the  foundation  of  the  happiness  of  these  people.  But  what 
should  these  governments  do  ?  Pay  the  passage  of  all  those  who 
chuse  to  go  into  their  country  ?  They  are  not  able  ;  nor,  were 
they  able,  do  they  think  the  purchase  worth  the  price  ?  Should 
they  exclude  these  people  from  their  shores  ?  Those  who  know 
their  situations  in  Europe  &  America,  would  not  say  that  this  is 
the  alternative  which  humanity  dictates.  It  is  said  that  these 
people  are  deceived  by  those  who  carry  them  over.  But  this  is 
done  in  Europe.  How  can  the  American  governments  prevent 
it  ?  Should  they  punish  the  deceiver  ?  It  seems  more  incumbent 
on  the  European  government,  where  the  act  is  done,  and  where  a 
public  injury  is  sustained  from  it.  However  it  is  only  in  Europe 
that  this  deception  is  heard  of.  The  individuals  are  generally 
satisfied  in  America  with  their  adventure,  and  very  few  of  them 
wish  not  to  have  made  it.  I  must  add  that  the  Congress  have 
nothing  to  do  with  this  matter.  It  belongs  to  the  legislatures  of 
the  several  states. 

P  26.'  "  Une  puissance,  en  effet,  devoit  statuer,  en  dernier 
resort,  sur  les  relations  que  pouvoient  suvire  ou  servir  au  sien 
general,"  &c.  The  account  of  the  settlement  of  the  colonies, 
which  precedes  this  paragraph,  shows  that  that  settlement  was  not 
made  by  public  authority,  or  at  the  public  expence  of  England  ; 
but  by  the  exertions  &  at  the  expence  of  individuals.  Hence  it 
happened  that  their  constitutions  were  not  formed  systematically 
but  according  to  the  circumstances  which  happened  to  exist  in 
each.  Hence  too,  the  principles  of  the  political  connection  be- 
tween the  old  &  new  countries  were  never  settled.  That  it  would 
have  been  advantageous  to  have  settled  them  is  certain  ;  and  par- 
ticularly to  have  provided  a  body  which  should  decide  in  the 
last  resort  all  cases  wherein  both  parties  were  interested.  But  it 
is  not  certain  mat  that  right  would  have  been  given,  or  ought  to 

1  A  note  is  omitted  here,  because  the  press  copy  is  so  faded  that  it  is  impos- 
sible to  make  it  out.  It  refers  to  page  18. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  161 

have  been  given  to  the  parliament  ;  much  less  that  it  resulted  to 
the  parliament  without  having  been  given  to  it  expressly.  Why 
was  it  necessary  that  there  should  have  been  a  body  to  decide  in 
the  last  resort  ?  Because,  it  would  have  been  for  the  good  of  both 
parties.  But  this  reason  shews  it  ought  not  to  have  been  the  par- 
liament, because  that  would  have  exercised  it  for  the  good  of  one 
party  only. 

Page  105.  As  to  the  change  of  the  8th  article  of  Confedera- 
tion for  quotaing  requisitions  of  money  on  the  states. 

By  a  report  of  the  Secretary  of  Congress  dated  Jan  4,  1786, 
eight  states  had  then  acceded  to  the  proposition,  to  wit,  Massa- 
chus.,  Connect.,  N.  York,  N.  Jersey,  Pennsylva,  Maryland,  Vir- 
ginia, &  N.  Carolina. 

Congress,  on  the  i8th  of  Apr,  1783,  recommended  to  the  states 
to  invest  them  with  a  power,  for  25  years  to  levy  an  impost  of  5 
per  cent,  on  all  articles  imported  from  abroad.  N  Hamp.  Mass. 
Conn.  N  Jer.  Pensa,  Delaware,  Virga.  N  Cara.  S  Cara.  had  com- 
plied with  this  before  the  4th  of  Jan,  1786.  Maryland  had 
passed  an  act  for  the  same  purpose ;  but  by  a  mistake  in 
referring  to  the  date  of  the  recommendation  of  Congress, 
the  act  failed  of  it's  effect.  This  was  therefore  to  be  recti- 
fied. Since  the  4th  of  January,  the  public  papers  tell  us  that 
Rhode  island  has  complied  fully  with  this  recommendation. 
It  remains  still  for  N  York  &  Georgia  to  do  it.  The  exporta- 
tions  of  America,  which  are  tolerably  well  known,  are  the  best 
measure  for  estimating  the  importations.  These  are  probably 
worth  about  20  millions  of  dollars  annually.  Of  course  this  im- 
post will  pay  the  interest  of  a  debt  to  that  amount.  If  confined 
to  the  foreign  debt,  it  will  pay  the  whole  interest  of  that,  and  sink 
half  a  million  of  the  capital,  annually.  The  expenses  of  collect- 
ing this  impost  will  probably  be  6.  per  cent  on  it's  amount,  this 
being  the  usual  expense  of  collection  in  the  U  S.  This  will  be 
60.000  dollars. 

On  the  3oth  of  April  1784  Congress  recommended  to  the  states 
to  invest  them  with  a  power  for  15  years  to  exclude  from  their 
ports  the  vessels  of  all  nations  not  having  a  treaty  of  commerce 
with  them  ;  and  to  pass  as  to  all  nations  an  act  on  the  principles 
of  the  British  navigation  act.  Not  that  they  were  disposed  to 


VOL.    IV. — II 


162  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

carry  these  powers  into  execution  with  such  as  would  meet  them 
in  fair  and  equal  arrangements  of  commerce  ;  but  that  they  might 
be  able  to  do  it  against  those  who  should  not.  On  the  4th  of 
Jan,  1786,  N  Hamp.  Mass.  Rho.  isld.  Connect.  N  York,  Pensa. 
Maryld.  Virga.  &  N.  Carola  had  done  it.  It  remained  for  N  Jers, 
Delaware,  S  Carola,  &  Georgia  to  do  the  same. 

In  the  meantime  the  general  idea  has  advanced  before  the  de- 
mands of  Congress,  and  several  states  have  passed  acts  for  vesting 
Congress  with  the  whole  regulation  of  their  commerce,  reserving 
the  revenue  arising  from  these  regulations  to  the  disposal  of  the 
state  in  which  it  is  levied.  The  states  which,  according  to  the 
public  papers  have  passed  such  acts,  are  N.  Hamp.  Mass.  Rho 
isld.  N  Jers.  Del.  and  Virga  :  but,  the  assembly  of  Virga,  appre- 
hensive that  this  disjointed  method  of  proceeding  may  fail  in  it's 
effect,  or  be  much  retarded,  passed  a  resolution  on  the  2ist  of 
Jan.  1786,  appointing  commissioners  to  meet  others  from  the 
other  states  whom  they  invite  into  the  same  measure,  to  digest 
the  form  of  an  act  for  investing  Congress  with  such  powers  over 
their  commerce  as  shall  be  thought  expedient,  which  act  is  to  be 
reported  to  their  several  assemblies  for  their  adoption.  This  was 
the  state  of  the  several  propositions  relative  to  the  impost,  & 
regulation  of  commerce  at  the  date  of  our  latest  advices  from 
America. 

Pa  125.  The  General  assembly  of  Virginia,  at  their  session 
in  1785,  have  passed  an  act  declaring  that  the  District,  called 
Kentucky  shall  be  a  separate  &  independent  state,  on  these  con- 
ditions, i.  That  the  people  of  that  district  shall  consent  to 
it.  2.  That  Congress  shall  consent  to  it  &  shall  receive  them  into 
the  federal  union.  3.  That  they  shall  take  on  themselves  a  pro- 
portionable part  of  the  public  debt  of  Virginia.  4.  That  they 
shall  confirm  all  titles  to  lands  within  their  district  made  by  the 
state  of  Virginia,  before  their  separation. 

Page  131.  "  Et  sur  six  assemblies  a  peine  trouve-t-on"  &c. 
Jusques  a'elles  feront  un  meilleur  choix.  Page  132.  I  think 
it  will  be  better  to  omit  the  whole  of  this  passage  for  reasons 
which  shall  be  explained  in  conversation. 

Page  139.  It  was  in  1783,  &  not  in  1781,  that  Congress  quitted 
Philadelphia. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  163 

Page  140.  "  Le  Congres  qui  se  trouvoit  a  la  porte"e  des  re- 
belles  fut  effraye."  I  was  not  present  on  this  occasion,  but  I 
have  had  relations  of  the  transaction  from  several  who  were. 
The  conduct  of  Congress  was  marked  with  indignation  &  firm- 
ness. They  received  no  propositions  from  the  mutineers.  They 
came  to  the  resolutions  which  may  be  seen  in  the  journals  of 
June  21,  1783,  then  adjourned  regularly  and  went  through  the 
body  of  the  mutineers  to  their  respective  lodgings.  The  meas- 
ures taken  by  Dickinson,  the  president  of  Pennsylvania,  for  pun- 
ishing this  insult,  not  being  satisfactory  to  Congress,  they  assem- 
bled 9.  days  after  at  Princeton  in  Jersey.  The  people  of  Penn- 
sylvania sent  petitions  declaring  their  indignation  at  what  had 
past,  their  devotion  to  the  federal  head,  and  their  dispositions  to 
protect  it,  &  praying  them  to  return  ;  the  legislature,  as  soon  as 
assembled,  did  the  same  thing ;  the  Executive  whose  irresolution 
had  been  so  exceptionable  made  apologies.  But  Congress  were 
now  removed  ;  and  to  the  opinion  that  this  example  was  proper, 
other  causes  were  now  added  sufficient  to  prevent  their  return  to 
Philadelphia. 

Pa.  153.  1.  8.  '400,000  millions,'  should  be,  '400,  millions.' 

Pa  154.  1.  3.  From  the  bottom  omettez  'plus  de,' and  1.  2. 
c'est  a  dire  plus  d'un  milliard.' 

Pa  155.  1.  2.  Omit  "la  dette  actuelle,  &c. 

And  also,  "  Les  details  de  cette  espece,  &c.,  &c.,  &c.,  to  the 
end  of  the  paragraph  "celle  des  Etats  Unis,"  page  156.  The 
reason  is  that  these  passages  seem  to  suppose  that  the  several 
sums  emitted  by  Congress  at  different  times,  amounted  nominally 
to  200  millions  of  dollars,  had  been  actually  worth  that  at  the 
time  of  emission,  &  of  course,  that  the  souldiers  &  others  had  re- 
ceived that  sum  from  Congress.  But  nothing  is  further  from 
the  truth.  The  souldier,  victualler  or  other  persons  who  received 
40  dollars  for  a  service  at  the  close  of  the  year  1779,  received  in 
fact  no  more  than  he  who  received  one  dollar  for  the  same  ser- 
vice in  the  year  1775  or  1776  ;  because  in  those  years  the  paper 
money  was  at  par  with  silver  ;  whereas  by  the  close  of  1779  forty 
paper  dollars  were  worth  but  one  of  silver,  &  would  buy  no  more 
of  the  necessaries  of  life.  To  know  what  the  monies  emitted  by 
Congress  were  worth  to  the  people  at  the  time  they  received 


164 


THE  WRITINGS  OF 


[1786 


them,  we  will  state  the  date  &  amount  of  every  several  emission, 
the  depreciation  of  paper  money  at  the  time,  and  the  real  worth 
of  the  emission  in  silver  or  gold. 


Emission. 

Sum  emitted. 

Deprecia- 

Worth of  the  sum 
emitted,  in  silver 

tion. 

dollars. 

1775.  June  23      -     -    - 

2,000,000 

2,OOO,OOO 

Nov.  29     -     -     - 

3,OOO,OCO 

3,000,000 

1776.  Feb.  17      -    -    - 

4,OOO,OOO 

4,000,000 

Aug.  13     -    -    - 

5,OOO,OOO 

5,000,000 

1777.  May  20      -     -     - 

5,000,000 

nl 

2F 

1,877,273 

"       Aug.  15      ... 

1,000,000 

3 

333,333j 

Nov.  7       --- 

1,000.000 

4 

250,000 

Dec.  3       ... 

I,OOO,OOO 

4 

250,000 

1778.  Jan.  8        -     -     - 

1,000,000 

4 

250,000 

"           "22          -      -      - 

2,OOO,OOO 

4 

500,000 

"       Feb.  t6     -    -    - 

2,000,000 

5 

400,000 

"       Mar.  5        -     -     - 

2,OOO,OOO 

5 

400,000 

Apr.  4        --- 

I,OOO,OOO 

6 

i66,666f 

"         "n        ... 

5,000,000 

6 

833,333j 

"    18        ... 

500,000  " 

6 

83,333i 

"       May  22      -     -     - 

5,000,000 

5 

,000,000 

"       June  20      -    -     - 

5,OOO,OOO 

4 

,250,000 

"       July  30       -     -     - 

5,000,000 

4i 

,111,111 

"       Sep.  5        -     -     - 

5,000,000 

5 

,000,000 

"26        ... 

10,000,000 

5 

,000,020 

"       Nov.  4       -    -     - 

IO,OOO,IOO 

6 

,666,683^ 

"       Dec.  14      -     -     - 

10,000,100 

6 

,666,683^ 

1779.  Jan.  14      -     -     - 

'24,447,620 

8 

3,055,  952£ 

"       Feb.  3       ... 

5,000,l6o 

10 

500,016 

"            "      12          -      -      - 

5,OOO,IOO 

10 

500,016 

"       Apr.  2        ... 

5,000,160 

17 

294,127 

"       May  5         -     -    - 

10,000,100 

24 

416,670! 

"       June  4        -    -     - 

IO,OOO,IOO 

20 

500,005 

"       July  17       --- 

15,000,280 

20 

750,014 

Sep.  17      -    -    - 

15,000,260 

24 

625,0  1  of 

Oct.  14      -    -    - 

5,OOO,l8o 

30 

166,672! 

"       Nov.  17     -     -     - 

10,050,540 

38i 

261,053 

29     -     -     - 

IO,OOO,I4O 

3H 

259,743 

200,000,000 

36,367,719! 

Thus  it  appears  that  the  200  millions  of  Dollars  emitted  by 
Congress  were  worth  to  those  who  received  them  but  about  36 

1  The  sum  actually  voted  was  50,000,400,  but  part  of  it  was  for  exchange  of  old  bills, 
without  saying  how  much.  It  is  presumed  that  these  exchanges  absorbed  $25,552,780, 
because  the  remainder,  24.447,620,  with  all  the  other  emissions  preceding  Sep.  2,  1779,  will 
amount  to  159,948,880,  the  sum  which  Congress  declared  to  be  then  in  circulation.— T.  J. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  165 

millions  of  silver  dollars.  If  we  estimate  at  the  same  value  the 
like  sum  of  200  millions,  supposed  to  have  been  emitted  by  the 
states,  and  state  the  Federal  debt,  foreign  &  domestic,  at  about 
43  millions,  and  the  state  debts,  at  about  25  millions,  it  will  form 
an  amount  of  140.  millions  of  Dollars,  or  735  millions  of  livres 
Tournois,  the  total  sum  which  the  war  has  cost  the  inhabitants  of 
the  U.  S.  It  continued  8.  years  from  the  battle  of  Lexington 
to  the  cessation  of  hostilities  in  America.  The  annual  expense 
then  was  about  17,500,000  Dollars,  while  that  of  our  enemies 
was  a  greater  number  of  guineas. 

It  will  be  asked  How  will  the  two  masses  of  Continental  & 
of  State  money  have  cost  the  people  of  the  U.  S.  72  millions  of 
dollars,  when  they  are  to  be  redeemed  now  with  about  six  mil- 
lions ?  I  answer  that  the  difference,  being  66.  millions  has  been 
lost  on  the  paper  bills  separately  by  the  successive  holders  of 
them.  Every  one,  thro  whose  hands  a  bill  passed,  lost  on  that 
bill  what  it  lost  in  value,  during  the  time  it  was  in  his  hands. 
This  was  a  real  tax  on  him  ;  &  in  this  way  the  people  of  the 
United  States  actually  contributed  those  66  millions  of  dollars 
during  the  war,  and  by  a  mode  of  taxation  the  most  oppressive 
of  all,  because  the  most  unequal  of  all. 

Pa.  157.  1.  2.  from  bottom,  '  cinquantieme,'  this  should  be 
'  dixieme.' 

Pa.  158.  1.  8.  Elles  ont  fait  des  reductions,'  they  have  not  re- 
duced the  debt,  but  instead  of  expressing  it  in  paper  money,  as 
formerly,  they  express  it  by  the  equivalent  sum  in  silver  or  gold, 
being  the  true  sum  it  has  cost  the  present  creditor,  and  what 
therefore  they  are  bound  in  justice  to  pay  him.  For  the  same 
reason  strike  out  the  words  '  ainsi  reduites  '  second  line  from  the 
bottom. 

Pa.  161.  1.  8.  'Point  de  remboursements  en  1784,'  except  the 
interest. 

Pa  166,  bottom  line.  "  Et  c'est  une  autre  economic,"  &c. 
The  reason  of  this  is  that  in  1784,  purchases  of  land  were  to  be 
made  of  the  Indians  which  were  accordingly  made.  But  in  1785. 
they  did  not  propose  to  make  any  purchase.  The  money  desired 
in  1785,  5000  dollars  was  probably  to  pay  agents  residing  among 
the  Indians,  or  balances  of  the  purchase  of  1784.  These  pur- 


166  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

chases  will  not  be  made  every  year  ;  but  only  at  distant  intervals  as 
our  settlements  are  extended  ;  and  it  may  be  taken  for  a  certainty 
that  not  a  foot  of  land  will  ever  be  taken  from  the  Indians  with- 
out their  own  consent.  The  sacredness  of  their  right,  is  felt  by 
all  thinking  persons  in  America  as  much  as  in  Europe. 

Pa  170.  Virginia  was  quotaed  the  highest  of  any  state  in  the 
Union.  But  during  the  war,  several  states  appear  to  have  paid 
more,  because  they  were  free  from  the  enemy,  whilst  Virginia  was 
cruelly  ravaged.  The  requisition  of  1784,  was  so  quotaed  on  the 
several  states,  as  to  bring  up  their  arrearages  so  that  when  they 
should  have  paid  the  sums  then  demanded  all  would  be  on  equal 
footing.  It  is  necessary  to  give  a  further  explanation  of  this 
requisition.  The  requisitions  of  1.200000  Dollars,  of  8.  millions 
&  2  millions  had  been  made  during  the  war  as  an  experiment  to 
see  whether  in  that  situation  the  states  could  furnish  the  neces- 
sary supplies.  It  was  found  they  could  not.  The  money  was 
thereupon  obtained  by  loans  in  Europe  ;  &  Congress  meant  by 
their  requisition  of  1784,10  abandon  the  requisitions  of  1.200.000 
&  of  2.  millions,  and  also  one  half  of  the  8.  millions.  But  as  all 
the  states  almost  had  made  some  paiments  in  part  of  that  requisi- 
tion, they  were  obliged  to  retain  such  a  proportion  of  it,  as  would 
enable  them  to  call  for  equal  contributions  from  all  the  others. 

Pa  170.  I  cannot  say  how  it  has  happened  that  the  debt  of 
Connecticut  is  greater  than  that  of  Virginia.  The  latter  is  the 
richest  in  productions,  and  perhaps  made  greater  exertions  to 
pay  for  her  supplies  in  the  course  of  the  war. 

172.  "  Les  Americains  si  vantes  apres  une  banqueroute,  &c. 
The  objections  made  to  the  U.  S.  being  here  condensed  together 
in  a  short  compass,  perhaps  it  would  not  be  improper  to  con- 
dense the  answers  in  as  small  a  compass,  in  some  such  form  as 
follows.  That  is,  after  the  words  "aucun  espoir,"  add,  "  but  to 
these  charges  it  may  be  justly  answered  that  those  are  no  bank- 
rupts who  acknoledge  the  sacredness  of  their  debts  in  their  just 
&  real  amount,  who  are  able  within  a  reasonable  time  to  pay 
them,  &  who  are  actually  proceeding  in  that  paiment ;  that  they 
furnish  actually  the  supplies  necessary  for  the  support  of  their 
government ;  that  their  officers  &  souldiers  are  satisfied,  as  the 
interest  of  their  debt  is  paid  regularly,  and  the  principals  are  in  a 


1 7 86]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  167 

course  of  paiment ;  that  the  question  whether  they  fought  ill, 
should  be  asked  of  those  who  met  them  at  Bunker's  hill,  Benning- 
ton,  Stillwater,  King's  mountain,  the  Cowpens,  Guilford  and  the 
Eutaw.  And  that  the  charges  of  ingratitude,  madness,  infidelity, 
and  corruption  are  easily  made  by  those  to  whom  falsehoods  cost 
nothing ;  but  that  no  instances  in  support  of  them  have  been 
produced  or  can  be  produced." 

Pa  187.  "  Les  officiers  et  les  soldats  ont  etc"  paye"s "  &c. 
The  balances  due  to  the  officers  &  souldiers  have  been  ascer- 
tained, &  a  certificate  of  the  sum  given  to  each  ;  on  these  the 
interest  is  regularly  paid  ;  and  every  occasion  is  seized  of  paying 
the  principals  by  receiving  these  certificates  as  money,  whenever 
public  property  is  sold,  till  a  more  regular  &  effectual  method 
can  be  taken,  for  paying  the  whole. 

Pa  191.  "  Quoique  la  loi  dont  nous  parlons,  ne  s'observe  plus 
en  Angleterre."  Blackstone  B.  i.  c.  10.  pa.  372.  "An  alien 
born  may  purchase  lands  or  other  estates  ;  but  not  for  his  own 
use  ;  for  the  king  is  thereupon  entitled  to  them."  "  Yet  an  alien 
may  acquire  a  property  in  goods,  money  &  other  personal  estate, 
or  may  hire  a  house  for  his  habitation  for  this  is  necessary  for  the 
advancement  of  trade." — "  Also  an  alien  may  bring  an  action  con- 
cerning personal  property,  &  may  make  a  will  &  dispose  of  his 
personal  estate."  "When  I  mention  these  rights  of  an  alien,  I 
must  be  understood  of  alien  friends  only,  or  such  whose  countries 
are  in  peace  with  ours  ;  for  alien  enemies  have  no  rigfits,  no  privi- 
leges, unless  by  the  king's  special  favour,  during  the  time  of  war." 
"An  alien  friend  may  have  personal  actions,  but  not  real;  an 
alien  enemy  shall  have  neither  real,  personal,  or  mixt  actions. 
The  reason  why  an  alien/rzm^is  allowed  to  maintain  a  personal 
action  is,  because  he  would  otherwise  be  incapacitated  to  mer- 
chandise, which  may  be  as  much  to  our  prejudice  as  his."  Cun- 
ningham's law  diet,  voce,  aliens.  The  above  is  the  clear  law  of 
England,  practiced  from  the  earliest  ages  to  this  day,  &  never 
denied.  The  passage  quoted  by  M.  de  Meusnier  from  2  Black- 
stone,  ch.  26,  is  from  his  chapter  "  of  title  to  things  personal  by 
occupancy"  The  word  "personal,"  shews  that  nothing  in  this 
chapter  relates  to  lands,  which  are  real  estate,  and  therefore  this 
passage  does  not  contradict  the  one  before  quoted  from  the  same 


i68  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

author  B.  i  c.  10  which  sais  that  the  lands  of  an  alien  belong  to 
the  king.  The  words  "  of  title  by  occupancy  "  shew  that  it  does 
not  relate  to  debts,  which  being  a  moral  existence  only,  cannot  be 
the  subject  of  occupancy.  Blackstone  in  this  passage  B.  2.  c.  26. 
speaks  only  of  personal  goods  of  an  alien  which  another  may  find 
and  seize  as  prime  occupant. 

Pa  193.  "  Le  remboursement  presentera  dcs  difficultes  des 
sommes  considerables  "  &c.  There  is  no  difficulty  nor  doubt  on 
this  subject.  Every  one  is  sensible  how  this  is  to  be  ultimately 
settled.  Neither  the  British  creditor,  nor  the  state  will  be  per- 
mitted to  lose  by  these  paiments.  The  debtor  will  be  credited 
for  what  he  paid  according  to  what  it  was  really  worth  at  the 
time  he  paid  it,  and  he  must  pay  the  balance.  Nor  does  he  lose 
by  this  :  for  if  a  man,  who  owed  1000  dollars  to  a  British  merchant, 
paid  800  paper  dollars  into  the  treasury  when  the  depreciation 
was  at  8  for  i.  it  is  clear  he  paid  but  xoo  real  dollars,  &  must  now 
pay  900.  It  is  probable  he  received  those  800  dollars  for  100 
bushels  of  wheat,  which  were  never  worth  more  than  100  silver 
dollars.  He  is  credited  therefore  the  full  worth  of  his  wheat. 
The  equivoque  is  in  the  use  of  the  word  "  dollar." 

Pa.  223. 1.  6.  '  Le  comite  charge  de  cette  revision  a  publee 
son  travail.'  Rather  say  'the  committee  charged  with  this  work 
reported  it  in  the  year  1779  to  the  assembly,  who  ordered  it  to  be 
printed  for  consideration  in  the  year  1781 — and  who  in  their 
session  of  1785-6  :  passed  between  30.  &.  40.  of  the  bills,  mean- 
ing to  resume  it  at  their  successive  sessions  till  they  shall  have 
gone  thro"  the  whole.' 

Pa  225.  'Mais  elle  y  acte*  insere"e  depuis.'  Rather  say 'but 
they  prepared  an  amendment  with  an  intention  of  having  it  pro- 
posed at  the  time  the  bill  should  be  under  discussion  before  the 
assembly.  Selon  cette  amendment  les  enfans  des  esclaves  de- 
meurevoient '  &c. 

Page  226.1.  ii.  "Qu'on  abolisse  les  privileges  du  clerge." 
This  privilege  originally  allowed  to  the  clergy,  is  now  extended 
to  every  man,  &  even  to  women.  It  is  a  right  of  exemption  from 
capital  punishment  for  the  first  offence  in  most  cases.  It  is  then 
a  pardon  by  the  law.  In  other  cases  the  Executive  gives  the 
par  .Ion.  But  when  laws  are  made  as  mild  as  they  should  be, 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  169 

both  those  pardons  are  absurd.  The  principle  of  Beccaria  is 
sound.  Let  the  legislators  be  merciful  but  the  executors  of  the 
law  inexorable.  As  the  term  "  privileges  du  clerg6 "  may  be 
understood  by  foreigners,  perhaps,  it  will  be  better  to  strike  it 
out  here,  &  to  substitute  the  word  "  pardon." 

Pa.  238.  '  Plonges  dans  la  mer.  .  .'  The  English  word  '  ducked ' 
means  '  to  plunge  the  party  into  water'  no  matter  whether  of  the 
sea,  a  river,  or  pond. 

Pa  239.  "  Les  commissaries  veulent  &c.  Manslaughter  is  the 
killing  a  man  with  design,  but  in  a  sudden  gust  of  passion,  and 
where  the  killer  has  not  had  time  to  cool.  The  first  offence  is 
not  punished  capitally,  but  the  second  is.  This  is  the  law  of 
England  &  of  all  the  American  states  ;  &  is  not  a  new  proposi- 
tion. Those  laws  have  supposed  that  a  man  whose  passions  have 
so  much  dominion  over  him  as  to  lead  him  to  repeated  acts  of 
murder,  is  unsafe  to  society  :  that  it  is  better  he  should  be  put  to 
death  by  the  law,  than  others  more  innocent  than  himself  on 
the  movements  of  his  impetuous  passions. 

Ib.  1.  12.  "  Mal-ais£  d'  indiquer  la  nuance  precise  &c.'  In 
forming  a  scale  of  crimes  &  punishments,  two  considerations  have 
principal  weight,  i.  The  atrocity  of  the  crime.  2.  The  peculiar 
circumstances  of  a  country  which  furnish  greater  temptations  to 
commit  it,  or  greater  facilities  for  escaping  detection.  The 
punishment  must  be  heavier  to  counterbalance  this.  Was  the 
first  the  only  consideration,  all  nations  would  form  the  same 
scale.  But  as  the  circumstances  of  a  country  have  influence  on 
the  punishment,  and  no  two  countries  exist  precisely  under  the 
same  circumstances,  no  two  countries  will  form  the  same  scale  of 
crimes  &  punishments.  For  example  in  America,  the  inhabitants 
let  their  horses  go  at  large  in  the  uninclosed  lands  which  are  so 
extensive  as  to  maintain  them  altogether.  It  is  easy  therefore  to 
steal  them  &  easy  to  escape.  Therefore  the  laws  are  obliged  to 
oppose  these  temptations  with  a  heavier  degree  of  punishment. 
For  this  reason  the  stealing  of  a  horse  in  America  is  punished 
more  severely  than  stealing  the  same  value  in  any  other  form. 
In  Europe  where  horses  are  confined  so  securely  that  it  is  impos- 
sible to  steal  them,  that  species  of  theft  need  not  be  punished 
more  severely  than  any  other.  In  some  countries  of  Europe, 


170  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

stealing  fruit  from  trees  is  punished  capitally.  The  reason  is  that 
it  being  impossible  to  lock  fruit  trees  up  in  coffers,  as  we  do  our 
money,  it  is  impossible  to  oppose  physical  bars  to  this  species  of 
theft.  Moral  ones  are  therefore  opposed  by  the  laws.  This  to 
an  unreflecting  American,  appears  the  most  enormous  of  all 
the  abuses  of  power ;  because  he  has  been  used  to  see  fruits 
hanging  in  such  quantities  that  if  not  taken  by  men  they  would 
rot :  he  has  been  used  to  consider  it  therefore  as  of  no  value,  as 
not  furnishing  materials  for  the  commission  of  a  crime.  This 
must  serve  as  an  apology  for  the  arrangements  of  crimes  & 
punishments  in  the  scale  under  our  consideration.  A  different 
one  would  be  formed  here ;  &  still  different  ones  in  Italy, 
Turkey,  China,  &c. 

Pa.  240.  "  Les  officiers  Americains  &c.  to  pa  264.  "  qui  le 
meritoient."  I  would  propose  to  new-model  this  Section  in  the 
following  manner,  i.  Give  a  succinct  history  of  the  origin  & 
establishment  of  the  Cincinnati.  2.  Examine  whether  in  its 
present  form  it  threatens  any  dangers  to  the  state.  3.  Propose 
the  most  practicable  method  of  preventing  them. 

Having  been  in  America  during  the  period  in  which  this  insti- 
tution was  formed,  and  being  then  in  a  situation  which  gave  me 
opportunities  of  seeing  it  in  all  it's  stages,  I  may  venture  to  give 
M.  de  Meusnier  materials  for  the  ist  branch  of  the  preceding 
distribution  of  the  subject.  The  2d  and  3d  he  will  best  execute 
himself.  I  should  write  it's  history  in  the  following  form. 

When,  on  the  close  of  that  war  which  established  the  inde- 
pendance  of  America,  it's  army  was  about  to  be  disbanded,  the 
officers,  who  during  the  course  of  it  had  gone  thro  the  most  try- 
ing scenes  together,  who  by  mutual  aids  &  good  offices  had 
become  dear  to  one  another,  felt  with  great  oppression  of  mind 
the  approach  of  that  moment  which  was  to  separate  them  never 
perhaps  to  meet  again.  They  were  from  different  states  &  from 
distant  parts  of  the  same  state.  Hazard  alone  could  therefore 
give  them  but  rare  &  partial  occasions  of  seeing  each  other. 
They  were  of  course  to  abandon  altogether  the  hope  of  ever  meet- 
ing again,  or  to  devise  some  occasion  which  might  bring  them 
together.  And  why  not  come  together  on  purpose  at  stated 
times?  Would  not  the  trouble  of  such  a  journey  be  greatly  over- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  171 

paid  by  the  pleasure  of  seeing  each  other  again,  by  the  sweetest 
of  all  consolations,  the  talking  over  the  scenes  of  difficulty  &  of 
endearment  they  had  gone  through  ?  This  too  would  enable 
them  to  know  who  of  them  should  succeed  in  the  world,  who 
should  be  unsuccessful,  and  to  open  the  purses  of  all  to  every 
labouring  brother.  This  idea  was  too  soothing  not  to  be  cher- 
ished in  conversation.  It  was  improved  into  that  of  a  regular 
association  with  an  organized  administration,  with  periodical 
meetings  general  &  particular,  fixed  contributions  for  those  who 
should  be  in  distress,  &  a  badge  by  which  not  only  those  who 
had  not  had  occasion  to  become  personally  known  should  be  able 
to  recognize  one  another,  but  which  should  be  worn  by  their 
descendants  to  perpetuate  among  them  the  friendships  which  had 
bound  their  ancestors  together.  Genl.  Washington  was  at  that 
moment  oppressed  with  the  operation  of  disbanding  an  army 
which  was  not  paid,  and  the  difficulty  of  this  operation  was  in- 
creased by  some  two  or  three  of  the  states  having  expressed  sen- 
timents which  did  not  indicate  a  sufficient  attention  to  their 
paiment.  He  was  sometimes  present  when  his  officers  were 
fashioning  in  their  conversations  their  newly  proposed  society. 
He  saw  the  innocence  of  it's  origin,  &  foresaw  no  effects  less 
innocent.  He  was  at  that  time  writing  his  valedictory  letter  to 
the  states,  which  has  been  so  deservedly  applauded  by  the  world. 
Far  from  thinking  it  a  moment  to  multiply  the  causes  of  irrita- 
tion, by  thwarting  a  proposition  which  had  absolutely  no  other 
basis  but  of  benevolence  &  friendship,  he  was  rather  satisfied  to 
find  himself  aided  in  his  difficulties  by  this  new  incident,  which 
occupied,  &,  at  the  same  time  soothed  the  minds  of  the  officers. 
He  thought  too  that  this  institution  would  be  one  instrument  the 
more  for  strengthening  the  federal  bond,  &  for  promoting  federal 
ideas.  The  institution  was  formed.  They  incorporated  into  it 
the  officers  of  the  French  army  &  navy  by  whose  sides  they  had 
fought,  and  with  whose  aid  they  had  finally  prevailed,  extending 
it  to  such  grades  as  they  were  told  might  be  permitted  to  enter 
into  it.  They  sent  an  officer  to  France  to  make  the  proposition 
to  them  &  to  procure  the  badges  which  they  had  devised  for  their 
order.  The  moment  of  disbanding  the  army  having  come  on 
before  they  could  have  a  full  meeting  to  appoint  their  president, 


172  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

the  General  was  prayed  to  act  in  that  office  till  their  first  general 
meeting  which  was  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia  in  the  month  of 
May  following.  The  laws  of  the  society  were  published.  Men 
who  read  them  in  their  closets,  unwarmed  by  those  sentiments  of 
friendship  which  had  produced  them,  inattentive  to  those  pains 
which  an  approaching  separation  had  excited  in  the  minds  of  the 
institutors,  Politicians,  who  see  in  everything  only  the  dangers 
with  which  it  threatens  civil  society,  in  fine  the  labouring  people, 
who,  shielded  by  equal  laws,  had  never  seen  any  difference  be- 
tween man  and  man,  but  had  read  of  terrible  oppressions  which 
people  of  their  description  experience  in  other  countries  from 
those  who  are  distinguished  by  titles  &  badges,  began  to  be 
alarmed  at  this  new  institution.  A  remarkable  silence  however 
was  observed.  Their  sollicitudes  were  long  confined  within  the 
circles  of  private  conversation.  At  length  however  a  Mr.  Burke, 
chief  justice  of  South  Carolina,  broke  that  silence.  He  wrote 
against  the  new  institution  ;  foreboding  it's  dangers  very  imper- 
fectly indeed,  because  he  had  nothing  but  his  imagination  to  aid 
him.  An  American  could  do  no  more  :  for  to  detail  the  real 
evils  of  aristocracy  they  must  be  seen  in  Europe.  Burke's  fears 
were  thought  exaggerations  in  America  ;  while  in  Europe  it  is 
known  that  even  Mirabeau  has  but  faintly  sketched  the  curses  of 
hereditary  aristocracy  as  they  are  experienced  here,  and  as  they 
would  have  followed  in  America  had  this  institution  remained. 
The  epigraph  of  Burke's  pamphlet  was  "  Blow  ye  the  trumpet  in 
Zion."  It's  effect  corresponded  with  it's  epigraph.  This  insti- 
tution became  first  the  subject  of  general  conversation.  Next  it 
was  made  the  subject  of  deliberation  in  the  legislative  assemblies 
of  some  of  the  States.  The  governor  of  South  Carolina  censured 
it  in  an  address  to  his  Assembly.  The  assemblies  of  Massachu- 
setts, Rhode  island  and  Pennsylvania  condemned  it's  principles. 
No  circumstance  indeed  brought  the  consideration  of  it  expressly 
before  Congress,  yet  it  had  sunk  deep  into  their  minds.  An  offer 
having  been  made  to  them  on  the  part  of  the  Polish  order  of 
divine  providence  to  receive  some  of  their  distinguished  citizens 
into  that  order,  they  made  that  an  occasion  to  declare  that  these 
distinctions  were  contrary  to  the  principles  of  their  confedera- 
tion. The  uneasiness  excited  by  this  institution  had  very  early 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  173 

caught  the  notice  of  General  Washington.  Still  recollecting  all 
the  purity  of  the  motives  which  gave  it  birth,  he  became  sensible 
that  it  might  produce  political  evils  which  the  warmth  of  these 
motives  had  masked.  Add  to  this  that  it  was  disapproved  by 
the  mass  of  citizens  of  the  Union.  This  alone  was  reason  strong 
enough  in  a  country  where  the  will  of  the  majority  is  the  law,  & 
ought  to  be  the  law.  He  saw  that  the  objects  of  the  institution 
were  too  light  to  be  opposed  to  considerations  as  serious  as  these  ; 
and  that  it  was  become  necessary  to  annihilate  it  absolutely.  On 
this  therefore  he  was  decided.  The  first  annual  meeting  at  Phila- 
delphia was  now  at  hand.  He  went  to  that,  determined  to  exert 
all  his  influence  for  it's  suppression.  He  proposed  it  to  his  fellow 
officers,  and  urged  it  with  all  his  powers.  It  met  an  opposition 
which  was  observed  to  cloud  his  face  with  an  anxiety  that  the 
most  distressful  scenes  of  the  waY  had  scarcely  ever  produced. 
It  was  canvassed  for  several  days,  &  at  length  it  was  no  more  a 
doubt  what  would  be  it's  ultimate  fate.  The  order  was  on  the 
point  of  receiving  it's  annihilation  by  the  vote  of  a  very  great 
majority  of  it's  members.  In  this  moment  their  envoy  arrived 
from  France,  charged  with  letters  from  the  French  officers  accept- 
ing with  cordiality  the  proposed  badges  of  union,  with  sollicita- 
tions  from  others  to  be  received  into  the  order,  &  with  notice  that 
their  respectable  sovereign  had  been  pleased  to  recognize  it,  & 
permit  his  officers  to  wear  it's  badges.  The  prospect  now  changed. 
The  question  assumed  a  new  form.  After  the  offer  made  by  them, 
&  accepted  by  their  friends,  in  what  words  could  they  clothe  a 
proposition  to  retract  it  which  would  not  cover  themselves  with 
the  reproaches  of  levity  &  ingratitude  ?  which  would  not  appear 
an  insult  to  those  whom  they  loved  ?  Federal  principles,  popu- 
lar discontent,  were  considerations  whose  weight  was  known  & 
felt  by  themselves.  But  would  foreigners  know  &  feel  them 
equally  ?  Would  they  so  far  acknowledge  their  cogency  as  to 
permit  without  any  indignation  the  eagle  &  ribbon  to  be  torn 
from  their  breasts  by  the  very  hands  which  had  placed  them 
there  ?  The  idea  revolted  the  whole  society.  They  found  it 
necessary  then  to  preserve  so  much  of  their  institution  as  might 
continue  to  support  this  foreign  branch,  while  they  should  prune 
off  every  other  which  would  give  offence  to  their  fellow  citizens  ; 


174  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

thus  sacrificing  on  each  hand  to  their  friends  &  to  their  country. 
The  society  was  to  retain  it's  existence,  it's  name,  it's  meetings, 
&  it's  charitable  funds  :  but  these  last  were  to  be  deposited  with 
their  respective  legislatures  ;  the  order  was  to  be  no  longer  heredi- 
tary ;  a  reformation  which  had  been  pressed  even  from  this  side 
of  the  Atlantic  ;  it  was  to  be  communicated  to  no  new  members  ; 
the  general  meetings  instead  of  annual  were  to  be  triennial  only. 
The  eagle  &  ribbon  indeed  were  retained  ;  because  they 
were  worn,  &  they  wished  them  to  be  worn,  by  their 
friends  who  were  in  a  country  where  they  would  not 
be  objects  of  offence  ;  but  themselves  never  wore  them. 
They  laid  them  up  in  their  bureaus  with  the  medals  of 
American  Independance,  with  those  of  the  trophies  they  had  taken 
&  the  battles  they  had  won.  But  through  all  the  United  States 
no  officer  is  seen  to  offend  the  public  eye  with  the  display  of  this 
badge.  These  changes  have  tranquillized  the  American  states. 
Their  citizens  do  justice  to  the  circumstances  which  prevented  a 
total  annihilation  of  the  order.  They  feel  too  much  interest  in 
the  reputation  of  their  officers,  and  value  too  much  whatever 
may  serve  to  recall  to  the  memory  of  their  allies  the  moments 
wherein  they  formed  but  one  people.  Tho  they  are  obliged  by  a 
prudent  foresight  to  keep  out  everything  from  among  themselves 
which  might  pretend  to  divide  them  into  orders,  and  to  degrade 
one  description  of  men  below  another,  yet  they  hear  with  pleas- 
ure that  their  allies  whom  circumstances  have  already  placed 
under  these  distinctions,  are  willing  to  consider  it  as  one  to  have 
aided  them  in  the  establishment  of  their  liberties  &  to  wear  a 
badge  which  may  recall  to  their  remembrance  ;  and  it  would  be 
an  extreme  affliction  to  them  if  the  domestic  reformation  which 
has  been  found  necessary,  if  the  censures  of  individual  writers, 
or  if  any  other  circumstance  should  discourage  the  wearing  their 
badge,  or  lessen  it's  reputation. 

This  short  but  true  history  of  the  order  of  the  Cincinnati,  taken 
from  the  mouths  of  persons  on  the  spot  who  were  privy  to  it's  origin 
&  progress,  &  who  knew  it's  present  state,  is  the  best  apology  which 
can  be  made  for  an  institution  which  appeared  to  be,  &  was  really, 
so  heterogeneous  to  the  governments  in  which  it  was  erected. 

It  should  be  further  considered  that,  in  America,  no  other  dis- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  175 

tinction  between  man  &  man  had  ever  been  known,  but  that 
of  persons  in  office  exercising  powers  by  authority  of  the  laws, 
and  private  individuals.  Among  these  last  the  poorest  labourer 
stood  on  equal  ground  with  the  wealthest  millionnaire,  &  generally 
on  a  more  favoured  one  whenever  their  rights  seem  to  jar.  It  has 
been  seen  that  a  shoemaker,  or  other  artisan,  removed  by  the 
voice  of  his  country  from  his  work  bench  into  a  chair  of  office, 
has  instantly  commanded  all  the  respect  and  obedience  which 
the  laws  ascribe  to  his  office.  But  of  distinction  by  birth  or 
badge  they  had  no  more  idea  than  they  had  of  the  mode  of 
existence  in  the  moon  or  planets.  They  had  heard  only  that 
there  were  such,  &  knew  that  they  must  be  wrong.  A  due 
horror  of  the  evils  which  flow  from  these  distinctions  could  be 
excited  in  Europe  only,  where  the  dignity  of  man  is  lost  in 
arbitrary  distinctions,  where  the  human  species  is  classed  into 
several  stages  of  degradation,  where  the  many  are  crushed 
under  the  weight  of  the  few,  &  where  the  order  established 
can  present  to  the  contemplation  of  a  thinking  being  no  other 
picture  than  that  of  God  almighty  &  his  angels  trampling  under 
foot  the  hosts  of  the  damned.  No  wonder  then  that  the  insti- 
tution of  the  Cincinnati  should  be  innocently  conceived  by  one 
order  of  American  citizens,  could  raise  in  the  other  orders  only  a 
slow,  temperate,  &  rational  opposition,  and  could  be  viewed  in 
Europe  as  a  detestable  parricide. 

The  2d  &  3d  branches  of  this  subject,  no  body  can  better 
execute  than  M.  de.  Meusnier.  Perhaps  it  may  be  curious  to  him 
to  see  how  they  strike  an  American  mind  at  present.  He  shall 
therefore  have  the  ideas  of  one  who  was  an  enemy  to  the  institu- 
tion from  the  first  moment  of  it's  conception,  but  who  was  always 
sensible  that  the  officers  neither  foresaw,  nor  intended  the  injury 
they  were  doing  to  their  country. 

As  to  the  question  then,  whether  any  evil  can  proceed  from 
the  institution  as  it  stands  at  present,  I  am  of  opinion  there  may. 
i.  From  the  meetings.  These  will  keep  the  officers  formed  into 
a  body  ;  will  continue  a  distinction  between  the  civil  &  military 
which  it  would  be  for  the  good  of  the  whole  to  obliterate  as  soon 
as  possible  ;  &  the  military  assemblies  will  not  only  keep  alive  the 
jealousies  &  the  fears  of  the  civil  government,  but  give  ground 


176  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

for  these  fears  &  jealousies.  For  when  men  meet  together, 
they  will  make  business  if  they  have  none  ;  they  will  collate 
their  grievances,  some  real,  some  imaginary,  all  highly  painted  ; 
they  will  communicate  to  each  other  the  sparks  of  discontent ; 
&  this  may  engender  a  flame  which  will  consume  their  par- 
ticular, as  well  as  the  general,  happiness.  2.  The  charitable  part 
of  the  institution  is  still  more  likely  to  do  mischief,  as  it  perpet- 
uates the  dangers  apprehended  in  the  preceding  clause.  For  here 
is  a  fund  provided  of  permanent  existence.  To  whom  will  it 
belong?  To  the  descendants  of  American  officers  of  a  certain 
description.  These  descendants  then  will  form  a  body,  hav- 
ing sufficient  interest  to  keep  up  an  attention  to  their  description, 
to  continue  meetings,  &  perhaps,  in  some  moment,  when  the 
political  eye  shall  be  slumbering,  or  the  firmness  of  their  fellow- 
citizens  realized,  to  replace  the  insignia  of  the  order  &  revive  all 
its  pretensions.  What  good  can  the  officers  propose  which  may 
weigh  against  these  possible  evils  ?  The  securing  their  descend- 
ants against  want  ?  Why  afraid  to  trust  them  to  the  same  fertile 
soil,  &  the  same  genial  climate  which  will  secure  from  want 
the  descendants  of  their  other  fellow  citizens  ?  Are  they  afraid 
they  will  be  reduced  to  labour  the  earth  for  their  sustenance  ? 
They  will  be  rendered  thereby  both  honester  and  happier.  An 
industrious  farmer  occupies  a  more  dignified  place  in  the  scale  of 
beings,  whether  moral  or  political,  than  a  lazy  lounger,  valuing 
himself  on  his  family,  too  proud  to  work,  &  drawing  out  a  mis- 
erable existence  by  eating  on  that  surplus  of  other  men's  labour 
which  is  the  sacred  fund  of  the  helpless  poor.  A  pitiful  annuity 
will  only  prevent  them  from  exerting  that  industry  &  those  tal- 
ents which  would  soon  lead  them  to  better  fortune. 

How  are  these  evils  to  be  prevented  ?  i.  At  their  first  general 
meeting  let  them  distribute  the  funds  on  hand  to  the  existing  ob- 
jects of  their  destination,  &  discontinue  all  further  contributions. 
2.  Let  them  declare  at  the  same  time  that  their  meetings  general 
&  particular  shall  henceforth  cease.  3.  Let  them  melt  up  their 
eagles  &  add  the  mass  to  the  distributable  fund  that  their  descend- 
ants may  have  no  temptation  to  hang  them  in  their  button  holes. 

These  reflections  are  not  proposed  as  worthy  the  notice  of  M. 
de  Meusnier.  He  will  be  so  good  as  to  treat  the  subject  in  his 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  177 

own  way,  &  no  body  has  a  better.  I  will  only  pray  him  to  avail 
us  of  his  forcible  manner  to  evince  that  there  is  evil  to  be  appre- 
hended even  from  the  ashes  of  this  institution,  &  to  exhort  the 
society  in  America  to  make  their  reformation  complete  ;  bearing 
in  mind  that  we  must  keep  the  passions  of  men  on  our  side  even 
when  we  are  persuading  them  to  do  what  they  ought  to  do. 

Pa.  268.  "  Et  en  effet  la  population  "  &c.  270.  "  Plus  de 
confiance." 

To  this  we  answer  that  no  such  census  of  the  numbers  was 
ever  given  out  by  Congress  nor  ever  presented  to  them  :  and  fur- 
ther that  Congress  never  has  at  any  time  declared  by  their  vote  the 
number  of  inhabitants  in  their  respective  states.  On  the  22d  of 
June  1775  they  first  resolved  to  remit  paper  money.  The  sum 
resolved  on  was  2.  millions  of  dollars.  They  declared  then  that 
the  12  confederate  colonies  (for  Georgia  had  not  yet  joined 
them)  should  be  pledged  for  the  redemption  of  these  bills.  To 
ascertain  in  what  proportion  each  state  should  be  bound,  the 
members  from  each  were  desired  to  say  as  nearly  as  they  could 
what  was  the  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  their  respective 
states.  They  were  very  much  unprepared  for  such  a  declaration. 
They  guessed  however  as  well  as  they  could.  The  following  are 
the  numbers,  as  they  conjectured  them,  &  the  subsequent  appor- 
tionment of  the  2.  millions  of  dollars. 

Inhabitants. 

New  Hampshire     ---------  100,000  82,713 

Massachusetts,  ----------  350,000  189,496 

Rhode  island    --- 58,000  47,973 

Connecticut,      ----------  200,000  165,426 

New  York,  -----------  200,000  165,426 

New  Jersey,      ----------  130,000  107,527 

Pennsylvania,    ----------  300,000  248,139 

Delaware,     -----------  30,000  24,813 

Maryland,     ----.------  250,000  206,783 

Virginia, -------  400,000  330,852 

North  Carolina,      ---------  200,000  165,426 

South  Carolina, 200,000  165,426 


2,418,000  2,000,000 

Georgia  having  not  yet  acceded  to  the  measures  of  the  other 
states,  was  not  quotaed  ;   but  their  numbers  were  generally  esti- 


VOL.  IV. — 12 


178  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

mated  at  about  30,000  &  so  would  have  made  the  whole  2,448,000 
persons  of  every  condition.  But  it  is  to  be  observed  that  tho 
Congress  made  this  census  the  basis  of  their  apportionment,  yet 
they  did  not  even  give  it  a  place  on  their  journals  ;  much  less 
publish  it  to  the  world  with  their  sanction.  The  way  it  got 
abroad  was  this.  As  the  members  declared  from  their  seats  the 
number  of  inhabitants  which  they  conjectured  to  be  in  their  state, 
the  secretary  of  Congress  wrote  them  on  a  piece  of  paper, 
calculated  the  portion  of  2  millions  of  dollars  accordingly 
&  entered  the  sum  only  in  the  journals.  The  members 
however  for  their  own  satisfaction  and  the  information  of 
their  states,  took  copies  of  this  enumeration  &  sent  them  to 
their  states.  From  thence  they  got  into  the  public  papers : 
and  when  the  English  newswriters  found  it  answered  their 
purpose  to  compare  this  with  the  numeration  of  1783,  as  their 
principle  is  "to  lie  boldly  that  they  may  not  be  suspected  of 
lying"  they  made  it  amount  to  3,137,809  and  ascribed  it's  publi- 
cation to  Congress  itself. 

In  April  1785,  Congress  being  to  call  on  the  states  to  raise  a 
million  &  a  half  of  dollars  annually  for  25  years,  it  was  necessary 
to  apportion  this  among  them.  The  states  had  never  furnished 
them  with  their  exact  numbers.  It  was  agreed  too  that  in  this 
apportionment  5  slaves  should  be  counted  as  3  freemen  only. 
The  preparation  of  this  business  was  in  the  hands  of  a  Committee. 
They  applied  to  the  members  for  the  best  information  they  could 
give  them  of  the  numbers  of  their  states.  Some  of  the  states  had 
taken  pains  to  discover  their  numbers.  Others  had  done  nothing 
in  that  way,  &  of  course  were  now  where  they  were  in  1775  when 
their  members  were  first  called  on  to  declare  their  numbers. 
Under  these  circumstances,  &  on  the  principle  of  counting  three- 
fifths  only  of  the  slaves,  the  Committee  apportioned  the  money 
among  the  states  &  reported  their  work  to  Congress.  In  this 
they  had  assessed  S.  Carolina  as  having  170,000  inhabitants.  The 
delegate  for  that  state  however  prevailed  on  Congress  to  assess 
them  on  the  footing  of  150,000  only,  in  consideration  of  the  state 
of  total  devastation  in  which  the  enemy  had  left  their  country. 
The  difference  was  then  laid  on  the  other  states,  and  the  follow- 
ing was  the  result. 


1 786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  179 

inhabitants.  Dollars. 

New  Hampshire,  ---------  82,200  52,708 

Massachusetts,  ----------  350,000  224,427 

Rhode  island,  ----------  50,400  32,318 

Connecticut,      ----- 206,000  132,091 

New  York, 200,000  128,243 

New  Jersey,      ----------  130,000  83,358 

Pennsylvania,    ----------  320,000  205,189 

Delaware,    -----------  35,000  22,443 

Maryland,     -----------  220,700  141,517 

Virginia,       -----------  400,000  256,487 

N.  Carolina,     ----------  170,000  109,006 

S.  Carolina,       ----------  150,000  96,183 

Georgia, 25,000  16,030 

2.339.3OO  1,500,000 

Still  however  Congress  refused  to  give  the  numeration  the  sanc- 
tion of  a  place  on  their  journals,  because  it  was  not  formed  on 
such  evidence  as  a  strict  attention  to  accuracy  &  truth  required. 
They  used  it  from  necessity,  because  they  could  get  no  better 
rule,  and  they  entered  on  their  journals  only  the  apportionment 
of  money.  The  members,  however,  as  before,  took  copies  of  the 
numeration  which  was  the  groundwork  of  the  apportionment, 
sent  them  to  their  states,  &  thus  this  second  numeration  got  into 
the  public  papers,  &  was  by  the  English  ascribed  to  Congress,  as 
their  declaration  of  the  present  numbers.  To  get  at  the  real 
numbers  which  this  numeration  supposes,  we  must  add  20.000  to 
the  number  on  which  S.  Carolina  was  quotaeed  ;  we  must  consider 
that  700.000  slaves  are  counted  but  as  420.000  persons,  &  add  on 
that  account  280.000.  This  will  give  us  a  total  of  2.639.300  in- 
habitants of  every  condition  in  the  13  states,  being  221.300  more 
than  the  numeration  of  1775,  instead  of  798.509  loss,  which  the 
English  papers  asserted  to  be  the  diminution  of  numbers  in  the 
United  States  according  to  the  confession  of  Congress  itself. 

Pa.  272.  "  Comportera  peut  etre  une  population  de  thirty 
millions." 

The  territories  of  the  United  States  contain  about  a  million  of 

•square  miles,  English.     There  is  in  them  a  greater  proportion  of 

fertile  lands  than  in  the  British  dominions  in  Europe.     Suppose 

the  territory   of    the   U.  S.  then  to  attain  an  equal  degree  of 


i8o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

population  with  the  British  European  dominions,  they  will  have 
an  hundred  millions  of  inhabitants.  Let  us  extend  our  views  to 
what  may  be  the  population  of  the  two  continents  of  North  & 
South  America  supposing  them  divided  at  the  narrowest  part  of 
the  isthmus  of  Panama.  Between  this  line  and  that  of  50°  of 
north  latitude  the  northern  continent  contains  about  5  millions  of 
square  miles,  and  South  of  this  line  of  division  the  Southern 
continent  contains  about  7  millions  of  square  miles.  I  do  not 
pass  the  5oth  degree  of  northern  latitude  in  my  reckoning,  be- 
cause we  must  draw  a  line  somewhere,  &  considering  the  soil  & 
climate  beyond  that,  I  would  only  avail  my  calculation  of  it,  as  a 
make  weight,  to  make  good  what  the  colder  regions  within  that 
line  may  be  supposed  to  fall  short  in  their  future  population. 
Here  are  12  millions  of  square  miles  then,  which  at  the  rate  of 
population  before  assumed,  will  nourish  1200  millions  of  inhabi- 
tants, a  number  greater  than  the  present  population  of  the 
whole  globe  is  supposed  to  amount  to.  If  those  who  propose 
medals  for  the  resolution  of  questions,  about  which  nobody 
makes  any  question,  those  who  have  invited  discussions  on 
the  pretended  problem  Whether  the  discovery  of  America  was 
for  the  good  of  mankind  ?  if  they,  I  say,  would  have  viewed  it 
only  as  doubling  the  numbers  of  mankind,  &  of  course  the 
quantum  of  existence  &  happiness,  they  might  have  saved  the 
money  &  the  reputation  which  their  proposition  has  cost  them. 
The  present  population  of  the  inhabited  parts  of  the  U.  S.  is  of 
about  10.  to  the  square  mile  ;  &  experience  has  shown  us,  that 
wherever  we  reach  that  the  inhabitants  become  uneasy,  as  too 
much  compressed,  and  go  off  in  great  numbers  to  search  for 
vacant  country.  Within  40  years  the  whole  territory  will  be  peo- 
pled at  that  rate.  We  may  fix  that  then  as  the  term  beyond  which 
the  people  of  those  states  will  not  be  restrained  within  their 
present  limits  ;  we  may  fix  it  too  as  the  term  of  population,  which 
they  will  not  exceed  till  the  whole  of  those  two  continents  are 
filled  up  to  that  mark,  that  is  to  say,  till  they  shall  contain  1 20 
millions  of  inhabitants.  The  soil  of  the  country  on  the  western 
side  of  the  Mississippi,  it's  climate,  &  it's  vicinity  to  the  U.  S." 
point  it  out  as  the  first  which  will  receive  population  from  that 
nest.  The  present  occupiers  will  just  have  force  enough  to  re- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  181 

press  &  restrain  the  emigrations  to  a  certain  degree  of  consist- 
ence. We  have  seen  lately  a  single  person  go  &  decide  on  a 
settlement  in  Kentucky,  many  hundred  miles  from  any  white 
inhabitant,  remove  thither  with  his  family  and  a  few  neighbors,  & 
though  perpetually  harassed  by  the  Indians,  that  settlement  in 
the  course  of  10  years  has  acquired  30.000  inhabitants,  it's  num- 
bers are  increasing  while  we  are  writing,  and  the  state  of  which 
it  formerly  made  a  part  has  offered  it  independance. 

Pa.  280,  line  five.  "  Huit  des  onze  etats "  &c.  Say  u  there 
were  10  states  present.  6.  voted  unanimously  for  it,  3  against  it, 
and  one  was  divided  :  and  seven  votes  being  requisite  to  decide 
the  proposition  affirmatively,  it  was  lost.  The  voice  of  a  single 
individual  of  the  state  which  was  divided,  or  of  one  of  those 
which  were  of  the  negative,  would  have  prevented  this  abomina- 
ble crime  from  spreading  itself  over  the  new  country.  Thus  we 
see  the  fate  of  millions  unborn  hanging  on  the  tongue  of  one 
man,  &  heaven  was  silent  in  that  awful  moment !  But  it  is  to  be 
hoped  it  will  not  always  be  silent  &  that  the  friends  to  the  rights 
of  human  nature  will  in  the  end  prevail.  On  the  i6th  of  March 
1785  it  was  moved  in  Congress  that  the  same  proposition  should 
be  referred  to  a  Committee,  &  it  was  referred  by  the  votes  of  8 
states  against  3.  We  do  not  hear  that  anything  further  is  yet 
done  on  it." 

Pa.  280.     Note  (a).     I  would  wish  this  note  to  be  omitted. 

Pa.  281.  "  L'  acte  federatif  lui  donne  le  droit  de  prononcer  sur 
tout  ce  qui  a  rapport,  au  bien  general  de  1'union,  &  line  6  the 
word  'ainsi."  It  is  better  to  omit  these  words,  the  passage  stands 
right  without  them,  &  they  would  give  a  false  idea  not  only  of  the 
principle  on  which  Congress  proceeded,  but  of  their  general 
powers. 

Pa.  283.  line  4.  from  bottom.  "  8  per  cent,  excepte  en  Virginie 
ou  il  etoit  de  6  per  cent  "  say  "  5  per  cent  in  most,  if  not  in  all  the 
states  &  still  continues  the  same." 

Pa.  286.  "  L'autorite  du  Congres  etoit  necessaire."  The  sub- 
stance of  the  passage  alluded  to  in  the  Journ  of  Congr.,  May 
26th.  1784,  is,  "that  the  authority  of  Congress  to  make  requisitions 
of  troops  during  peace  is  questioned,  that  such  an  authority  would 
be  dangerous,  combined  with  the  acknoledged  one  of  emitting  or 


1 82  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

borrowing  money,  and  that  a  few  troops  only  being  wanted  to 
guard  magazines  &  garrison  the  frontier  posts,  it  would  be  more 
proper  at  present  to  recommend  than  to  require." 

Pa.  287.  '  Nous  n'osons  nous  permettre  &c. — ce  n'est  pas  tout ' 
in  the  4th  line  of  the  next  page.  I  think  all  this  passage  had 
better  be  left  out.  It  will  alarm  the  states  &  damp  their  disposi- 
tions to  strengthen  the  hands  of  Congress. 

Pa.  291. 1.  8.  from  the  bottom.  '  Tous  les  terreins  qui  se  trouvent 
en  de9a.'  Say  '  toute  la  territoire  de  Kentucky  qui  est  en  deca.' 

Pa.  291. 1.  6  from  bottom.  After  '  appartenoient '  add  '  au  celle 
des  Montagnes  Alleghanies.' 

Pa.  296.  '  Consentement  unanime'J  the  words  in  the  original 
are  the  'joint  consent  of  Congress  &  of  the  particular  state  '  on 
the  part  of  Congress  the  vote  need  not  be  unanimous.  Seven 
states  will  suffice.  This  observation  shews  that  the  passage  '  on 
sera  peutetre  surpris  ' — to  '  dont  nous  parlous  '  should  be  omitted. 

Pa.  301.  '  Environ  '  the  word  '  probablement '  might  be  bet- 
ter, because  it  is  probable  that  the  cessions  of  Georgia  will  be 
such  as  will  make  up  the  number  of  new  states  16. 

Pa.  301,1.  3  from  bottom.  '  Huit  ou  dix  ans.'  It  would  be  safer 
to  say  '  peu  d'annees. 

Pa.  302.    '  40.000  '  should  not  this  be  '  32.000  '  ?    Also  pa.  304. 

Pa.  304.  '  Canne  a  sucre  '  is  a  mistaken  translation  of  the 
English  word  '  cane/  which  means  a  reed  i.e.  canne,  ou  roseau. 
It  is  the  Arundo  phragmitis  of  the  botanists.  By  '  Coffee  tree ' 
the  author  must  mean  some  tree  bearing  berries  which  are  used  as 
coffee.  There  can  certainly  be  no  coffee  tree  in  that  latitude. 

Pa.  307.  Omit  the  note  (a).  It  has  been  before  observed  that 
Virginia  has  consented  to  the  independance  of  Kentucky,  but  the 
consent  of  Kentucky  itself  &  of  Congress  are  still  wanting. 

Pa.  323.  Between  line  7.  &  8.  I  can  make  a  communication 
to  M.  de  Meusnier  which  I  dare  say  he  will  be  glad  to  give  an 
account  of  at  this  place. 

Pa.  334.  '  150.000.'  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  proportion  of 
persons  to  warriors  among  the  Indians  may  be  generally  estimated 
at  about  10  to  3.  Consequently  we  must  not  reckon  that  nations 
of  Indians  containing  25.000  warriors  have  more  than  about 
80.000  persons. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  183 

Pa.    334.  line    2.  from   bottom.     '  n  degrees,'  say  12    or    15 
degrees.' 

Finished  June  22.  1786 


Mr.  Jefferson  presents  his  compliments  to  M.  de  Meusnier  & 
sends  him  copies  of  the  i3th,  23d,  &  24th  articles  of  the  treaty 
between  the  K.  of  Prussia  &  the  United  States. 

In  the  negociation  with  the  Minister  of  Portugal  at  London, 
the  latter  objected  to  the  i3th  article.  The  observations  which 
were  made  in  answer  to  his  objections  Mr.  Jefferson  incloses. 
They  are  a  commentary  on  the  i3th  article.  Mr.  de  Meusnier 
will  be  so  good  as  to  return  the  sheet  on  which  these  observations 
are  as  Mr.  Jefferson  does  not  retain  a  copy  of  it. 

If  M.  de  Meusnier  proposes  to  mention  the  facts  of  cruelty  of 
which  he  &  Mr.  Jefferson  spoke  yesterday,  the  24th  article  will 
introduce  them  properly,  because  they  produced  a  sense  of  the 
necessity  of  that  article.  These  facts  are  i.  The  death  of  up- 
wards of  11,000  Americans  in  one  prison  ship  (the  Jersey)  and 
in  the  space  of  3.  years.  2.  General  Howe's  permitting  our  pris- 
oners taken  at  the  battle  of  Germantown  and  placed  under  a 
guard  in  the  yard  of  the  Statehouse  of  Philadelphia  to  be  so  long 
without  any  food  furnished  them  that  many  perished  with  hunger. 
Where  the  bodies  laid,  it  was  seen  that  they  had  eaten  all  the 
grass  round  them  within  their  reach,  after  they  had  lost  the  power 
of  rising,  or  moving  from  their  place.  3.  The  2d  fact  was  the 
act  of  a  commandg  officer ;  the  ist  of  several  commanding 
officers,  &  for  so  long  a  time  as  must  suppose  the  approbation  of 
government.  But  the  following  was  the  act  of  government  itself. 
During  the  periods  that  our  affairs  seemed  unfavourable  &  theirs 
successful,  that  is  to  say,  after  the  evacuation  of  New  York,  and 
again  after  the  taking  of  Charlestown  in  South  Carolina,  they  reg- 
ularly sent  our  prisoners  taken  on  the  seas  &  carried  to  Eng- 
land to  the  E.  Indies.  This  is  so  certain,  that  in  the  month  of 
Novemb.  or  Decemb.  1785,  Mr.  Adams  having  officially  demanded 
a  delivery  of  the  American  prisoners  sent  to  the  East  Indies,  Ld. 
Caermarthen  answered  officially  "  that  orders  were  issued  immedi- 
ately for  their  discharge."  M.  de  Meusnier  is  at  liberty  to  quote 
this  fact.  4.  A  fact  not  only  of  the  government,  but  of  the  parlia- 


184  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

merit,  who  passed  an  act  for  that  purpose  in  the  beginning  of  the 
war,  was  the  obliging  our  prisoners  taken  at  sea  to  join  them  and 
fight  against  their  countrymen.  This  they  effected  by  starving 
&  whipping  them.  The  insult  on  Capt.  Stanhope,  which  hap- 
pened at  Boston  last  year,  was  a  consequence  of  this.  Two  per- 
sons, Dunbar  &  Lorthrope,  whom  Stanhope  had  treated  in  this 
manner  (having  particularly  inflicted  24  lashes  on  Dunbar),  meet- 
ing him  at  Boston,  attempted  to  beat  him.  But  the  people  inter- 
posed &  saved  him.  The  fact  is  referred  to  in  that  paragraph 
of  the  declaration  of  independance  which  sais  "  he  has  constrained 
our  fellow  citizens  taken  captive  on  the  high  seas,  to  bear  arms 
against  their  country,  to  become  the  executioners  of  their  friends 
&  brethren,  or  to  fall  themselves  by  their  hands."  This  was  the 
most  afflicting  to  our  prisoners  of  all  the  cruelties  exercised  on 
them.  The  others  affected  the  body  only,  but  this  the  mind — 
they  were  haunted  by  the  horror  of  having  perhaps  themselves 
shot  the  ball  by  which  a  father  or  a  brother  fell.  Some  of  them 
had  constancy  enough  to  hold  out  against  half  allowance  of  food 
&  repeated  whippings.  These  were  generally  sent  to  England  & 
from  thence  to  the  East  Indies.  One  of  these  escaped  from  the 
East  Indies  and  got  back  to  Paris,  where  he  gave  an  account  of 
his  sufferings  to  Mr.  Adams,  who  happened  to  be  then  at  Paris. 

M.  de  Meusnier,  where  he  mentions  that  the  slave-law  has  been 
passed  in  Virginia,  without  the  clause  of  emancipation,  is  pleased 
to  mention  that  neither  Mr.  Wythe  nor  Mr.  Jefferson  were  present 
to  make  the  proposition  they  had  meditated  ;  from  which  people, 
who  do  not  give  themselves  the  trouble  to  reflect  or  enquire, 
might  conclude  hastily  that  their  absence  was  the  cause  why  the 
proposition  was  not  made  ;  &  of  course  that  there  were  not  in  the 
assembly  persons  of  virtue  &  firmness  enough  to  propose  the 
clause  for  emancipation.  This  supposition  would  not  be  true. 
There  were  persons  there  who  wanted  neither  the  virtue  to  pro- 
pose, nor  talents  to  enforce  the  proposition  had  they  seen  that 
the  disposition  of  the  legislature  was  ripe  for  it.  These  worthy 
characters  would  feel  themselves  wounded,  degraded,  &  discour- 
aged by  this  idea,  f  Mr.  Jefferson  would  therefore  be  obliged  to 
M.  de  Meusnier  to  mention  it  in  some  such  manner  as  this.  "  Of 
the  two  commissioners  who  had  concerted  the  amendatory  clause 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  185 


for  the  gradual  emancipation  of  slaves  Mr.  Wythe  could  not 
be  present  as  being  a  member  of  the  judiciary  department,  and 
Mr.  Jefferson  was  absent  on  the  legation  to  FranceA  But  there 
wanted  not  in  that  assembly  men  of  virtue  enough  to  propose,  & 
talents  to  vindicate  this  clause.  But  they  saw  that  the  moment  of 
doing  it  with  success  was  not  yet  arrived,  and  that  an  unsuccess- 
ful effort,  as  too  often  happens,  would  only  rivet  still  closer  the 
chains  of  bondage,  and  retard  the  moment  of  delivery  to  this  op- 
pressed description  of  men.  /What  a  stupendous,  what  an  incom- 
prehensible machine  is  man  !  who  can  endure  toil,  famine,  stripes, 
imprisonment  &  death  itself  in  vindication  of  his  own  liberty,  and 
the  next  moment  be  deaf  to  all  those  motives  whose  power  sup- 
ported him  thro'  his  trial,  and  inflict  on  his  fellow  men  a  bondage, 
one  hour  of  which  is  fraught  with  more  misery  than  ages  of  that 
which  he  rose  in  rebellion  to  oppose\  (But  we  must  await  with 
patience  the  workings  of  an  overruling  providence,  &  hope  that 
that  is  preparing  the  deliverance  of  these,  our  suffering  brethren. 
When  the  measure  of  their  tears  shall  be  full,  when  their  groans 
shall  have  involved  heaven  itself  in  darkness,  doubtless  a  god  of 
justice  will  awaken  to  their  distress,  and  by  diffusing  light  & 
liberality  among  their  oppressors,  or  at  length  by  his  extermina- 
ting thunder,  manifest  his  attention  to  the  things  of  this  world, 
and  that  they  are  not  left  to  the  guidance  of  a  blind  fatality."  \ 


1 86  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

TO  JOHN  JAY.  J.MSS. 

PARIS,  25.  Jan.  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  on  the  i8th  instant  your 
private  favor  of  Dec.  9.  and  thank  you  for  the  confi- 
dence you  are  so  good  as  to  repose  in  me,  of  which 
that  communication  is  a  proof.  As  such  it  is  a  grati- 
fication to  me,  because  it  meets  the  esteem  I  have 
ever  borne  you.  But  nothing  was  needed  to  keep  my 
mind  right  on  that  subject,  and  I  believe  I  may  say 
the  public  mind  here.  The  sentiments  entertained 
of  you  in  this  place  are  too  respectful  to  be  easily 
shaken.  The  person  of  whom  you  speak  in  your 
letter  arrived  here  on  the  igth  and  departed  for 
Warsaw1  on  the  22d.  It  is  really  to  be  lamented 
that  after  a  public  servant  has  passed  a  life  in  im- 
portant and  faithful  services,  after  having  given  the 
most  plenary  satisfaction  in  every  station,  it  should 
yet  be  in  the  power  of  every  individual  to  disturb  his 
quiet,  by  arraigning  him  in  a  gazette  and  by  obliging 
him  to  act  as  if  he  needed  a  defence,  an  obligation 
imposed  on  him  by  unthinking  minds  which  never 
give  themselves  the  trouble  of  seeking  a  reflection 
unless  it  be  presented  to  them.  However  it  is  a  part 
of  the  price  we  pay  for  our  liberty,  which  cannot  be 
guarded  but  by  the  freedom. of  the  press,  nor  that  be 
limited  without  danger  of  losing  it.  To  the  loss  of 
time,  of  labour,  of  money,  then,  must  be  added  that 
of  quiet,  to  which  those  must  offer  themselves  who 
are  capable  of  serving  the  public,  and  all  this  is  better 
than  European  bondage.  Your  quiet  may  have 

1  An  allusion  to  Lewis  Littlepage. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  187 

suffered  for  a  moment  on  this  occasion,  but  you  have 
the  strongest  of  all  supports  that  of  the  public  esteem. 
It  is  unnecessary  to  add  assurances  of  that  with 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  be  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  Servt. 


TO    ARCHIBALD    STUART. 


PARIS,  Jan.  25,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  1 7th 
of  October,  which  though  you  mention  as  the  third 
you  have  written  me,  is  the  first  which  has  come  to 
hand.  I  sincerely  thank  you  for  the  communications 
it  contains.  Nothing  is  so  grateful  to  me  at  this  dis- 
tance as  details  both  great  &  small  of  what  is  pass- 
ing in  my  own  country.  Of  the  latter  we  receive 
little  here,  because  they  either  escape  my  correspond- 
ents or  are  thought  unworthy  notice.  This  however 
is  a  very  mistaken  opinion,  as  every  one  may  observe 
by  recollecting  that  when  he  has  been  long  absent 
from  his  neighborhood  the  small  news  of  that  is  the 
most  pleasing  and  occupies  his  first  attention  either 
when  he  meets  with  a  person  from  thence,  or  returns 
thither  himself.  I  shall  hope  therefore  that  the  let- 
ter in  which  you  have  been  so  good  as  to  give  me  the 
minute  occurrences  in  the  neighborhood  of  Monti- 
cello  may  yet  come  to  hand.  And  I  venture  to  rely 
on  the  many  proofs  of  friendship  I  have  received 
from  you,  for  a  continuance  of  your  favors.  This  will 

1  From  the  original  in  the  possession  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society. 


1 88  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

be  the  most  meritorious  as  I  have  nothing  to  give 
you  in  exchange.  The  quiet  of  Europe  at  this  mo- 
ment furnishes  little  which  can  attract  your  notice. 
Nor  will  that  quiet  be  soon  disturbed,  at  least  for  the 
current  year.  Perhaps  it  hangs  on  the  life  of  the  K. 
of  Prussia,  and  that  hangs  by  a  very  slender  thread. 
American  reputation  in  Europe  is  not  such  as  to  be 
flattering  to  its  citizens.  Two  circumstances  are  par- 
ticularly objected  to  us,  the  nonpaiment  of  our  debts, 
and  the  want  of  energy  in  our  government.  These 
discourage  a  connection  with  us.  I  own  it  to  be  my 
opinion  that  good  will  arise  from  the  destruction  of 
our  credit.  I  see  nothing  else  which  can  restrain  our 
disposition  to  luxury,  and  the  loss  of  those  manners 
which  alone  can  preserve  republican  government. 
As  it  is  impossible  to  prevent  credit,  the  best  way 
would  be  to  cure  it's  ill  effects  by  giving  an  instan- 
taneous recovery  to  the  creditor ;  this  would  be  re- 
ducing purchases  on  credit  to  purchases  for  ready 
money.  A  man  would  then  see  a  poison  painted  on 
everything  he  wished  but  had  not  ready  money  to  pay 
for.  I  fear  from  an  expression  in  your  letter  that  the 
people  of  Kentucke  think  of  separating  not  only  from 
Virginia  (in  which  they  are  right)  but  also  from  the 
confederacy.  I  own  I  should  think  this  a  most 
calametous  event,  and  such  an  one  as  every  good 
citizen  on  both  sides  should  set  himself  against.  Our 
present  federal  limits  are  not  too  large  for  good  gov- 
ernment, nor  will  the  increase  of  votes  in  Congress 
produce  any  ill  effect.  On  the  contrary  it  will  drown 
the  little  divisions  at  present  existing  there.  Our  con- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSO&.  189 

federacy  must  be  viewed  as  the  nest  from  which  all 
America,  North  &  South  is  to  be  peopled.  We 
should  take  care  too,  not  to  think  it  for  the  interest  of 
that  great  continent  to  press  too  soon  on  the 
Spaniards.  Those  countries  cannot  be  in  better 
hands.  My  fear  is  that  they  are  too  feeble  to  hold 
them  till  our  population  can  be  sufficiently  advanced 
to  gain  it  from  them  piece  by  piece.  The  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  we  must  have.  This  is  all  we  are  as 
yet  ready  to  receive.  I  have  made  acquaintance  with 
a  very  sensible  candid  gentleman  here  who  was  in 
South  America  during  the  revolt  which  took  place 
there  while  our  revolution  was  working.  He  says 
that  those  disturbances  (of  which  we  scarcely  heard 
anything)  cost  on  both  sides  an  hundred  thousand 
lives. — I  have  made  a  particular  acquaintance  here 
with  Monsieur  de  Buffon,  and  have  a  great  desire  to 
give  him  the  best  idea  I  can  of  our  elk.  Perhaps 
your  situation  may  enable  you  to  aid  me  in  this.  Were 
it  possible,  you  could  not  oblige  me  more  than  by 
sending  me  the  horns,  skeleton,  &  skin  of  an  elk. 
The  most  desireable  form  of  receiving  them  would  be 
to  have  the  skin  slit  from  the  under  paw  along  the 
belly  to  the  tail,  &  down  the  thighs  to  the  knee,  to 
take  the  animal  out,  leaving  the  legs  and  hoofs,  the 
bones  of  the  head,  &  the  horns  attached  to  the  skin 
by  sewing  up  the  belly  &  shipping  the  skin  it  would 
present  the  form  of  the  animal.  However  as  an  op- 
portunity of  doing  this  is  scarcely  expected  I  shall  be 
glad  to  receive  them  detached,  packed  in  a  box,  & 
sent  to  Richmond  to  the  care  of  Doctor  Currie. 


190  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

Every  thing  of  this  kind  is  precious  here,  and  to  pre- 
vent my  adding  to  your  trouble  I  must  close  my  let- 
ter with  assurances  of  the  esteem  &  attachment  with 
which  I  am  Dr  Sir  Your  friend  &  servt. 

P.  S.  I  must  add  a  prayer  for  some  Peccan  nuts, 
100,  if  possible,  to  be  packed  in  a  box  of  sand  and 
sent  me.  They  might  come  either  directly  or  via  N. 
York. 


TO    C.    W.    F.    DUMAS. 


PARIS,  Feb.  2,  1786. 

SIR, — I  was  honoured  some  time  ago  with  a  letter 
from  you  of  Dec.  6  inclosing  two  for  America  which 
I  forwarded  by  the  first  occasion.  On  the  i8th  of 
this  month  I  received  a  letter  from  his  Excellency  the 
Count  de  Vergennes  expressing  the  interest  which  he 
takes  in  your  welfare  and  recommending  you  to  Con- 
gress. This  I  had  an  opportunity  of  forwarding  from 
hence  on  the  2/th  of  Jan.  under  cover  to  Mr.  Jay. 
Yesterday  I  was  gratified  with  the  receipt  of  your 
favor  of  Jan.  27  containing  a  copy  of  the  resolution, 
of  Congress  of  Oct.  14  in  your  favor,  and  which  I 
wish  had  been  more  so.  With  respect  to  the  paiment 
of  the  arrearages,  two  things  are  necessary,  first  an 
order  from  the  treasury  and  secondly  money  to  com- 
ply with  it.  Mr.  Grand  wrote  to  me  this  morning 
that  he  had  not  now  as  much  left  to  pay  a  bill  of  Mr. 
Carmichael's  for  4500  livres  just  presented.  I  shall 

1  From  a  copy  courteously  furnished  by  Mr.  Harold  Brown,  of  Providence. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  191 

forward  your  letter  to  Mr.  Jay  the  next  week  with  a 
request  that  the  necessary  measures  may  be  taken  for 
the  paiment  of  your  arrearages  and  interest.  In  the 
mean  time  I  think  you  would  do  well  to  write  a  line 
for  the  same  purpose  to  Mr.  Jay,  or  to  the  Commis- 
sioners of  the  Treasury.  I  do  not  mean  that  what  I 
have  said  above  should  prevent  your  drawing  in  due 
time  for  the  salary  of  the  current  quarter.  I  will 
honour  that  draught  from  a  private  fund  with  which 
I  can  take  that  liberty.  I  thank  you  for  what  you  say 
of  the  Notes  on  Virginia.  It  is  much  more  than  they 
deserve  :  tho  the  various  matters  they  touch  on  would 
have  been  beyond  the  information  of  any  one  person 
whatever  to  have  treated  fully,  and  infinitely  beyond 
mine,  yet  had  I,  at  the  time  of  writing  them,  had  any- 
thing more  in  view  than  the  satisfying  a  single  indi- 
vidual, they  should  have  been  more  attended  to  both 
in  form  and  matter.  Poor  as  they  are,  they  have  been 
thought  worthy  of  a  surreptitious  translation  here, 
with  the  appearance  of  which  very  soon  I  have  been 
threatened.  This  has  induced  me  to  yield  to  a  friendly 
proposition  from  the  Abbe  Morellet  to  translate  and 
publish  them  himself  submitting  the  sheets  previously 
to  my  inspection.  As  a  translation  by  so  able  a  hand 
will  lessen  the  faults  of  the  original  instead  of  their 
being  multiplied  by  a  hireling  translator,  I  shall  add 
to  it  a  map,  and  such  other  advantages  as  may  prevent 
the  mortification  of  my  seeing  it  appear  in  the  injurious 
form  threatened.  I  shall  with  great  pleasure  send  a 
copy  of  the  original  to  you  by  the  first  opportunity, 
praying  your  acceptance  of  it. 

VOL.  iv.— 13 


i92  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

TO   JAMES   MADISON.  J.MSS. 

PARIS,  Feb.  8,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — My  last  letters  have  been  of  the  ist  & 
2Oth  of  Sep.  and  the  28th  of  Oct.  Yours  unacknowl- 
edged are  of  Aug.  20,  Oct.  3,  &  Nov.  15.  I  take  this 
the  first  safe  opportunity  of  enclosing  to  you  the  bills 
of  lading  for  your  books,  &  two  others  for  your  name- 
sake of  Williamsburgh  &  for  the  attorney  which 
I  will  pray  you  to  forward.  I  thank  you  for  the  com- 
munication of  the  remonstrance  against  the  assess- 
ment. Mazzei  who  is  now  in  Holland  promised  me 
to  have  it  published  in  the  Leyden  gazette.  It  will 
do  us  great  honour.  I  wish  it  may  be  as  much  ap- 
proved by  our  assembly  as  by  the  wisest  part  of 
Europe.  I  have  heard  with  great  pleasure  that  our 
assembly  have  come  to  the  resolution  of  giving  the 
regulation  of  their  commerce  to  the  federal  head.  I 
will  venture  to  assert  that  there  is  not  one  of  it's 
opposers  who,  placed  on  this  ground,  would  not  see 
the  wisdom  of  this  measure.  The  politics  of  Europe 
render  it  indispensably  necessary  that  with  respect  to 
everything  external  we  be  one  nation  only,  firmly 
hooped  together.  Interior  government  is  what  each 
state  should  keep  to  itself.  If  it  could  be  seen  in 
Europe  that  all  our  states  could  be  brought  to  concur 
in  what  the  Virginia  assembly  has  done,  it  would  pro- 
duce a  total  revolution  in  their  opinion  of  us,  and 
respect  for  us.  And  it  should  ever  be  held  in  mind 
that  insult  &  war  are  the  consequences  of  a  want  of 
respectability  in  the  national  character.  As  long  as 
the  states  exercise  separately  those  acts  of  power 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  193 

which  respect  foreign  nations,  so  long  will  there  con- 
tinue to  be  irregularities  committing  by  some  one  or 
other  of  them  which  will  constantly  keep  us  on  an  ill 
footing  with  foreign  nations. 

I  thank  you  for  your  information  as  to  my  Notes. 
The  copies  I  have  remaining  shall  be  sent  over  to  be 
given  to  some  of  my  friends  and  to  select  subjects  in 
the  college.  I  have  been  unfortunate  here  with  this 
trifle.  I  gave  out  a  few  copies  only,  &  to  confidential 
persons,  writing  in  every  copy  a  restraint  against  it's 
publication.  Among  others  I  gave  a  copy  to  a 
Mr.  Williamos.  He  died.  I  immediately  took  every 
precaution  I  could  to  recover  this  copy.  But  by 
some  means  or  other  a  bookseller  had  got  hold  of  it. 
He  employed  a  hireling  translator  and  was  about 
publishing  it  in  the  most  injurious  form  possible. 
An  Abbe  Morellet,  a  man  of  letters  here  to  whom  I 
had  given  a  copy,  got  notice  of  this.  He  had  trans- 
lated some  passages  for  a  particular  purpose  :  and  he 
compounded  with  the  bookseller  to  translate  &  give 
him  the  whole,  on  his  declining  the  first  publication. 
I  found  it  necessary  to  confirm  this,  and  it  will  be 
published  in  French,  still  mutilated  however  in  it's 
freest  parts.  I  am  now  at  a  loss  what  to  do  as  to 
England.  Everything,  good  or  bad,  is  thought  worth 
publishing  there  ;  and  I  apprehend  a  translation 
back  from  the  French,  and  a  publication  there.  I 
rather  believe  it  will  be  most  eligible  to  let  the  original 
come  out  in  that  country ;  but  am  not  yet  decided. 

I  have  purchased  little  for  you  in  the  book  way, 
since  I  sent  the  catalogue  of  my  former  purchases. 


VOL.  IV. — 13 


i94  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

I  wish  first  to  have  your  answer  to  that,  and  your  in- 
formation what  parts  of  those  purchases  went  out  of 
your  plan.  You  can  easily  say  buy  more  of  this  kind, 
less  of  that  &c.  My  wish  is  to  conform  myself  to 
yours.  I  can  get  for  you  the  original  Paris  edition 
in  folio  of  the  Encyclopedic  for  620  livres,  35.  vols.  ; 
a  good  edn  in  39  vols,  4to,  for  380* ;  and  a  good 
one  in  39  vols  8vo,  for  280*.  The  new  one  will  be 
superior  in  far  the  greater  number  of  articles  :  but  not 
in  all.  And  the  possession  of  the  ancient  one  has 
moreover  the  advantage  of  supplying  present  use.  I 
have  bought  one  for  myself,  but  wait  your  orders  as 
to  you.  I  remember  your  purchase  of  a  watch  in 
Philadelphia.  If  it  should  not  have  proved  good,  you 
can  probably  sell  her.  In  that  case  I  can  get  for  you 
here,  one  made  as  perfect  as  human  art  can  make  it 
for  about  24  louis.  I  have  had  such  a  one  made  by 
the  best  &  most  faithful  hand  in  Paris.  It  has  a  sec- 
ond hand,  but  no  repeating,  no  day  of  the  month,  nor 
other  useless  thing  to  impede  and  injure  the  move- 
ments which  are  necessary.  For  12  louis  more  you 
can  have  in  the  same  cover,  but  on  the  back  side  & 
absolutely  unconnected  with  the  movements  of  the 
watch,  a  pedometer  which  shall  render  you  an  exact 
account  of  the  distances  you  walk.  Your  pleasure 
hereon  shall  be  awaited. 

Houdon  is  returned.  He  called  on  me  the  other 
day  to  remonstrate  against  the  inscription  proposed 
for  Genl  W.'s  statue.  He  says  it  is  too  long  to  be 
put  on  the  pedestal.  I  told  him  I  was  not  at  liberty 
to  permit  any  alteration,  but  I  would  represent  his 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  195 

objection  to  a  friend  who  could  judge  of  it's  validity, 
and  whether  a  change  could  be  authorized.  This 
has  been  the  subject  of  conversations  here,  and  vari- 
ous devices  &  inscriptions  have  been  suggested.  The 
one  which  has  appeared  best^to  me  may  be  translated 
as  follows :  "  Behold,  Reader,  the  form  of  George 
Washington.  For  his  worth,  ask  History  :  that  will 
tell  it,  when  this  stone  shall  have  yielded  to  the 
decays  of  time.  His  country  erects  this  monument: 
Houdon  makes  it."  This  for  one  side.  On  the  2d 
represent  the  evacuation  of  Boston  with  the  motto 
"  Hostibus  primum  fugatis."  On  the  3d  the  capture 
of  the  Hessians  with  "  Hostibus  iterum  devictis." 
On  the  4th  the  surrender  of  York,  with  "  Hostibus 
ultimum  debellatis."  This  is  seizing  the  three  most 
brilliant  actions  of  his  military  life.  By  giving  out 
here  a  wish  of  receiving  mottos  for  this  statue,  we 
might  have  thousands  offered,  of  which  still  better 
might  be  chosen.  The  artist  made  the  same  objec- 
tion of  length  to  the  inscription  for  the  bust  of  the 
M.  de  la  Fayette.  An  alteration  of  that  might  come 
in  time  still,  if  an  alteration  was  wished.  However  I 
am  not  certain  that  it  is  desirable  in  either  case.  The 
state  of  Georgia  has  given  20.000  acres  of  land  to  the 
Count  d'  Estaing.  This  gift  is  considered  here  as 
very  honourable  to  him,  and  it  has  gratified  him 
much.  I  am  persuaded  that  a  gift  of  lands  by  the 
state  of  Virginia  to  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  would 
give  a  good  opinion  here  of  our  character,  and  would 
reflect  honour  on  the  Marquis.  Nor  am  I  sure  that 
the  day  will  not  come  when  it  might  be  an  useful 


196  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

asylum  to  him.  The  time  of  life  at  which  he  visited 
America  was  too  well  adapted  to  receive  good  &  last- 
ing impressions  to  permit  him  ever  to  accommodate 
himself  to  the  principles  of  monarchical  government ; 
and  it  will  need  all  his  own  prudence  &  that  of  his 
friends  to  make  this  country  a  safe  residence  for  him. 
How  glorious,  how  comfortable  in  reflection  will  it 
be  to  have  prepared  a  refuge  for  him  in  case  of  a  re- 
verse. In  the  meantime  he  could  settle  it  with  ten- 
ants from  the  freest  part  of  this  country,  Bretagny. 
I  have  never  suggested  the  smallest  idea  of  this  kind 
to  him :  because  the  execution  of  it  should  convey 
the  first  notice.  If  the  state  has  not  a  right  to  give 
him  lands  with  their  own  officers,  they  could  buy  up 
at  cheap  prices  the  shares  of  others.  I  am  not  certain 
however  whether  in  the  public  or  private  opinion,  a 
similar  gift  to  Count  Rochambeau  could  be  dispensed 
with.  If  the  state  could  give  to  both,  it  would  be 
better  :  but  in  any  event,  I  think  they  should  to  the 
Marquis.  C.  Rochambeau  too  has  really  deserved 
more  attention  than  he  has  received.  Why  not  set 
up  his  bust,  that  of  Gates,  Greene,  Franklin  in  your 
new  capitol  ?  A  propos  of  the  Capitol.  Do  my  dear 
friend  exert  yourself  to  get  the  plan  begun  on  set 
aside,  &  that  adopted  which  was  drawn  here.  It  was 
taken  from  a  model  which  has  been  the  admiration  of 
16.  centuries,  which  has  been  the  object  of  as  many 
pilgrimages  as  the  tomb  of  Mahomet :  which  will 
give  unrivalled  honour  to  our  state,  and  furnish  a 
model  whereon  to  form  the  taste  of  our  young  men. 
It  will  cost  much  less  too  than  the  one  begun,  because 
it  does  not  cover  one  half  the  Area.  Ask,  if  you 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  197 

please,  a  sight  of  my  letter  of  Jan.  26  to  Messrs.  Bu- 
chanan &  Hay,  which  will  spare  me  the  repeating  its 
substance  here. 

Everything  is  quiet  in  Europe.  I  recollect  but  one 
new  invention  in  the  arts  which  is  worth  mentioning. 
It  is  a  mixture  of  the  arts  of  engraving  &  printing, 
rendering  both  cheaper.  Write  or  draw  anything  on 
a  plate  of  brass  with  the  ink  of  the  inventor,  and  in 
half  an  hour  he  gives  you  engraved  copies  of  it  so 
perfectly  like  the  original  that  they  could  not  be  sus- 
pected to  be  copies.  His  types  for  printing  a  whole 
page  are  all  in  one  solid  piece.  An  author  therefore 
only  prints  a  few  copies  of  his  work  from  time  to 
time  as  they  are  called  for.  This  saves  the  loss  of 
printing  more  copies  than  may  possibly  be  sold,  and 
prevents  an  edition  from  being  ever  exhausted. 

I  am  with  a  lively  esteem  Dear  Sir,  your  sincere 
friend  &  servant. 

P.  S.  Could  you  procure  &  send  me  an  hundred 
or  two  nuts  of  the  peccan  ?  they  would  enable  me  to 
oblige  some  characters  here  whom  I  should  be  much 
gratified  to  oblige.  They  should  come  packed  in 
sand.  The  seeds  of  the  sugar  maple-  too  would  be  a 
great  present. 


TO    THE    MARQUIS    DE    LA    FAYETTE.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS,  Feb.  10.  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  forgot  last  night  a  very  Material  cir- 
cumstance in  my  calculation.  The  Farmers  general 
are,  by  their  bail,  obliged  to  keep  a  certain  provision 
of  tobacco  and  snuff  always  on  hand.  I  believe  it  is 


i98  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

three  years  consumption.  However^for  fear  of  error 
I  will  call  it  two  years ;  because  were  the  bail  silent 
on  this  head  they  would  certainly  have  always  on 
hand  one  year's  stock  ready  for  manufacture,  and  one 
year's  stock  manufactured.  There  is  no  extensive 
manufacture  which  does  not  find  that  it  has  on  hand 
generally  two  year's  stock  of  goods.  As  the  Farmers 
buy  their  tobacco  for  ready  money  (and  I  know  they 
even  advance  money)  they  lay  out  of  their  money 
two  years.  This  interest  must  therefore  be  added, 

and  the  estimate  will  stand  thus 

tt 

22  millions  of  pounds  weight  of  tobacco  at  6  sous  cost          .         .  1 1.600.000 

the  cost  of  manufacture  is  I  sot  the  pound,           ....  692.500 

guards  &c    to  prevent  contraband         ......  5.000.000 

revenue  paid  annually  to  the  king         ......  28.000.000 

interest  on  the  whole  for  2.  years  @  5.  pr  cent    ....  4.529.500 

Whole  cost  of  annual  purchase  of  tobacco  then  is        ...      49.821.750 

Ibs  If  3 

they  sell  annually  but  13.850.000  which  at  3 — 10  brings  them  .  45.705.000 
they  lose  annually  then  by  the  farm  of  tobacco  ...  4.116.750 

thus,  according  to  their  own  shewing,  the  King 
should  in  favor  to  them,  discontinue  the  bail ;  and 
they  cannot  ask  it's  continuance  without  acknowl- 
eging  they  have  given  in  a  false  state  of  quantities 
&  sums. 


TO    THE    SECRETARY    FOR    FOREIGN    AFFAIRS. 

(JOHN  JAY.)  j.  MSS. 

LONDON,  Mar.  12.  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — The  date  of  a  letter  from  London  will 
doubtless  be  as  unexpected  to  you  as  it  was  unfore- 
seen by  myself  a  few  days  ago.  On  the  27^  of  the 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  199 

last  month  Col°  Smith  arrived  in  Paris  with  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Adams  informing  me  that  there  was  at  this 
place  a  minister  from  Tripoli  having  general  powers 
to  enter  into  treaties  on  behalf  of  his  state,  and  with 
whom  it  was  possible  we  might  do  something  in  our 
Commission  to  that  power  and  that  he  gave  reason 
to  believe  he  could  also  take  arrangements  with  us 
for  Tunis  :  he  further  added  that  the  minister  of 
Portugal  here  had  received  ultimate  instructions 
from  his  court,  and  that  probably  that  treaty  might 
be  concluded  in  the  space  of  three  weeks  were  we  all 
on  the  spot  together.  He  therefore  pressed  me  to 
come  over  immediately.  The  first  of  these  objects 
had  some  weight  in  my  mind,  because  as  we  had  sent 
no  person  to  Tripoli  or  Tunis  I  thought  if  we  could 
meet  a  minister  from  them  on  this  ground  our 
arrangements  would  be  settled  much  sooner  &  at  less 
expence.  But  what  principally  decided  with  me  was 
the  desire  of  bringing  matters  to  a  conclusion  with 
Portugal  before  the  term  of  our  commission  should 
expire  or  any  new  turn  in  the  negotiations  of  France 
&  England  should  abate  their  willingness  to  fix  a  con- 
nection with  us.  A  third  motive  had  also  it's  weight. 
I  hoped  that  my  attendance  here,  and  the  necessity 
of  shortening  it,  might  be  made  use  of  to  force  a  de- 
cisive answer  from  this  court.  I  therefore  concluded 
to  comply  with  Mr.  Adams's  request.  I  went  im- 
mediately to  Versailles  and  apprised  the  Count  de 
Vergennes  that  circumstances  of  public  duty  called 
me  hither  for  three  or  four  weeks,  arranged  with  him 
some  matters,  and  set  out  with  Col°  Smith  for  this 


200  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

place  where  we  arrived  last  night,  which  was  as  early 
as  the  excessive  rigour  of  the  weather  admitted.  I 
saw  Mr.  Adams  immediately,  &  again  to-day.  He 
informs  me  that  the  minister  of  Portugal  was  taken 
ill  five  or  six  days  ago,  has  been  very  much  so,  but  is 
now  somewhat  better.  It  would  be  very  mortifying 
indeed  should  this  accident,  with  the  shortness  of  the 
term  to  which  I  limit  my  stay  here,  defeat  what  was 
the  principal  object  of  my  journey,  and  that  without 
which  I  should  hardly  have  undertaken  it.  With 
respect  to  this  country,  I  had  no  doubt  but  that  every 
consideration  had  been  urged  by  Mr.  Adams  which 
was  proper  to  be  urged.  Nothing  remains  undone  in 
this  way.  But  we  shall  avail  ourselves  of  our  journey 
here  as  if  made  on  purpose,  just  before  the  expiration 
of  our  commission,  to  form  our  report  to  Congress  on 
the  execution,  of  that  Commission,  which  report  they 
may  be  given  to  know  cannot  be  formed  without 
decisive  information  of  the  ultimate  determination  of 
their  court.  There  is  no  doubt  what  that  determina- 
tion will  be  :  but  it  will  be  useful  to  have  it :  as  it 
may  put  an  end  to  all  further  expectations  on  our 
side  of  the  water,  and  shew  that  the  time  is  come  for 
doing  whatever  is  to  be  done  by  us  for  counteracting 
the  unjust  &  greedy  designs  of  this  country.  We 
shall  have  the  honour,  before  I  leave  this  place  to 
inform  you  of  the  result  of  the  several  matters  which 
have  brought  me  to  it. 

A  day  or  two  before  my  departure  from  Paris  I  re- 
ceived your  letter  of  Jan.  The  question  therein 
proposed  How  far  France  considers  herself  as  bound 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  201 

to  insist  on  the  delivery  of  the  posts,  would  infallibly 
produce  another,  How  far  we  consider  ourselves  as 
guarantees  of  their  American  possessions  &  bound 
to  enter  into  any  future  war  in  which  these  may  be 
attacked  ?  The  words  of  the  treaty  of  alliance  seem 
to  be  without  ambiguity  on  either  head,  yet  I  should 
be  afraid  to  commit  Congress  by  answering  without 
authority.  I  will  endeavor  on  my  return  to  sound 
the  opinion  of  the  minister  if  possible  without  expos- 
ing myself  to  the  other  question.  Should  anything 
forcible  be  meditated  on  those  posts,  it  would  possibly 
be  thought  prudent  previously  to  ask  the  good  offices 
of  France  to  obtain  their  delivery.  In  this  case  they 
would  probably  say  we  must  first  execute  the  treaty 
on  our  part  by  repealing  all  acts  which  have  contra- 
vened it.  Now  this  measure,  if  there  be  any  candour 
in  the  court  of  London,  would  suffice  to  obtain  a 
delivery  of  the  posts  from  them,  without  the  media- 
tion of  any  third  power.  However  if  this  mediation 
should  be  finally  needed  I  see  no  reason  to  doubt  our 
obtaining  it,  and  still  less  to  question  its  omnipotent 
influence  on  the  British  court. 


TO    ALEXANDER    MCCAUL. 

LONDON  Apr.  19.  1786. 


DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  Mar.  30  came  to  hand 
some  days  ago,  and  renewed  the  recollection  of  a 
friendship  among  the  earliest  I  formed  in  life,  and 
which  neither  time  nor  events  have  weakened  at  any 


202  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

moment  since.  I  wish  it  were  in  my  power  to  inform 
you  that  arrangements  were  at  length  taken  between 
the  two  nations  for  carrying  into  complete  execution 
the  late  treaty  of  peace,  and  for  settling  those  con- 
ditions which  are  essential  to  the  continuance  of  a 
commerce  between  them.  I  suppose  all  arrangement 
is  thought  unnecessary  here,  as  the  subject  has  not 
been  deemed  worthy  of  a  conference.  Both  nations 
are  left  to  pursue  their  own  measures  and  it  is  not 
easy  to  foresee  what  these  will  be.  Each  has  com- 
plaints on  the  subject  of  the  late  treaty.  We,  that 
but  one  post  out  of  six  or  eight  within  our  limits  has 
yet  been  evacuated  by  the  British  troops ;  and  that 
a  great  number  of  slaves  were  brought  away  contrary 
to  stipulation,  on  the  other  part  it  is  urged  that  we 
have  thrown  obstructions  in  the  way  of  the  recovery 
of  the  debts  due  to  the  merchants  of  this  country. 
There  are  two  circumstances  of  difficulty  in  the  pai- 
ment  of  these  debts.  To  speak  of  the  particular  state 
with  which  you  &  I  are  best  acquainted,  we  know 
that  it's  debt  is  ten  times  the  amount  of  it's  circulat- 
ing cash.  To  pay  that  debt  at  once  then  is  a  physical 
impossibility.  Time  is  requisite.  Were  all  the  credit- 
ors to  rush  to  judgment  together,  a  mass  of  two 
millions  of  property  would  be  brought  to  market 
where  there  is  but  the  tenth  of  that  sum  of  money  in 
circulation  to  purchase  it.  Both  debtor  and  creditor 
would  be  ruined,  as  debts  would  be  thus  rendered 
desperate  which  are  in  themselves  good.  Of  this  truth 
I  find  the  merchants  here  sufficiently  sensible,  &  I  have 
no  doubt  we  should  have  arranged  the  article  of  time 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  203 

to  mutual  satisfaction,  allowing  judgment  to  pass 
immediately,  &  dividing  the  execution  into  instal- 
ments. There  was  another  point  on  which  we  should 
have  differed.  It  is  a  general  sentiment  in  America 
that  the  principal  of  these  debts  should  be  paid,  & 
that  that  alone  is  stipulated  by  the  treaty.  But  they 
think  the  interest  also  which  arose  before  &  since  the 
war,  is  justly  due.  They  think  it  would  be  as  unjust 
to  demand  interest  during  the  war.  They  urge  that 
during  that  time  they  could  not  pay  the  debt,  for  that 
of  the  remittances  attempted,  two  thirds  on  an  aver- 
age were  taken  by  the  nation  to  whom  they  were 
due  :  that  during  that  period  they  had  no  use  of  the 
money,  as  from  the  same  circumstance  of  capturing 
their  produce  on  the  sea,  tobacco  sold  at  5/  the  hun- 
dred, which  was  not  sufficient  to  bear  theexpences  of 
the  estate,  that  they  paid  the  taxes  and  other  charges 
on  the  property  during  that  period,  and  stood  it's  in- 
surers in  the  ultimate  event  of  the  war.  They  admit 
indeed  that  such  individual  creditors  as  were  not  en- 
gaged in  privateering  against  them  have  lost  this 
interest ;  but  that  it  was  the  fault  of  their  own  nation 
and  that  this  is  the  case  where  both  parties  having 
lost,  each  may  justifiably  endeavor  to  save  himself. 
Setting  aside  this  portion  of  the  interest  I  am  per- 
suaded the  debts  in  America  are  generally  good,  and 
that  there  is  an  honest  intention  to  pay  them.  The 
improvident  and  indolent  may  delay  the  commence- 
ment of  that  duty,  but  they  do  not  think  certainly  to 
avoid  it.  After  the  war  ceased  the  first  profits  of 
their  plantations  would  be  applied  to  get  supplies  of 


2o4  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

clothing,  to  rebuild  their  houses,  fences,  barns,  &c. 
where  they  were  burned,  or  decayed,  and  to  repair  the 
other  ravages  of  the  war.  This  might  reasonably 
take  two  or  three  years  :  but  it  is  now  time  that  they 
should  begin  the  paiment  of  their  old  debts. 

With  respect  to  myself  I  acknowledge  to  you  that 
I  do  not  think  an  interest  justly  demandeable  during 
the  war.  Whatever  I  owed,  with  interest  previous  & 
subsequent  to  the  war,  I  have  taken  measures  for 
paying  as  speedily  as  possible.  My  chief  debts  are 
to  yourself  &  to  Mr.  Jones  of  Bristol.  In  the  year 
1776  before  there  was  a  shilling  of  paper  money 
issued,  I  sold  land  for  ^4200  to  pay  these  two  debts. 
I  did  not  receive  the  money  till  it  was  not  worth  Oak 
leaves.  I  have  lost  the  principal  and  interest  of  these 
debts  once  then  in  attempting  to  pay  them.  Besides 
this  L"?  Cornwallis'  army  took  off  30  of  my  slaves, 
burnt  one  year's  crop  of  tobacco  in  my  houses  &  de- 
stroyed another  in  the  fields  with  other  damages  to 
the  amount  of  three  or  four  thousand  pounds.  Still 
I  am  renewing  my  efforts  to  pay  what  I  justly  ought ; 
and  I  hope  these  will  be  more  successful.  My  whole 
estate  is  left  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Lewis  of  Albemarle 
and  Mr.  Eppes  of  Chesterfield  to  apply  it's  whole 
profits  to  the  paiment  of  my  debts.  Some  had  been 
necessarily  contracted  during  the  war.  They  write 
me  word  that  these  will  be  cleared  off  this  year. 
There  will  remain  then  only  yours  &  Mr.  Jones's, 
towards  which  the  labour  of  100  slaves  will  be  annu- 
ally applied  till  the  paiment  is  effected,  for  till  that  I 
shall  not  draw  one  shilling  from  the  estate  nor  resume 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  205 

it's  possession.  I  do  not  know  the  exact  amount  of 
either  of  these  debts,  but  I  propose  that  the  profits  of 
my  estate  shall  be  annually  divided  in  proportion  to 
them.  I  think  it  very  possible  that  you  will  not  con- 
cur with  me  in  opinion  as  to  the  intermediate  interest : 
and  that  so  far  I  shall  meet  your  censure.  Both  par- 
ties are  liable  to  feel  too  strongly  the  arguments  which 
tend  to  justify  their  endeavors  to  avoid  this  loss.  Yet 
after  making  allowances  for  this  prejudice,  it  seems  to 
me  impossible  but  that  the  hardships  are  infinitely 
greater  on  our  side  than  on  yours.  You  have  lost  the 
interest  but  it  is  not  we  who  have  gained  it.  We 
deem  your  nation  the  aggressors.  They  took  those 
profits  which  arose  from  your  property  in  our  hands, 
and  inflicted  on  us  immeasurable  losses  besides.  I 
urge  these  considerations  because  while  they  decide 
my  own  opinion,  I  wish  them  to  weigh  so  much  as  to 
preserve  me  yours,  which  I  highly  esteem,  and  should 
be  afflicted  were  I  to  lose  it.  I  have  thus  stated  to 
you  my  view  of  things  both  public  &  private,  accord- 
ing to  the  wish  expressed  in  your  letters,  and  I  rely 
on  your  justice  that  you  make  use  of  the  information 
for  your  own  purposes  only,  without  committing  me. 
I  shall  at  all  times  be  happy  to  hear  from  you,  being 
with  sincere  esteem,  Dear  Sir,  Your  friend  and  servt. 


TO    RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  J-MSS- 

LONDON,  Apr  22,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — In  your  letter  of  October  the  2Qth, 
you  desired  me  to  send  you  one  of  the  new  lamps.  I 
tried  at  every  probable  place  in  Paris,  and  could  not 


206  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

get  a  tolerable  one.  I  have  been  glad  of  it  since  I 
came  here,  as  I  find  them  much  better  made  here.  I 
now  deliver  one  with  this  letter  into  the  hands  of  Mr. 
Fulwar  Skipwith,  a  merchant  from  Virginia  settled 
here,  who  promises  to  send  it  to  you,  with  one  for 
Mr.  C.  Thomson.  Of  this  be  pleased  to  accept  from 
me.  It  is  now  found  that  they  may  be  used  with 
almost  any  oil. 

I  expect  to  leave  this  place  in  about  three  days. 
Our  public  letters,  joint  and  separate,  will  inform  you 
what  has  been  done,  and  what  could  not  be  done 
here.  With  respect  to  a  commercial  treaty  with  this 
country,  be  assured  that  the  government  not  only  has 
it  not  in  contemplation  at  present  to  make  any,  but 
that  they  do  not  conceive  that  any  circumstances  will 
arise  which  shall  render  it  expedient  for  them  to  have 
any  political  connection  with  us.  They  think  we  shall 
be  glad  of  their  commerce  on  their  own  terms.  There 
is  no  party  in  our  favor  here,  either  in  power  or  out 
of  power.  Even  the  opposition  concur  with  the  min- 
istry &  the  nation  in  this.  I  can  scarcely  consider  as 
a  party  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne,  and  a  half  dozen 
characters  about  him,  such  as  Dr.  Price  &c.  who  are 
impressed  with  the  utility  of  a  friendly  connection 
with  us.  The  former  does  not  venture  this  sentiment 
in  parliament,  and  the  latter  are  not  in  situations  to 
be  heard.  The  Marquis  of  Lansdowne  spoke  to  me 
affectionately  of  your  brother,  Doctr  Lee,  and  desired 
his  respects  to  him,  which  I  beg  leave  to  communi- 
cate through  you.  Were  he  to  come  into  the  minis- 
try (of  which  there  is  not  the  most  distant  prospect) 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  207 

he  must  adopt  the  King's  system,  or  go  out  again,  as 
he  did  before,  for  daring  to  depart  from  it.  When 
we  see  that  through  all  the  changes  of  ministry  which 
have  taken  place  during  the  present  reign,  there  has 
never  been  a  change  of  system  with  respect  to  America, 
we  cannot  reasonably  doubt  that  this  is  the  system  of 
the  King  himself.  His  obstinacy  of  character  we 
loiow  ;  his  hostility  we  have  known,  and  it  is  embit- 
tered by  ill  success.  If  ever  this  nation,  during  his 
life,  enters  into  arrangements  with  us,  it  must  be  in 
consequence  of  events  of  which  they  do  not  at  present 
see  a  possibility.  The  object  of  the  present  ministry 
is  to  buoy  up  the  nation  with  flattering  calculations  of 
their  present  prosperity,  and  to  make  them  believe 
they  are  better  without  us  than  with  us.  This  they 
seriously  believe  ;  for  what  is  it  men  cannot  be  made 
to  believe !  I  dined  the  other  day  in  a  company  of 
the  ministerial  party.  A  General  Clark  sat  next  to 
me,  a  Scotchman  &  ministerialist.  He  introduced 
the  subject  of  American  affairs,  and  in  the  course  of 
the  conversation  told  me  that  were  America  to  petition 
Parliament  to  be  again  received  on  their  former  foot- 
ing, the  petition  would  be  very  generally  rejected. 
He  was  serious  in  this,  &  I  think  it  was  the  sentiment 
of  the  company,  and  is  the  sentiment  perhaps  of  the 
nation.  In  this  they  are  wise,  but  for  a  foolish  reason. 
They  think  they  lost  more  by  suffering  us  to  partici- 
pate of  their  commercial  privileges  at  home  &  abroad, 
than  they  lose  by  our  political  severance.  The  true 
reason  however  why  such  an  application  should  be 
rejected,  is  that  in  a  very  short  time  we  should  oblige 


zo8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

them  to  add  another  hundred  millions  to  their  debt  in 
unsuccessful  attempts  to  retain  the  subjection  offered 
to  them.  They  are  at  present  in  a  frenzy,  and  will 
not  be  recovered  from  it  till  they  shall  have  leaped 
the  precipice  they  are  now  so  boldly  advancing  to. 
Writing  from  England,  I  write  you  nothing  but 
English  news.  The  continent  at  present  furnishes 
nothing  interesting.  I  shall  hope  the  favor  of  your 
letters  at  times.  The  proceedings  &  views  of  Con- 
gress, &  of  the  assemblies,  the  opinions  and  disposi- 
tions of  our  people  in  general,  which  in  governments 
like  ours  must  be  the  foundation  of  measures,  will 
always  be  interesting  to  me,  as  will  whatever  respects 
your  own  health  &  happiness,  being  with  great  esteem 
Dear  Sir  your  most  obedient,  and  most  humble 
servant. 


TO    ANNA    SCOTT    RANDOLPH    JEFFERSON.1 

LONDON,  April  22d,  1786. 

MY  DEAR  NANCY, — Being  called  here  for  a  short 
time,  and  finding  that  I  could  get  some  articles  on 
terms  here  of  which  I  thought  you  might  be  in  want, 
I  have  purchased  them  for  you.  They  are  two  pieces 
of  linen,  three  gowns,  and  some  ribbon.  They  are 
done  up  in  paper,  sealed,  and  packed  in  a  trunk,  in 
which  I  have  put  some  other  things  for  Colonel 
Nicholas  Lewis.  They  will  of  course  go  to  him,  and 
he  will  contrive  them  to  you.  I  heard  from  Patsy  a 
few  days  ago ;  she  is  well.  I  left  her  in  France,  as 

1  His  sister,  afterwards  (1788)  Mrs.   Hastings  Marks.     From  S.   N.  Ran- 
dolph's Domestic  Life  of  T.  Je/erson,  8l. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  209 

my  stay  here  was  to  be  short.  I  hope  my  dear  Polly 
is  on  her  way  to  me.  I  desired  you  always  to  apply 
to  Mr.  Lewis  for  what  you  should  want ;  but  should 
you  at  any  time  wish  anything  particular  from  France, 
write  to  me  and  I  will  send  it  to  you.  Doctor  Currie 
can  always  forward  your  letters.  Pray  remember  me 
to  my  sisters  Carr  and  Boiling,  to  Mr.  Boiling  and 
their  families,  and  be  assured  of  the  sincerity  with 
which  I  am,  my  dear  Nancy,  your  affectionate 
brother. 


TO   THE   SECRETARY    FOR   FOREIGN   AFFAIRS. 

(JOHN  JAY.)  j.  MSS. 

LONDON  Apr.  23,  1786. 

SIR, — In  another  letter  of  this  day  I  stated  to  you 
what  had  passed  with  public  characters,  since  my 
arrival  here.  Conversations  with  private  individuals 
I  thought  it  best  not  to  mingle  with  the  contents  of 
that  letter.  Yet  as  some  have  taken  place  which 
relate  to  matters  within  our  instructions,  and  with 
persons  whose  opinions  deserve  to  have  some  weight, 
I  will  take  the  liberty  of  stating  them.  In  a  conver- 
sation with  an  antient  and  respectable  merchant  of 
this  place  such  a  view  of  the  true  state  of  the  com- 
mercial connection  of  America  &  Great  Britain  was 
presented  to  him,  as  induced  him  to  acknolege  they 
had  been  mistaken  in  their  opinions,  and  to  ask  that 
Mr.  Adams  and  myself  would  permit  the  chairman  of 
the  committee  of  American  merchants  to  call  on  us. 
He  observed  that  the  same  person  happened  to  be 
chairman  of  the  committee  of  the  whole  body  of 


VOL.  IV. — 14 


210  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1876 

British  merchants  ;  and  that  such  was  the  respect  paid 
to  his  person  &  office  that  we  might  consider  what 
came  from  him  as  coming  from  the  committees  them- 
selves. He  called  on  us  at  an  appointed  hour.  He 
was  a  Mr.  Duncan  Campbell,  formerly  much  con- 
cerned in  the  American  trade.  We  entered  on  the 
subject  of  the  non-execution  of  the  late  treaty  of  peace 
alleged  on  both  sides.  We  observed  that  the  refusal 
to  deliver  the  Western  posts,  and  the  withdrawing 
American  property  contrary  to  express  stipulation, 
having  preceded  what  they  considered  as  breaches  on 
our  part,  were  to  be  considered  as  the  causes  of  our 
proceedings.  The  obstructions  thrown  by  our  legis- 
latures in  the  way  of  the  recovery  of  their  debts  were 
insisted  on  by  him.  We  observed  to  him  that  the 
great  amount  of  the  debt  from  America  to  Great 
Britain,  and  the  little  circulating  coin  in  the  former 
country,  rendered  an  immediate  paiment  impossible, 
that  time  was  necessary,  that  we  had  been  authorized 
to  enter  into  explanatory  arrangements  on  this  sub- 
ject ;  that  we  had  made  overtures  for  the  purpose 
which  had  not  been  attended  to,  and  that  the  states 
had  therefore  been  obliged  to  modify  the  article  for 
themselves.  He  acknowledged  the  impossibility  of 
immediate  paiment,  the  propriety  of  an  explanatory 
convention,  and  said  that  they  were  disposed  to  allow 
a  reasonable  time.  We  mentioned  the  term  of  five 
years,  including  the  present,  but  that  judgments  might 
be  allowed  immediately,  only  dividing  the  execution 
into  equal  &  annual  parts  so  that  the  last  should  be 
levied  by  the  close  of  the  year  1 790.  This  seemed 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  211 

to  be  quite  agreeable  to  him,  and  to  be  as  short  a 
term  as  would  be  insisted  on  by  them.  Proceeding 
to  the  sum  to  be  demanded,  we  agreed  that  the  prin- 
cipal with  the  interest  incurring  before  and  after  the 
war  should  be  paid  ;  but  as  to  that  incurring  during  the 
war,  we  differed  from  him.  He  urged  it's  justice  with  re- 
spect to  themselves  who  had  laid  out  of  the  use  of  their 
money  during  that  period.  This  was  his  only  topic. 
We  opposed  to  it  all  those  which  circumstances  both 
public  &  private  gave  rise  to.  He  appeared  to  feel 
their  weight  but  said  the  renunciation  of  this  interest 
was  a  bitter  pill,  and  such  an  one  as  the  merchants 
here  could  not  swallow.  He  wished  that  no  declara- 
tion should  be  made  as  to  this  article :  but  we  ob- 
served that  if  we  entered  into  explanatory  declarations 
of  the  points  unfavourable  to  us,  we  should  expect,  as 
a  consideration  for  this,  corresponding  declarations  on 
the  parts  in  our  favour.  In  fact  we  supposed  his 
view  to  be  to  leave  this  part  of  the  interest  to  stand 
on  the  general  expressions  of  the  treaty,  that  they 
might  avail  themselves  in  individual  cases  of  the 
favourable  dispositions  of  debtors  or  of  juries.  We 
proceeded  to  the  necessity  of  arrangements  of  our 
future  commerce,  were  it  only  as  a  means  of  enabling 
our  country  to  pay  it's  debts.  That  they  had  been 
contracted  while  certain  modes  of  remittance  had 
existed  here,  and  had  been  an  inducement  to  us  to 
contract  these  debts.  He  said  he  was  not  authorized 
to  speak  on  the  subject  of  the  future  commerce.  He 
appeared  really  &  feelingly  anxious  that  arrangements 
.should  be  stipulated  as  to  the  paiment  of  the  old 


212  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

debts ;  said  he  would  proceed  in  that  moment  to  Lord 
Caermarthen's,  and  discuss  the  subject  with  him,  and 
that  we  might  expect  to  hear  from  him.  He  took 
leave  ;  and  we  never  since  heard  from  him  or  any 
other  person  on  the  subject.  Congress  will  judge 
how  far  these  conversations  should  influence  their 
future  proceedings,  or  those  of  the  states. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  the  highest  respect 
&  esteem,  Sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  serv- 


TO  JOHN  PAGE.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS,  May  4,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — Your  two  favours  of  Mar  15  and  Aug 
23,  1785,  by  Monsieur  de  la  Croix  came  to  hand  on 
the  1 5th  of  November.  His  return  gives  me  an 
opportunity  of  sending  you  a  copy  of  the  nautical 
almanacs  for  1786,  7,  8,  9.  There  is  no  late  and  in- 
teresting publication  here,  or  I  would  send  it  by  the 
same  conveiance.  With  these  almanacs  I  pack  a 
copy  of  some  Notes  I  wrote  for  Monsr  de  Marbois  in 
the  year  1781,  of  which  I  had  a  few  printed  here. 
They  were  written  in  haste  &  for  his  private  inspec- 
tion. A  few  friends  having  asked  copies  I  found  it 
cheaper  to  print  than  to  write  them.  They  will  offer 
nothing  new  to  you,  not  even  as  an  oblation  of  my 
friendship  for  you  which  is  as  old  almost  as  we  are 
ourselves.  Mazzei  brought  me  your  favor  of  Apr  28. 
I  thank  you  much  for  your  communications.  Nothing 
can  be  more  grateful  at  such  a  distance.  It  is  unfor- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  213 

tunate  that  most  people  think  the  occurrences  pass- 
ing daily  under  their  eyes,  are  either  known  to  all  the 
world,  or  not  worth  being  known.  They  therefore 
do  not  give  them  place  in  their  letters.  I  hope  you 
will  be  so  good  as  to  continue  your  friendly  informa- 
tion. The  proceedings  of  our  public  bodies,  the 
progress  of  the  public  mind  on  interesting  questions, 
the  casualties  which  happen  among  our  private 
friends,  and  whatever  is  interesting  to  yourself  and 
family  will  always  be  anxiously  received  by  me. 
There  is  one  circumstance  in  the  work  you  were  con- 
cerned in  which  has  not  yet  come  to  my  knowledge, 
to  wit  how  far  Westward  from  Fort  Pitt  does  the 
Western  boundary  of  Pennsylvania  pass,  and  where 
does  it  strike  the  Ohio  ?  The  proposition  you  men- 
tion from  Mr.  Anderson  on  the  purchase  of  tobacco, 
I  would  have  made  use  of,  but  that  I  have  engaged 
the  abuses  of  the  tobacco  trade  on  a  more  general 
scale.  I  confess  their  redress  does  not  appear  with 
any  certainty :  but  till  I  see  all  hope  of  removing  the 
evil  by  the  roots,  I  cannot  propose  to  prune  it's 
branches. 

I  returned  but  three  or  four  days  ago  from  a  two 
months  trip  to  England.  I  traversed  that  country 
much,  and  own  both  town  &  country  fell  short  of  my 
expectations.  Comparing  it  with  this,  I  found  a 
much  greater  proportion  of  barrens,  a  soil  in  other 
parts  not  naturally  so  good  as  this,  not  better  culti- 
vated, but  better  manured,  &  therefore  more  produc- 
tive. This  proceeds  from  the  practice  of  long  leases 
there,  and  short  ones  here.  The  labouring  people 


214  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

here  are  poorer  than  in  England.  They  pay  about 
one  half  their  produce  in  rent,  the  English  in  general 
about  a  third.  The  gardening  in  that  country  is  the 
article  in  which  it  surpasses  all  the  earth.  I  mean 
their  pleasure  gardening.  This  indeed  went  far  be- 
yond my  ideas.  The  city  of  London,  tho'  handsomer 
than  Paris,  is  not  so  handsome  as  Philadelphia. 
Their  architecture  is  in  the  most  wretched  stile  I  ever 
saw,  not  meaning  to  except  America  where  it  is  bad, 
nor  even  Virginia  where  it  is  worse  than  in  any  other 
part  of  America,  which  I  have  seen.  The  mechanical 
arts  in  London  are  carried  to  a  wonderful  perfection. 
But  of  these  I  need  not  speak,  because  of  them  my 
countrymen  have  unfortunately  too  many  samples 
before  their  eyes.  I  consider  the  extravagance  which 
has  seized  them  as  a  more  baneful  evil  than  toryism 
was  during  the  war.  It  is  the  more  so  as  the  exam- 
ple is  set  by  the  best  and  most  amiable  characters 
among  us.  Would  that  a  missionary  appear  who  would 
make  frugality  the  basis  of  his  religious  system,  and 
go  thro  the  land  preaching  it  up  as  the  only  road  to 
salvation,  I  would  join  his  school  tho'  not  generally 
disposed  to  seek  my  religion  out  of  the  dictates  of 
my  own  reason  &  feelings  of  my  own  heart.  These 
things  have  been  more  deeply  impressed  on  my  mind 
by  what  I  have  heard  &  seen  in  England.  That 
nation  hates  us,  their  ministers  hate  us,  and  their 
King  more  than  all  other  men.  They  have  the  im- 
pudence to  avow  this,  tho'  they  acknolege  our  trade 
important  to  them.  But  they  say  we  cannot  prevent 
our  countrymen  from  bringing  that  into  their  laps. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  215 

A  conviction  of  this  determines  them  to  make  no 
terms  of  commerce  with  us.  They  say  they  will 
pocket  our  carrying  trade  as  well  as  their  own.  Our 
overtures  of  commercial  arrangement  have  been 
treated  with  a  derision  which  shows  their  firm  persua- 
sion that  we  shall  never  unite  to  suppress  their  com- 
merce or  even  to  impede  it.  I  think  their  hostility 
towards  us  is  much  more  deeply  rooted  at  present 
than  during  the  war.  In  the  arts  the  most  striking 
thing  I  saw  there,  new,  was  the  application  of  the 
principle  of  the  steam-engine  to  grist  mills.  I  saw  8 
pr.  of  stones  which  are  worked  by  steam,  and  they 
are  to  set  up  30  pair  in  the  same  house.  A  hundred 
bushels  of  coal  a  day  are  consumed  at  present.  I  do 
not  know  in  what  proportion  the  consumption  will  be 
increased  by  the  additional  geer. 

Be  so  good  as  to  present  my  respects  to  Mrs.  Page 
&  your  family,  to  W.  Lewis,  F.  Willis  &  their  fami- 
lies and  to  accept  yourself  assurances  of  the  sincere 
regard  with  which  I  am  Dr  Sir  your  affectionate 
friend  &  servt. 

P.  S.  Mazzei  is  still  here  and  will  publish  soon  a 
book  on  the  subject  of  America. 


TO  JAMES  ROSS.  J.MSS. 

PARIS,  May  8,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  duly  received  your  favor  of 
Octob  22,  and  am  much  gratified  by  the  communica- 
tions therein  made.  It  has  given  me  details  which 


2i6  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

do  not  enter  into  the  views  of  my  ordinary  corre- 
spondents, and  which  are  very  entertaining.  I  ex- 
perience great  satisfaction  at  seeing  my  country 
proceed  to  facilitate  the  intercommunications  of  it's 
several  parts  by  opening  rivers,  canals  &  roads.  How 
much  more  rational  is  this  disposal  of  public  money, 
than  that  of  waging  war. 

Before  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  Morris's  contract 
for  60,000  hhds  of  tob  was  concluded  with  the  Farmers 
general.  I  have  been  for  some  time  occupied  in 
endeavouring  to  destroy  the  root  of  the  evils  which 
the  tobacco  trade  encounters  in  this  country :  by 
making  the  ministers  sensible  that  merchants  will  not 
bring  a  commodity  to  a  market  where  but  one  person 
is  allowed  to  buy  it  :  and  that  so  long  as  that  single 
purchaser  is  obliged  to  go  to  foreign  markets  for  it, 
he  must  pay  for  it  in  coin  &  not  in  commodities. 
These  truths  have  made  their  way  to  the  minds  of 
the  ministry,  insomuch  as  to  have  delayed  the  execu- 
tion of  the  new  lease  of  the  farms  six  months.  It  is 
renewed  however  for  three  years,  but  so  as  not  to 
render  impossible  a  reformation  of  this  great  evil. 
They  are  sensible  of  the  evil,  but  it  is  so  interwoven 
with  their  fiscal  system  that  they  find  it  hazardous  to 
disentangle.  The  temporary  distress  too  of  the  reve- 
nue they  are  not  prepared  to  meet.  My  hopes  there- 
fore are  weak,  though  not  quite  desperate.  When 
they  become  so,  it  will  remain  to  look  about  for  the 
best  palliative  this  monopoly  can  bear.  My  present 
idea  is  that  it  will  be  found  in  a  prohibition  to  the 
farmers  general  to  purchase  tobacco  anywhere  but  in 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  217 

France.  You  will  perceive  by  this  that  my  object  is 
to  strengthen  the  connection  between  this  country  & 
my  own  in  all  useful  points.  I  am  of  opinion  that 
23,000  hhds  of  tobacco,  the  annual  consumption  of 
this  country,  do  not  exceed  the  amount  of  those  com- 
modities which  it  is  more  advantageous  to  us  to  buy 
here  than  in  England,  or  elsewhere,  and  such  a 
commerce  would  powerfully  reinforce  the  motives  for 
a  friendship  from  this  country  towards  ours.  This 
friendship  we  ought  to  cultivate  closely,  considering 
the  present  dispositions  of  England  towards  us.  I 
am  lately  returned  from  a  visit  to  that  country.  It 
appears  to  me  to  be  more  hostile  than  during  the  war  ; 
this  spirit  of  hostility  has  always  existed  in  the  mind 
of  the  King,  but  it  has  now  extended  itself  thro'  the 
whole  mass  of  people,  and  the  majority  in  the  public 
councils.  In  a  country  where  the  voice  of  the  people 
influences  so  much  the  measures  of  administration 
and  where  it  coincides  with  the  private  temper  of  the 
King,  there  is  no  pronouncing  on  future  events.  It 
is  true  they  have  nothing  to  gain  &  much  to  lose  by 
a  war  with  us.  But  interest  is  not  the  strongest  pas- 
sion in  the  human  breast.  There  are  difficult  points  too 
still  unsettled  between  us.  They  have  not  withdrawn 
their  armies  out  of  our  country  nor  given  satisfaction 
for  the  property  they  brought  off.  On  our  part  we 
have  not  paid  our  debts,  and  it  will  take  time  to  pay 
them.  In  conferences  with  some  distinguished  mer- 
cantile characters,  I  found  them  sensible  of  the  im- 
possibility of  our  paying  these  debts  at  once,  and  that 
an  endeavor  to  force  universal  &  immediate  paiment 


2i8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

would  render  debts  desperate,  which  are  good  in 
themselves.  I  think  we  should  not  have  differed  in 
the  term  necessary.  We  differed  essentially  in  the 
article  of  interest.  For  while  the  principal  &  interest 
preceding  &  subsequent  to  the  war  seems  justly  due 
from  us,  that  which  incurred  during  the  war  does  not. 
Interest  is  a  compensation  for  the  use  of  money. 
Their  money  in  our  hands  was  in  the  form  of  lands 
&  negroes.  Tobacco,  the  produce  of  these  lands  and 
negroes  (or  as  I  may  call  it,  the  interest  of  them) 
being  almost  impossible  of  conveyance  to  the  markets 
of  consumption,  because  taken  by  themselves  in  it's 
way  there,  sold  during  the  war  at  5/  or  6/  the  hundred. 
This  did  not  pay  tools,  taxes,  &  other  plantation 
charges.  A  man  who  should  have  attempted  to  remit 
to  his  creditor  tobacco  for  either  principal  or  interest, 
must  have  remitted  it  three  times  before  one  would 
have  arrived  safe  :  and  this  from  the  depredations  of 
their  own  nation,  and  often  of  the  creditor  himself, 
for  some  of  the  merchants  entered  deeply  into  the 
privateering  business.  The  individuals  who  did  not, 
say  they  have  lost  this  interest :  the  debtor  replies 
that  he  has  not  gained,  &  that  it  is  a  case  where  a 
loss  having  incurred,  every  one  tries  to  shift  it  from 
himself.  The  known  bias  of  the  human  mind  from 
motives  of  interest,  should  lessen  the  confidence  of 
each  party  in  the  justice  of  their  reasoning  ;  but  it  is 
difficult  to  say  which  of  them  should  make  the  sacri- 
fice both  of  reason  &  interest.  Our  conferences  were 
intended  as  preparatory  to  some  arrangement.  It  is  in- 
certain  how  far  we  should  have  been  able  to  accommo- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  219 

date  our  opinions.  But  the  absolute  aversion  of  the 
government  to  enter  into  any  arrangement  prevented 
the  object  from  being  pursued.  Each  country  is  left 
to  do  justice  to  itself  &  to  the  other  according  to  its 
own  ideas,  as  to  what  is  past,  and  to  scramble  for 
the  future  as  well  as  they  can  :  to  regulate  their  com- 
merce by  duties  and  prohibitions,  and  perhaps  by 
cannons  &  mortars ;  in  which  event  we  must  aban- 
don the  ocean  where  we  are  weak,  leaving  to  neutral 
nations  the  carriage  of  our  commodities  :  &  measure 
with  them  on  land  where  they  alone  can  lose.  Fare- 
well then  all  our  useful  improvements  of  canals,  roads, 
reformations  of  laws  &  other  rational  emploiments. 
I  really  doubt  whether  there  is  temper  enough  on 
either  side  to  prevent  this  issue  of  our  present  hatred. 
Europe  is  at  this  moment  without  the  appearance  of 
a  cloud.  The  death  of  the  K  of  Prussia,  daily  ex- 
pected, may  raise  one.  My  paper  admonishes  me 
that  after  asking  a  continuance  of  your  favors,  it  is 
time  for  me  to  conclude  with  assurances  of  the 
esteem  with  which  I  am  Dr  Sir,  your  friend  &  servt. 


TO    JAMES    MONROE.  J.  MSS. 

PARIS,  May  10,    1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — My  last  to  you  was  of  Jan.  27.  Since 
that  I  have  received  yours  of  Jan.  19.  Information 
from  other  quarters  gives  me  reasons  to  suspect  you 
have  in  negotiation  a  very  important  change  in  your 
situation.  You  will  carry  into  the  execution  all  my 


220  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

wishes  for  your  happiness.  I  hope  it  will  not  detach 
you  from  a  settlement  in  your  own  country.  I  had 
even  entertained  hopes  of  your  settling  in  my  neigh- 
borhood :  but  these  were  determined  by  your  desir- 
ing a  plan  of  a  house  for  Richmond.  However 
reluctantly  I  relinquish  this  prospect,  I  shall  not  the 
less  readily  obey  your  commands  by  sending  you  a 
plan.  Having  been  much  engaged  since  my  return 
from  England  in  answering  the  letters  &  despatching 
other  business  which  had  accumulated  during  my  ab- 
sence, &  being  still  much  engaged,  perhaps  I  may 
not  be  able  to  send  the  plan  by  this  conveyance.  If 
I  do  not  send  it  now,  I  will  surely  by  the  first  convei- 
ance  after  this.  Your  Encyclopedic,  containing  18 
livraisons,  went  off  last  night  for  Havre,  from  whence 
it  will  go  in  a  vessel  bound  to  N.  York.  It  will  be 
under  the  care  of  M.  la  Croix  a  passenger,  who,  if  he 
does  not  find  you  in  N.  York  will  carry  it  to  Virginia. 
I  send  it  to  Richmond.  Another  copy  in  a  separate 
box,  goes  for  Currie.  I  pay  here  all  charges  to  N. 
York.  What  may  occur  afterwards  I  desire  him  to 
ask  either  of  you  or  Currie,  as  either  will  pay  for  the 
other,  or  to  draw  on  me  for  them.  My  letters  to 
Mr.  Jay  will  inform  you  of  the  objects  which  carried 
me  to  England  :  and  that  the  principal  one,  the  treaty 
with  Portugal  has  been  accomplished.  Tho'  we 
were  unable  to  procure  any  special  advantages  in 
that,  yet  we  thought  it  of  consequence  to  insure  our 
trade  againt  those  particular  checks  and  discourage- 
ments which  it  has  heretofore  met  with  there.  The 
information  as  to  the  Barbary  states,  which  we  ob- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  221 

tained  from  Abdrahaman  the  Tripoline  ambassador  was 
also  given  to  Mr.  Jay.  If  it  be  right,  &  the  scale  of 
proportion  between  those  nations  which  we  had  set- 
tled be  also  right,  eight  times  the  sum  required  by 
Tripoli  will  be  necessary  to  accomplish  a  peace  with 
the  whole,  that  is  to  say  about  two  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  guineas.  The  continuance  of  this  peace 
will  depend  on  their  idea  of  our  power  to  enforce  it, 
and  on  the  life  of  the  particular  Dey  or  other  head  of 
the  government,  with  whom  it  is  contracted.  Con- 
gress will  no  doubt  weigh  these  circumstances  against 
the  expense  &  probable  success  of  compelling  a  peace 
by  arms.  Count  d'Estaing  having  communicated  to 
me  verbally  some  information  as  to  an  experiment 
formerly  made  by  this  country,  I  shall  get  him  to  put 
it  into  writing  and  I  will  forward  it  to  Congress,  as  it 
will  aid  them  in  their  choice  of  measures.  Accord- 
ing to  this  a  force,  which  after  the  first  outfit,  might 
cost  about  three  thousand  guineas  a  month  sufficed 
in  a  short  time.  However,  which  plan  is  eligible  can 
only  be  known  to  ourselves  who  are  on  the  spot  & 
have  under  your  view  all  the  difficulties  of  both. 
There  is  a  third  measure :  that  of  abandoning  the  Medi- 
terranean carriage  to  other  nations.  With  respect  to 
England  no  arrangements  can  be  taken.  The  mer- 
chants were  certainly  disposed  to  have  consented  to 
accommodation  as  to  the  article  of  debts.  I  was  not 
certain  when  I  left  England  that  they  would  relinquish 
the  interest  during  the  war.  A  letter  received  since 
from  the  first  character  among  the  American  mer- 
chants in  Scotland  satisfies  me  they  would  have  re- 


222  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

linquished  it  to  insure  the  capital  &  residue  of  inter- 
est. Would  to  heaven  all  the  states  therefore  would 
settle  on  a  uniform  plan.  To  open  the  courts  to 
them  so  that  they  might  obtain  judgments,  to  divide 
the  executions  into  so  many  equal  annual  instalments 
as  that  the  last  might  be  paid  in  the  year  1 790,  to 
have  the  paiments  in  actual  money,  and  to  include 
the  capital  &  interest  preceding  &  subsequent  to 
the  war,  would  give  satisfaction  to  the  world,  and  to 
the  merchants  in  general.  Since  it  is  left  for  each 
nation  to  pursue  their  own  measures  in  the  execution 
of  the  late  treaty,  may  not  Congress  with  propriety 
recommend  a  mode  of  executing  that  article  respect- 
ing the  debts,  and  send  it  to  each  state  to  be  passed 
into  law.  Whether  England  gives  up  the  posts  or 
not,  these  debts  must  be  paid,  or  our  character 
stained  with  infamy  among  all  nations  &  to  all 
times.  As  to  the  satisfaction  for  slaves  carried  off, 
it  is  a  bagatelle  which  if  not  made  good  before 
the  last  instalment  becomes  due,  may  be  secured  out 
of  that. 

I  formerly  communicated  the  overtures  for  a  treaty 
which  had  been  made  by  the  Imperial  ambassador. 
The  instructions  from  Congress  being  in  their  favor, 
and  Mr.  Adams's  opinion  also,  I  encouraged  them. 
He  expected  his  full  powers  when  I  went  to  England. 
Yet  I  did  not  think,  nor  did  Mr.  Adams,  that  this 
was  of  importance  enough  to  weigh  against  the  ob- 
jects of  that  journey.  He  received  them  soon  after 
my  departure,  &  communicated  it  to  me  on  my  return, 
.asking  a  copy  of  our  propositions.  I  gave  him  one, 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  223 

but  observed  our  commission  had  then  but  a  few  days 
to  run.  He  desired  I  would  propose  to  Congress  the 
giving  new  powers  to  go  on  with  this,  and  said  that  in 
the  meantime  he  would  arrange  with  us  the  plan.  In 
a  commercial  view,  no  great  good  is  to  be  gained  by 
this,  but  in  a  political  one  it  may  be  expedient.  Our 
national  respect  needs  strengthening  in  Europe.  It 
will  certainly  receive  reinforcement  by  our  being  re- 
ceived into  alliance  by  the  second  power  &  what  will 
shortly  be  the  first  character  in  Europe.  He  is  at  the 
head  too  of  the  other  great  European  confederacy, 
and  may  serve  us  with  all  the  powers  in  that  scale.  As 
the  treaty  would  of  course  be  in  the  terms  of  those  of 
Prussia  &  Portugal,  it  will  give  us  but  little  additional 
embarrasment  in  any  commercial  regulations  we  may 
wish  to  establish.  The  exceptions  from  these  which 
the  other  treaties  will  require,  may  take  in  the  treaty 
with  the  Emperor.  I  should  be  glad  to  communicate 
some  answer  as  soon  as  Congress  shall  have  made  up 
their  minds  on  it.  My  information  to  Congress  on 
the  subject  of  our  commercial  articles  with  this  coun- 
try has  only  come  down  to  Jan  27.  Whether  I 
shall  say  anything  on  it  in  my  letter  to  Mr.  Jay  by 
this  conveiance,  depends  on  it's  not  being  too  early 
for  an  appointment.  I  expect  hourly  word  from  the 
Count  de  Vergennes  to  meet  him  on  this  &  other  sub- 
jects. My  last  information  was  that  the  lease  was  too 
far  advanced  to  withdraw  from  it  the  article  of  tobacco, 
but  that  a  clause  is  inserted  in  it  empowering  the 
King  to  discontinue  it  at  any  time.  A  discontinuance 
is  therefore  the  only  remaining  object,  and  as  even 


224  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

this  cannot  be  effected  till  the  expiration  of  the  old 
lease,  which  is  about  the  end  of  the  present  year,  I 
have  wished  only  to  stir  the  subject  from  time  to  time 
so  as  to  keep  it  alive.  This  idea  led  me  into  a  meas- 
ure proposed  by  the  M.  de  la  Fayette  whose  return 
from  Berlin  found  the  matter  in  that  point  to  which 
my  former  report  to  Congress  had  conducted  it.  I 
communicated  to  him  what  I  had  been  engaged  on, 
what  were  my  prospects,  and  my  purpose  of  keeping 
the  subject  just  open.  He  offered  his  services  with 
that  zeal  which  commands  them  on  every  occasion 
respecting  America.  He  suggested  to  me  the  meet- 
ing two  or  three  gentlemen  well  acquainted  with  this 
business.  We  met.  They  urged  me  to  propose  to 
the  Ct  de  Vergennes  the  appointing  a  committee  to 
take  this  matter  into  consideration.  I  told  them  that 
decency  would  not  permit  me  to  point  out  to  the  Ct 
de  Vergennes  the  mode  by  which  he  should  conduct 
a  negotiation,  but  that  I  would  press  again  the  neces- 
sity of  an  arrangement,  if  whilst  that  should  be  oper- 
ating on  his  mind  they  would  suggest  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  committee.  The  Marquis  offered  his  ser- 
vice for  this  purpose.  The  consequence  was  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  committee,  &  the  Marquis  as  a  mem- 
ber of  it.  I  communicated  to  him  my  papers.  He 
collected  other  lights  wherever  he  could,  &  particu- 
larly from  the  gentlemen  with  whom  he  had  before 
concerted,  and  who  had  a  good  acquaintance  with  the 
subject.  The  Marquis  became  our  champion  in  the 
committee  and  two  of  it's  members,  who  were  of  the 
corps  of  Farmers  general  entered  the  lists  on  the 


i786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  225 

other  side.  Each  gave  in  memorials.  The  lease  in- 
deed was  signed  while  I  was  gone  to  England,  but  the 
discussions  were  &  still  are  continued  in  the  Commit- 
tee from  which  we  derive  two  advantages,  i,  that  of 
shewing  that  the  object  is  not  to  be  relinquished  and 
2,  to  enlighten  government  as  to  it's  true  interest. 
The  Ct  de  Vergennes  is  absolutely  for  it ;  but  it  is  not 
in  his  department.  Calonnes  is  his  friend,  and  in 
this  instance  his  principle  seems  to  be  America  veri- 
tas,  sed  magis  amicus  Plato.  An  additional  hope  is 
founded  in  the  expectation  of  a  change  of  the  minister 
of  finance.  The  present  one  is  under  the  absolute  con- 
troul  of  the  farmers  general.  The  committee's  views 
have  been  somewhat  different  from  mine.  They  de- 
spair of  a  suppression  of  the  farm,  and  therefore  wish 
to  obtain  palliatives  which  would  coincide  with  the 
particular  good  of  this  country.  I  think  that  so  long 
as  the  monopoly  in  the  sale  is  kept  up,  it  is  of  no  con- 
sequence to  us  how  they  modify  the  pill  for  their  own 
internal  relief  :  but  on  the  contrary  the  worse  it  re- 
mains, the  more  necessary  it  will  render  a  reforma- 
tion. Any  palliative  would  take  from  us  all  those 
arguments  &  friends  who  would  be  satisfied  with 
accommodation.  The  Marquis,  tho  differing  in 
opinion  from  me  in  this  point,  has  however  adhered 
to  my  principle  of  absolute  liberty  or  nothing.  In 
this  condition  is  the  matter  at  this  moment.  Whether 
I  say  anything  on  the  subject  to  Mr.  Jay  will  depend 
on  my  interview  with  Ct  de  Vergennes.  I  doubt 
whether  that  will  furnish  anything  worth  communi- 
cating &  whether  it  will  be  in  time.  I  therefore 


VOL.    IV. — 15 


226  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

state  thus  much  to  you,  that  you  may  see  the  matter 
is  not  laid  aside. 

I  must  beg  leave  to  recommend  Colo  Humphreys 
to  your  acquaintance  &  good  offices.  He  is  an  excel- 
lent man,  an  able  one,  &  in  need  of  some  provision. 
Besides  former  applications  to  me  in  favor  of  Dumas, 
the  Rhingrave  of  Salm  (the  effective  minister  of  the 
government  of  Holland,  while  their  two  ambassadors 
here  are  ostensible,  and)  who  is  conducting  secret  ar- 
rangements for  them  with  this  court,  presses  his  inter- 
ests on  us.  It  is  evident  the  two  governments  make 
a  point  of  it.  You  ask  why  they  do  not  provide  for 
him  themselves  ?  I  am  not  not  able  to  answer  the 
question  but  by  a  conjecture  that  Dumas's  particular 
ambition  prefers  an  appointment  from  us.  I  know 
all  the  difficulty  about  this  application  which  Congress 
has  to  encounter.  I  see  the  reasons  against  giving 
him  the  primary  appointment  at  that  court,  and  the 
difficulty  of  his  accommodating  himself  to  a  subordi- 
nate one.  Yet  I  think  something  must  be  done  in  it 
to  gratify  this  court,  of  which  we  must  be  always  ask- 
ing favours.  In  these  countries  personal  favours 
weigh  more  than  public  interest.  The  minister  who 
has  asked  a  gratification  for  Dumas,  has  embarked 
his  own  feelings  &  reputation  in  that  demand.  I  do 
not  think  it  was  discreet  by  any  means.  But  this  re- 
flection might  perhaps  aggravate  a  disappointment. 
I  know  not  really  what  you  can  do  :  but  yet  hope 
something  will  be  done.  Adieu  my  dear  Sir  &  be- 
lieve me  to  be  yours  affectionately. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  227 

TO   THE   SECRETARY   FOR   FOREIGN   AFFAIRS. 

(JOHN  JAY.)  J.MSS. 

PARIS,  May  23,  1786. 

SIR, — Letters  received  both  from  Madrid  &  Algiers 
while  I  was  in  London  having  suggested  that  treaties 
with  the  states  of  Barbary  would  be  much  facilitated 
by  a  previous  one  with  the  Ottoman  porte,  it  was 
agreed  between  Mr.  Adams  and  myself  that  on  my 
return  I  should  consult  on  this  subject  the  Count  de 
Vergennes,  whose  long  residence  at  Constantinople 
rendered  him  the  best  judge  of  it's  expediency. 
Various  circumstances  have  put  it  out  of  my  power  to 
consult  him  till  to-day.  I  stated  to  him  the  difficulties 
we  were  likely  to  meet  with  at  Algiers  and  asked  his 
opinion  what  would  be  the  probable  expense  of  a 
diplomatic  mission  to  Constantinople,  &  what  it's 
effect  at  Algiers.  He  said  that  the  expense  would  be 
very  great,  for  that  presents  must  be  made  at  that 
court,  and  every  one  would  be  gaping  after  them ; 
and  that  it  would  not  procure  us  a  peace  at  Algiers 
one  penny  the  cheaper.  He  observed  that  the  Bar- 
bary states  acknoleged  a  sort  of  vassalage  to  the 
Porte,  &  availed  themselves  of  that  relation  when 
anything  was  to  be  gained  by  it :  but  that  whenever 
it  subjected  them  to  a  demand  from  the  Porte  they 
totally  disregarded  it :  that  money  was  the  sole  agent 
at  Algiers,  except  so  far  as  fear  could  be  induced  also. 
He  cited  the  present  example  of  Spain,  which  tho' 
having  a  treaty  with  the  Porte,  would  probably  be 
obliged  to  buy  a  peace  at  Algiers  at  the  expense  of 
upwards  of  six  millions  of  livres.  I  told  him  we  had 


228  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

calculated  from  the  demands  &  information  of  the 
Tripoline  ambassador  at  London  that  to  make  peace 
with  the  four  Barbary  states  would  cost  us  between 
two  &  three  hundred  thousand  guineas,  if  bought  with 
money.  The  sum  did  not  seem  to  exceed  his  expecta- 
tions. I  mentioned  to  him  that,  considering  the  in- 
certainty  of  a  peace  when  bought,  perhaps  Congress 
might  think  it  more  eligible  to  establish  a  cruise  of 
frigates  in  the  Mediterranean  &  even  to  blockade 
Algiers.  He  supposed  it  would  require  ten  vessels 
great  &  small.  I  observed  to  him  that  Monsr.  de 
Massiac  had  formerly  done  it  with  five  ;  he  said  it  was 
true,  but  that  vessels  of  relief  would  be  necessary.  I 
hinted  to  him  that  I  thought  the  English  capable  of 
administering  aid  to  the  Algerines.  He  seemed  to 
think  it  impossible,  on  account  of  the  scandal  it  would 
bring  on  them.  I  asked  him  what  had  occasioned  the 
blockade  by  Mr.  de  Massiac  :  he  said,  an  infraction  of 
their  treaty  by  the  Algerines.  I  had  a  good  deal  of 
conversation  with  him  also  on  the  situation  of  affairs 
between  England  &  the  United  States  :  &  particularly 
on  their  refusal  to  deliver  up  our  posts.  I  observed 
to  him  that  the  obstructions  thrown  in  the  way  of  the 
recovery  of  their  debts  were  the  effect  &  not  the  cause, 
as  they  pretended,  of  their  refusal  to  deliver  up  the 
posts  :  that  the  merchants  interested  in  these  debts 
shewed  a  great  disposition  to  make  arrangements  with 
us,  that  the  article  of  time  we  could  certainly  have 
settled,  &  probably  that  of  the  interest  during  the 
war :  but  that  the  minister  shewing  no  disposition  to 
have  these  matters  arranged,  I  thought  it  a  sufficient 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  229 

proof  that  this  was  not  the  true  cause  of  their  retain- 
ing the  posts.  He  concurred  as  to  the  justice  of  our 
requiring  time  for  the  paiment  of  our  debts ;  said 
nothing  which  shewed  a  difference  of  opinion  as  to 
the  article  of  interest,  and  seemed  to  believe  fully  that 
their  object  was  to  divert  the  channel  of  the  fur  trade 
before  they  delivered  up  the  posts,  and  expressed  a 
strong  sense  of  the  importance  of  that  commerce  to 
us.  I  told  him  I  really  could  not  foresee  what  would 
be  the  event  of  this  detention,  that  the  situation  of 
the  British  funds,  &  desire  of  their  minister  to  begin 
to  reduce  the  national  debt  seemed  to  indicate  that 
they  could  not  wish  a  war.  He  thought  so,  but  that 
neither  were  we  in  a  condition  to  go  to  war.  I  told 
him  I  was  yet  uninformed  what  Congress  proposed  to 
do  on  this  subject,  but  that  we  should  certainly  always 
count  on  the  good  offices  of  France,  and  I  was  sure 
that  the  offer  of  them  would  suffice  to  induce  Gr. 
Britain  to  do  us  justice.  He  said  that  surely  we 
might  always  count  on  the  friendship  of  France.  I 
added  that  by  the  treaty  of  alliance,  she  was  bound  to 
guarantee  our  limits  to  us,  as  they  should  be  established 
at  the  moment  of  peace.  He  said  they  were  so  "  mats 
qiiil  nous  etoit  necessaire  de  les  constater"  I  told  him 
there  was  no  question  what  our  boundaries  were,  that 
the  English  themselves  admitted  they  were  clear  be- 
yond all  question.  I  feared  however  to  press  this  any 
further  lest  a  reciprocal  question  should  be  put  to  me, 
&  therefore  diverted  the  conversation  to  another  ob- 
ject. This  is  a  sketch  only  of  a  conference  which  was 
lengthy.  I  have  endeavored  to  give  the  substance, 


230  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

&  sometimes  the  expressions  where  they  were  ma- 
terial. I  supposed  it  would  be  agreeable  to  Congress 
to  have  it  communicated  to  them,  in  the  present  un- 
decided state  in  which  these  subjects  are.  I  should 
add  that  an  explanation  of  the  transaction  of  Monsieur 
de  Massaic  with  the  Algerines,  before  hinted  at,  will 
be  found  in  the  enclosed  letter  from  the  Count  d'Es- 
taing  to  me,  wherein  he  gives  also  his  own  opinion. 
The  whole  is  submitted  to  Congress,  as  I  conceive  it 
my  duty  to  furnish  them  with  whatever  information  I 
can  gather  which  may  throw  any  light  on  the  subjects 
depending  before  them.  I  have  the  honour  to  be 
with  the  most  perfect  esteem  &  respect  Sir  your  most 
obedient  and  most  humble  servt. 


TO    THE    SECRETARY    OF     FOREIGN    AFFAIRS. 

(JOHN  JAY.)  J.MSS. 

PARIS,  May  27,  1786. 

SIR, — In  my  letter  of  January  2,  I  had  the  honour 
of  stating  to  you  what  had  passed  here  on  the  subject 
of  the  commerciable  articles  between  this  country  & 
the  United  States.  I  beg  leave  now  to  resume  that 
subject.  I  therein  informed  you  that  this  govern- 
ment had  agreed  to  receive  our  fish  oils  on  the  foot- 
ing on  which  they  receive  those  of  the  Hanseatic 
towns,  which  gave  us  a  reduction  of  duty  from  *6 — ,sj 
on  the  barrique  to  * — *•  amounting  to  about  *,  on 
the  English  ton,  according  to  a  statement  by  Monsf 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  231 

Sangrain  inclosed  in  that  letter.  This  was  true,  but 
there  was  another  truth  which  neither  that  statement, 
nor  any  other  evidence  I  then  had,  enabled  me  to  dis- 
cover, and  which  it  is  but  lately  I  could  be  ascertained 
of  ;  which  is  that  there  is  another  duty  called  the 
Droit  des  huiles  et  savons  to  which  the  Hans  towns 
are  subject,  as  we  are  also  of  consequence.  This  is  of 
6.  deniers  on  the  nett  pound,  and  10.  sous  per  livre 
on  that,  amounting  to  * — ^  on  the  nett  hundred, 
French  weight,  or  to  & — * — d6-  the  English  ton.  This 
with  the  reduced  duty  makes  about  ,£, — ^ — d6-,  or  very 
nearly  four  guineas  according  to  the  present  ex- 
change, on  the  English  ton.  Tho  this  be  still  advan- 
tageous when  compared  with  the  English  duty  of  18 
guineas,  yet  it  is  less  so  than  we  had  expected,  and  it 
will  remain,  when  we  apply  for  a  renewal  of  the  in- 
dulgence, to  see  whether  we  can  obtain  further  reduc- 
tion. 

The  fur  trade  is  an  object  of  desire  in  this  country. 
London  is  at  present  their  market  for  furs.  They 
pay  for  them  there  in  ready  money.  Could  they  draw 
their  furs  into  their  own  ports  from  the  U.  S.  they 
would  pay  us  for  them  in  productions.  Nor  should 
we  lose  by  the  change  of  market,  since,  tho  the 
French  pay  the  London  merchants  in  cash,  those 
merchants  pay  us  with  manufactures.  A  very  wealthy 
&  well  connected  company  is  proposing  here  to 
associate  themselves  with  an  American  company,  each 
to  possess  half  the  interest,  &  to  carry  on  the  fur 
trade  between  the  two  countries.  The  company  here 
expect  to  make  the  principal  part  of  the  advances ; 


232  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

they  also  are  sollicking  considerable  indulgencies  from 
this  government  from  which  the  part  of  the  company 
on  our  side  the  water  will  reap  half  the  advantage. 
As  no  exclusive  idea  enters  into  this  scheme,  it  ap- 
pears to  me  worthy  of  encouragement.  It  is  hoped 
the  government  here  will  interest  themselves  for  it's 
success.  If  they  do,  one  of  two  things  may  happen  : 
either  the  English  will  be  afraid  to  stop  the  vessels  of 
a  company  consisting  partly  of  French  subjects  & 
patronized  by  the  Court ;  in  which  case  the  commerce 
will  be  laid  open  generally  ;  or  if  they  stop  the  ves- 
sels, the  French  company,  which  is  strongly  connected 
with  men  in  power,  will  complain  in  form  to  their 
government,  who  may  thus  be  interested  as  principals 
in  the  rectification  of  this  abuse.  As  yet,  however, 
the  proposition  has  not  taken  such  a  form,  as  to 
assure  us  that  it  will  be  prosecuted  to  this  length. 

As  to  the  article  of  tobacco,  which  had  become 
an  important  branch  of  remittance  to  almost  all  the 
states,  I  had  the  honour  of  communicating  to  you  my 
proposition  to  the  court  to  abolish  the  monopoly  of 
it  in  their  farm ;  that  the  Ct.  de  Vergennes  was,  I 
thought,  thoroughly  sensible  of  the  expediency  of  this 
proposition,  and  disposed  to  befriend  it,  that  the 
renewal  of  the  lease  of  the  farms  had  been  conse- 
quently suspended  six  months  and  was  still  in  sus- 
pence,  but  that  so  powerful  were  the  Farmers  general 
and  so  tottering  the  tenure  of  the  Minister  of  finance 
in  his  office  that  I  despaired  of  preventing  the 
renewal  of  the  farm  at  that  time.  Things  were  in 
this  state  when  the  M.  de  la  Fayette  returned  from 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  233 

Berlin.  On  communicating  to  him  what  was  on  the 
carpet,  he  proposed  to  me  a  conference  with  some 
persons  well  acquainted  with  the  commercial  system 
of  this  country.  We  met.  They  proposed  the  en- 
deavouring to  have  a  committee  appointed  to  enquire 
into  the  subject.  The  proposition  was  made  to  the 
Ct.  de  Vergennes  who  befriended  it  &  had  the  M.  de 
la  Fayette  named  a  member  of  the  committee.  He 
became  of  course  the  active  and  truly  zealous  member 
for  the  liberty  of  commerce,  others,  tho'  well  disposed, 
not  chusing  to  oppose  the  farm  openly.  This  com- 
mittee has  met  from  time  to  time.  It  shewed  an 
early  and  decisive  conviction  that  the  measure  taken 
by  the  farm  to  put  the  purchase  of  their  tobaccoes  into 
monopoly  on  that  side  the  water,  as  the  sale  of  them 
was  on  this,  tended  to  the  annihilation  of  commerce 
between  the  two  countries.  Various  palliatives  were 
proposed  from  time  to  time.  I  confess  that  I  met 
them  all  with  indifference  ;  my  object  being  a  radical 
cure  of  the  evils  by  discontinuing  the  farm,  and  not  a 
mere  assuagement  of  it  for  the  present  moment, 
which  rendering  it  more  bearable,  might  lessen  the 
necessity  of  removing  it  totally,  &  perhaps  prevent 
that  removal.  In  the  mean  time  the  other  branches 
of  the  farm  rendered  the  renewal  of  the  lease  neces- 
sary and  it  being  said  to  be  too  far  advanced  to  have 
the  article  of  tobacco  separated  from  it  &  suspended, 
it  was  signed  in  the  month  of  March  while  I  was  in 
England,  with  a  clause,  which  is  usual,  that  the  King 
may  discontinue  when  he  pleases  on  certain  condi- 
tions. When  I  returned  I  found  here  a  Memorial 


234  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

from  the  merchants  of  1'Orient  complaining  of  their 
having  6000  hhds  of  tobo  on  hand,  and  of  the  dis- 
tresses they  were  under  from  the  loss  of  this  medium 
of  remittance.  I  enclosed  it  to  the  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes  and  asked  his  interference.  I  saw  him  on  the 
23d  inst  and  spoke  to  him  on  the  subject.  He  told 
me  there  was  to  be  a  committee  held  the  next  day  at 
Berni,  the  seat  of  the  Comptroller  general  &  that  he 
would  attend  it  himself  to  have  something  done.  I 
asked  him  if  I  was  to  consider  the  expunging  that 
article  from  the  farm  as  desperate.  He  said  that  the 
difficulty  of  changing  so  antient  an  institution  was 
immense.  That  the  King  draws  from  it  a  revenue 
of  29  millions  of  livres.  That  an  interruption  of  this 
revenue  at  least,  if  not  a  diminution,  would  attend  a 
change,  that  their  finances  were  not  in  a  condition  to 
bear  even  an  interruption,  and  in  short  that  no 
minister  could  venture  to  take  upon  himself  so 
hazardous  an  operation.  This  was  only  saying  ex- 
plicitly, what  I  had  long  been  sensible  of,  that  the 
comptroller  general's  continuance  in  office  was  too 
much  on  a  poise  to  permit  him  to  shift  this  weight  out 
of  his  own  scale  into  that  of  his  adversaries  ;  and  that 
we  must  be  contented  to  await  the  completion 
of  the  public  expectation  that  there  will  be  a  change 
in  this  office,  which  change  may  give  us  another 
chance  for  effecting  this  desirable  reformation.  In- 
cidents enough  will  arise  to  keep  this  object  in  our 
view,  and  to  direct  the  attention  to  it  as  the  only 
point  on  which  the  interests  &  harmony  of  the  two 
countries  (so  far  as  this  article  of  their  commerce  may 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  235 

influence)  will  ultimately  find  repose.  The  committee 
met  the  next  day.  The  only  question  agitated  was 
how  best  to  relieve  the  trade  under  its  double  mo- 
nopoly. The  committee  found  themselves  supported 
by  the  presence  and  sentiments  of  the  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes.  They  therefore  resolved  that  the  contract 
with  Mr.  Morris,  if  executed  on  his  part,  ought  not  to 
be  annulled  here,  but  that  no  similar  one  should  ever 
be  made  hereafter :  that,  so  long  as  it  continued,  the 
farmers  should  be  obliged  to  purchase  from  twelve  to 
15,000  hhds.  of  tobacco  a  year,  over  and  above  what 
they  should  receive  from  Mr.  Morris,  from  such  mer- 
chants as  should  bring  it  in  French  or  American 
vessels,  on  the  same  conditions  contracted  with  Mr. 
Morris ;  providing  however  that  where  the  cargo 
shall  not  be  assorted,  the  prices  shall  be  38*.  36*  & 
34*  for  the  i"  2?  &  3?  qualities  of  whichsoever  the 
cargo  may  consist.  In  case  of  dispute  about  the 
quality,  specimens  are  to  be  sent  to  the  council,  who 
will  appoint  persons  to  examine  and  decide  on  it. 
This  is  indeed  the  least  bad  of  all  the  palliatives 
which  have  been  proposed  :  but  it  contains  the  seeds 
of  perpetual  trouble :  it  is  easy  to  foresee  that  the 
farmers  will  multiply  difficulties  and  vexations  on 
those  who  shall  propose  to  sell  to  them  by  force  and 
that  these  will  be  making  perpetual  complaints,  so 
that  both  parties  will  be  kept  on  the  fret.  If,  with- 
out fatiguing  the  friendly  dispositions  of  the  ministry, 
this  should  give  them  just  so  much  trouble  as  may 
induce  them  to  look  to  the  demolition  of  the  mo- 
nopoly as  a  desirable  point  of  rest,  it  may  produce  a 


236  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

permanent  as  well  as  temporary  good.  This  deter- 
mination of  the  committee  needs  the  Kings  order  to 
be  carried  into  effect.  I  have  been  in  hourly  expec- 
tation of  receiving  official  information  that  it  is  ulti- 
mately confirmed  by  him.  But  as  yet  it  is  not  come, 
and  the  post  will  set  out  to-day.  Should  it  arrive  in 
time  I  will  enclose  it.  Should  it  not  arrive  as  I  do 
not  apprehend  any  danger  of  its  being  rejected,  or 
even  altered  materially  (seeing  that  M.  de  Vergennes 
approved  of  it  &  M.  de  Calonne  acquiesced)  I  have 
supposed  you  would  wish  to  be  apprized  of  its  sub- 
stance for  a  communication  of  which  I  am  indebted 
to  the  M.  de  la  Fayette.  Tho'  you  cannot  publish  it 
formally  till  you  know  it  is  confirmed  by  the  King 
yet  an  authoritative  kind  of  notice  may  be  given  to 
the  merchants  to  put  them  on  their  guard.  Other- 
wise the  merchants  here,  having  first  knowledge  of  it, 
may  by  their  agents  purchase  up  all  the  tobaccoes  they 
have  on  hand,  at  a  low  price  &  thus  engross  to  them- 
selves all  the  benefit. 

In  the  same  letter  of  January  2d  I  mentioned  that 
the  rice  of  Carolina  compared  with  that  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean was  better  &  dearer.  This  was  my  own  obser- 
vation, having  examined  both  in  the  shops  here  where 
they  are  retailed.  Further  enquiries  gave  me  reason 
to  believe  that  the  rice  of  Carolina,  on  it's  arrival  is 
fouler  &  cheaper  ;  and  that  it  is  obliged  to  be  cleaned 
here  before  it  is  saleable.  That  this  advances  the 
price,  but  at  the  same  time  the  quality  also,  beyond 
that  of  the  Mediterranean.  Whether  the  trouble  of 
this  operation  discourages  the  merchant,  or  the  price 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  237 

the  consumer,  or  whether  the  merchants  of  Carolina 
have  not  yet  learnt  the  way  to  this  market,  I  cannot 
tell.  I  find  in  fact  that  but  a  small  proportion  of  the 
rice  consumed  here  is  from  the  American  market,  but 
the  consumption  of  this  article  here  is  immense.  If 
the  makers  of  American  rice  would  endeavour  to 
adapt  the  preparation  of  it  to  the  taste  of  this  coun- 
try so  as  to  give  it  over  the  mediterranean  rice  the 
advantage  of  which  it  seems  susceptible,  it  would 
very  much  increase  the  quantity  for  which  they  may 
find  sale.  As  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  find  it  is 
received  here  on  a  favourable  footing.  I  shall 
reserve  my  letter  open  to  the  last  moment  in  hopes 
of  being  able  to  put  into  it  the  order  of  the  King  to 
the  Farmers  general.  I  have  the  honor  of  enclosing 
a  copy  of  their  contract  with  Mr.  Morris  to  which 
the  resolution  of  the  Committee  refers  &  to  be  with 
sentiments  &c.  &c.,  &c. 


TO  M.   LA  MORLIENE.  J.  MSS. 

PARIS,  June  3,  1786. 

SIR, — It  is  six  years  since  the  paper  money  of  New 
England  has  ceased  to  circulate  as  money.  It  is  con- 
sidered at  present  as  making  a  part  of  the  national 
debt,  and  that  the  holders  of  it  will  be  entitled  to 
receive  from  the  public  as  much  gold  or  silver  as 
the  paper  money  could  have  brought  at  the  time  it 
was  received  by  the  holder  with  an  interest  of  6  per 
cent,  per  annum.  But  as  yet  no  precise  arrangements 
have  been  taken  for  the  paiment  either  of  principal 


238  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

or  interest.  Most  of  the  subjects  of  France,  having 
paper  money,  have  deposited  it  in  the  hands  of  the 
French  Minister  or  Consul  at  New  York,  that  pai- 
ment  may  be  demanded  whenever  it  shall  be  provided 
by  Congress.  There  are  even  speculators  in  America 
who  will  purchase  it.  But  they  give  much  less  than 
it  is  worth.  As  for  myself  I  do  not  deal  in  it.  I  am 
Sir  your  very  humble  servt. 


TO    THE    SWEDISH    EMBASSADOR    AT    PARIS. 

(BARON  STAKE.)  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  June  12,  1786. 

SIR, — In  compliance  with  your  Excellency's  desire 
I  will  throw  on  paper  such  considerations  as  occur  to 
me  on  the  question  "  How  may  the  island  of  St 
Bartholomews  be  rendered  instrumental  for  promoting 
commerce  between  Sweden  and  the  United  States." 
They  will  be  rapid,  undigested  &  incomplete  :  but  a 
desire  of  contributing  to  bind  the  two  Countries  to- 
gether in  interest,  and  a  respect  for  your  commands 
will  induce  me  to  hazard  them.  I  shall  make  the  in- 
terests of  Sweden  the  basis  of  my  theory  because  we 
have  no  right  to  expect  her  to  depart  from  them  in 
order  to  promote  ours. 

Antient  nations  considered  Colonies  principally  as 
Receptacles  for  a  too  numerous  population,  and  as 
natural  &  useful  allies  in  times  of  war :  but  modern 
nations,  viewing  commerce  as  an  object  of  first  im- 
portance, value  Colonies  chiefly  as  Instruments  for 


1 7 86]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  239 

the  increase  of  that.  This  is  principally  effected  by 
their  taking  commodities  from  the  mother  State, 
whether  raised  within  herself,  or  obtained  elsewhere 
in  the  course  of  her  trade  &  furnishing  in  return 
Colonial  productions  necessary  for  her  consumption 
or  for  her  commerce  of  exchange  with  other  nations. 
In  this  way  the  Colonies  of  Spain,  Portugal,  France 
and  England  have  been  chiefly  subservient  to  the 
advantages  of  their  Mother  Country.  In  this  way 
too  in  a  smaller  degree  has  Denmark  derived  utility 
from  her  American  Colonies  and  so  also  Holland, 
except  as  to  the  Island  of  St.  Eustatius.  This  is  by 
nature  a  rock,  barren  and  unproductive  in  itself,  but 
its  owners  became  sensible  that  what  Nature  had 
denied  it,  Policy  could  more  than  supply.  It  was 
conveniently  situated  for  carrying  on  contraband 
trade  with  both  the  continents  &  with  the  islands  of 
America.  They  made  it  therefore  an  entrepot  for  all 
nations.  Hither  are  brought  the  productions  of  every 
other  part  of  America  and  the  Dutch  give  in  exchange 
such  articles  as  in  the  course  of  their  commerce  they 
can  most  advantageously  gather  up.  And  it  is  a 
question,  on  which  they  will  not  enable  us  to  decide, 
whether  by  furnishing  American  productions  to  the 
commerce  of  Holland  &  by  finding  vent  for  such  pro- 
ductions of  the  old  world  as  the  Dutch  merchants 
obtain  to  advantage,  the  barren  rock  of  saint  Eusta- 
tius does  not  give  more  activity  to  their  commerce  & 
leave  with  them  greater  profits,  than  their  more  fer- 
tile possessions  on  the  continent  of  South  America. 
The  Danes  finding  that  their  islands  were  capable  of 


240  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

yielding  but  moderate  advantages  by  their  native 
productions,  have  also  laid  them  open  to  foreign 
commerce,  in  order  to  draw  thro'  them  articles  which 
they  do  not  produce  in  themselves,  or  not  in  great 
quantities.  But  these  nations,  only  half  emancipated 
from  the  fetters  of  commercial  prejudicies,  have  taken 
only  half  a  step  towards  placing  these  institutions  on 
their  best  footing.  Both  the  Dutch  &  Danish  free- 
ports  are  under  restrictions  which  discourage  very 
much  the  operations  of  exchange  in  them. 

The  island  of  St.  Bartholomew,  lately  ceded  to 
Sweden,  is,  if  I  am  rightly  informed,  capable  of  fur- 
nishing little  of  its  own  productions  to  that  country. 
It  remains  then  to  make  it  the  instrument  for  obtain- 
ing through  its  intermediation  such  American  pro- 
ductions as  Sweden  can  consume  or  dispose  of,  and 
for  finding  in  return  a  vent  for  the  native  productions 
of  Sweden.  Let  us  suppose  it  then  made  a  free  port 
without  a  single  restriction.  These  consequences  will 
follow  :  i.  It  will  draw  to  itself  that  tide  of  com- 
merce which  at  present  sets  towards  the  Dutch  and 
Danish  islands,  because  vessels  going  to  these  are 
often  obliged  to  negotiate  a  part  of  their  cargoes  at 
saint  Eustatius,  and  to  go  to  saint  Thomas's  to  nego- 
tiate the  residue,  whereas  when  they  shall  know  that 
there  is  a  port  where  all  articles  are  free  both  for  im- 
portation and  exportation,  they  will  go  to  that  port 
which  enables  them  to  perform  by  one  voiage  the  ex- 
changes which  hitherto  they  could  only  effect  by  two. 
2.  Every  species  of  American  produce,  whether  of 
the  precious  metals  or  commodities,  which  Sweden 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  241 

may  want  for  its  own  consumption  or  as  aliment  for 
its  own  commerce  with  other  nations,  will  be  collected 
either  fairly  or  by  contraband  into  the  magazines  of 
Saint  Bartholomew.  3.  All  the  productions  which 
Sweden  can  furnish  from  within  itself  or  obtain  to  ad- 
vantage from  other  nations,  will  in  like  manner  be 
deposited  in  the  magazines  of  S'  Bartholomew,  and 
will  be  carried  to  the  several  ports  of  America  in 
paiment  for  what  shall  be  taken  from  them. 

If  it  be  objected  that  this  unrestrained  license  will 
give  opportunity  to  the  subjects  of  other  nations  to 
carry  on  exchanges  there  in  which  Sweden  will  be  no 
ways  interested  :  I  say,  i.  That  there  will  be  few  of 
these  operations  into  which  the  Swedish  merchants 
will  not  be  taken  in  the  beginning  or  in  the  long  run. 
2.  That  there  will  be  few  of  these  exchanges  into 
which  Swedish  productions  will  not  enter,  when  pro- 
ductions of  that  nature  are  wanted  in  return.  3.  But 
suppose  neither  Swedish  merchants  nor  productions 
enter  into  the  operation,  what  objections  can  Sweden 
have  to  other  people's  meeting  in  one  of  her  ports  to 
carry  on  their  commercial  exchanges  ?  On  the  con- 
trary, would  not  every  enlightened  nation  be  glad  if 
all  others  would  come  to  her  as  a  common  center  for 
commercial  operations  ?  If  all  the  merchants  who 
make  the  exchanges  of  commerce  in  Amsterdam, 
London,  Lisbon,  Leghorn,  etc  would  go  by  common 
consent  to  perform  these  operations  in  Stockholm, 
would  that  wise  Government  obstruct  such  an  assem- 
bly ?  If  all  the  exchanges  now  made  in  the  several 
parts  of  the  two  continents,  &  of  the  islands,  of 


242  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

America,  in  Philadelphia  for  instance,  Charlestown, 
S'  Eustatius,  Porto-bello,  Rio  Janeiro,  were  proposed 
to  be  transferred  to  the  island  of  S-  Bartholomew 
would  that  island  be  rendered  thereby  less  able  to 
promote  the  commerce  of  the  mother  country  ? 

These  general  observations  have  anticipated  the 
answer  to  our  question,  How  may  the  island  of  S' 
Bartholomew  be  rendered  instrumental  to  the  par- 
ticular commerce  between  Sweden  and  the  United 
States  ?  The  United  States  have  much  occasion  for  the 
productions  of  Sweden,  particularly  for  it's  iron.  For 
a  part  of  this  they  can  furnish  indigo,  rice,  tobacco  : 
and  so  far  the  exchange  may  be  effected  by  the  mer- 
chants of  the  two  countries  in  the  ports  of  the  United 
States  or  of  Sweden.  The  surplus  of  the  want  they 
cannot  take  at  all  unless  Sweden  will  administer  to 
them  the  means  of  paying  for  it.  This  she  may  do 
by  receiving  at  S'  Bartholomew  whatever  produc- 
tions they  will  bring.  They  will  of  course  send  there 
flour,  saltfish,  &  other  things  wanting  in  the  other 
ports  of  America,  which  by  the  Swedish  merchants  at 
S'  Bartholomew,  will  be  run  into  those  ports  and  ex- 
changed for  precious  metals  or  commercial  commodi- 
ties :  or  the  American  merchant  taking  on  himself 
those  operations  will  run  his  flour  or  salt  fish  into 
those  ports  himself,  take  cash  or  such  commercial 
articles  as  suit  Sweden,  &  go  with  these  to  S'  Bar- 
tholomew to  pay  for  the  iron  he  wants. 

The  interest  of  the  United  States  then  is  that  St. 
Bartholomew  be  made  a  port  of  unlimited  freedom, 
&  such  too  is  evidently  the  interest  of  Sweden.  If  it 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  243 

be  freed  by  halves,  the  freeports  of  other  nations,  at 
present  in  possession  of  the  commerce,  will  retain  it 
against  any  new  port  offering  no  superior  advantages. 
The  situation  of  St.  Bartholomew  is  very  favorable 
to  these  views,  as  it  is  among  the  most  Windward, 
and  therefore  the  most  accessible,  of  the  West  Indian 
Islands.  How  far  they  may  be  seconded  by  the  char- 
acter of  its  port,  the  government  of  Sweden  will  best 
know,  as  they  have  taken  the  necessary  informations 
on  that  point. 

Unacquainted  with  the  details  of  commerce  I  am 
able  to  present  only  general  views  of  this  subject, 
they  are  such  however  as  experience  seems  to  have 
approved.  They  may  appear  founded  on  a  want  of 
attention  to  the  laws  of  society,  inconsistent  with 
sound  morality — but  first  let  the  line  be  drawn 
between  the  just  and  equal  regulations  of  associated 
states,  and  the  partial  and  oppressive  rescripts  of 
Metropolitan  cupidity,  &  we  shall  see  whether  the 
Interloper,  or  the  Legislator  of  Chili  &  Peru  is  on  the 
right  side  of  that  line.  They  will  need  apology  for 
another  cause  where  it  will  be  more  difficult  to  be 
found ;  that  is  as  they  offer  nothing  but  what  would 
have  occurred,  &  in  a  better  form,  to  yourself.  No- 
body is  more  sensible  of  this  than  myself  :  and  I  can 
expect  your  indulgence  only  by  praying  you  to  con- 
sider them,  not  as  pretending  to  any  information 
which  you  do  not  already  possess,  but  as  the  offerings 
of  that  perfect  esteem  &  respect  with  which  I  have 
the  honor  to  be  your  hble  servt. 


244  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

TO  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  June  20  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — *  *  *  I  find  that  all  the  states  had 
come  into  the  impost  except  N.  York  whose  assem- 
bly were  then  sitting  &  it  was  thought  would  adopt 
it.  N.  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rho.  isld.  New 
Jersey,  Delaware  &  Virginia  have  agreed  to  confer 
on  Congress  the  regulation  of  their  trade,  &  lest  this 
disjointed  method  of  proceeding  should  fail  of  it's 
effect,  the  latter  has  appointed  commissioners  &  in- 
vited the  other  states  to  do  the  same  to  meet  & 
settle  an  article  of  Confederation  for  this  purpose. 
Virginia  has  declared  Kentucky  an  independent  state, 
provided  it's  inhabitants  consent  to  it,  &  Congress 
will  receive  them  into  a  union.  Massachusetts  has 
repealed  so  much  of  her  navigation  act  as  respected 
any  foreign  nation  except  Gr.  Britain.  Contributions 
of  money  come  slowly  to  the  public  treasury.  A 
committee  of  Congress  have  drawn  a  strong  report 
on  that  subject,  which  has  produced  a  good  effect  in 
the  states. 

In  a  letter  of  Mar.  20,  from  Dr.  Franklin  to  me  is 
this  passage  :  "As  to  public  affairs  the  Congress  has 
not  been  able  to  assemble  more  than  7  or  8  states 
during  the  whole  winter,  so  the  treaty  with  Prussia  re- 
mains still  unratified,  tho'  there  is  no  doubt  of  its  being 
done  so  soon  as  a  full  Congress  assembles  which  is  ex- 
pected next  month.  The  disposition  to  furnish  Con- 
gress with  ample  powers  augments  daily,  as  people 
become  more  enlightened,  &  I  do  not  remember  ever 
to  have  seen,  during  my  long  life,  more  signs  of 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  245 

public  felicity  than  appear  at  present  throughout  these 
states  ;  the  cultivators  of  the  earth  who  make  the  bulk 
of  our  nation,  have  made  good  crops,  which  are  paid 
for  at  high  prices,  with  ready  money  ;  the  artisans  too 
receive  high  wages,  &  the  value  of  all  real  estates  is 
augmented  greatly.  Merchants  &  shopkeepers  in- 
deed complain  that  there  is  not  business  enough. 
But  this  is  evidently  not  owing  to  the  fewness  of 
buyers,  but  to  the  too  great  number  of  sellers ;  for 
the  consumption  of  goods  was  never  greater,  as 
appears  by  the  dress,  furniture  &  manner  of  living 
of  all  ranks  of  the  people."  His  health  is  good, 
except  as  to  the  stone  which  does  not  grow  worse. 
I  thank  you  for  your  attention  to  my  request  about 
the  books  which  Mr.  Barclay  writes  me  he  has 
forwarded  from  Cadiz. 


TO  JAMES  MONROE.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS,  July  9,  1-786. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  wrote  you  last  on  the  loth  of  May, 
since  which  your  favor  of  May  1 1  has  come  to  hand. 
The  political  world  enjoys  great  quiet  here.  The  King 
of  Prussia  is  still  living,  but  like  the  snuff  of  a  candle 
which  sometimes  seems  out,  &  then  blazes  up  again. 
Some  think  that  his  death  will  not  produce  any 
immediate  effect  in  Europe.  His  kingdom,  like  a 
machine  will  go  on  for  some  time  with  the  winding 
up  he  has  given  it.  The  King's  visit  to  Cherbourg 
has  made  a  great  sensation  in  England  &  here.  It 


246  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

proves  to  the  world  that  it  is  a  serious  object  to  this 
country,  and  that  the  King  commits  himself  for  the 
accomplishment  of  it.  Indeed  so  many  cones  have 
been  sunk  that  no  doubt  remains  of  the  practicability 
of  it.  It  will  contain,  as  is  said,  80  ships  of  the  line, 
be  one  of  the  best  harbours  in  the  world,  &  by  means 
of  two  entrances  on  different  sides  will  admit  vessels 
to  come  in  and  go  out  with  every  wind.  The  effect 
of  this  in  another  war  with  England  defies  calcula- 
tion. Having  no  news  to  communicate  I  will  recur 
to  the  subjects  of  your  letter  of  May  1 1. 

With  respect  to  the  new  states  were  the  question  to 
stand  simply  in  this  form  :  How  may  the  ultramontane 
territory  be  disposed  of  so  as  to  produce  the  greatest 
&  most  immediate  benefit  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
maritime  states  of  the  union  ?  the  plan  would  be  more 
plausible  of  laying  it  off  into  two  or  three  states  only. 
Even  on  this  view  however  there  would  still  be  some- 
thing to  be  said  against  it  which  might  render  it  at 
least  doubtful.  But  it  is  a  question  which  good  faith 
forbids  us  to  receive  into  discussion.  This  requires 
us  to  state  the  question  in  its  just  form,  How  may 
the  territories  of  the  Union  be  disposed  of  so  as  to 
produce  the  greatest  degree  of  happiness  to  their 
inhabitants  ?  With  respect  to  the  maritime  states 
nothing  or  little  remains  to  be  done.  With  re- 
spect then  to  the  ultramontane  states,  will  their 
inhabitants  be  happiest  divided  into  states  of  30,000 
square  miles,  not  quite  as  large  as  Pennsylvania,  or 
into  states  of  160,000  square  miles  each,  that  is  to 
say  three  times  as  large  as  Virginia  within  the  Alle- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  247 

ghany  ?  They  will  not  only  be  happier  in  states  of  a 
moderate  size,  but  it  is  the  only  way  in  which  they 
can  exist  as  a  regular  society.  Considering  the 
American  character  in  general,  that  of  those  people 
particularly,  and  the  inergetic  nature  of  our  govern- 
ments, a  state  of  such  extent  as  160,000  square  miles 
would  soon  crumble  into  little  ones.  These  are  the 
circumstances  which  reduce  the  Indians  to  such  small 
societies.  They  would  produce  an  effect  on  our 
people  similar  to  this.  They  would  not  be  broken 
into  such  small  pieces  because  they  are  more  habitu- 
ated to  subordination,  &  value  more  a  government  of 
regular  law.  But  you  would  surely  reverse  the  nature 
of  things  in  making  small  states  on  the  ocean  &  large 
ones  beyond  the  mountains.  If  we  could  in  our 
consciences  say  that  great  states  beyond  the  moun- 
tains will  make  the  people  happiest,  we  must  still 
ask  whether  they  will  be  contented  to  be  laid  off  into 
large  states  ?  They  certainly  will  not ;  and  if  they 
decide  to  divide  themselves,  we  are  not  able  to  restrain 
them.  They  will  end  by  separating  from  our  con- 
federacy &  becoming  it's  enemies.  We  had  better 
then  look  forward  &  see  what  will  be  the  probable 
course  of  things.  This  will  surely  be  a  division  of 
that  country  into  states  of  a  small,  or  at  most  of  a 
moderate  size.  If  we  lay  them  off  into  such,  they 
will  acquiesce,  and  we  shall  have  the  advantage  of 
arranging  them  so  as  to  produce  the  best  combina- 
tions of  interest.  What  Congress  has  already  done 
in  this  matter  is  an  argument  the  more  in  favour  of 
the  revolt  of  those  states  against  a  different  arrange- 


248  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

ment,  and  of  their  acquiescence  under  a  continuance 
of  that.  Upon  this  plan,  we  treat  them  as  fellow 
citizens,  they  will  have  a  just  share  in  their  own 
government,  they  will  love  us,  &  pride  themselves  in 
an  union  with  us.  Upon  the  other  we  treat  them  as 
subjects,  we  govern  them,  &  not  they  themselves, 
they  will  abhor  us  as  masters,  &  break  off  from  us  in 
defiance.  I  confess  to  you  that  I  can  see  no  other 
turn  that  these  two  plans  would  take.  But  I  respect 
your  opinion,  and  your  knowledge  of  the  country  too 
much,  to  be  ever  confident  in  my  own. 

I  thank  you  sincerely  for  your  communication,  that 
my  not  having  sooner  given  notice  of  the  Arrets 
relative  to  fish  gave  discontent  to  some  persons. 
These  are  the  most  friendly  offices  you  can  do  me, 
because  they  enable  me  to  justify  myself  if  I  am  right, 
or  correct  myself  if  wrong.  If  those  who  thought  I 
might  have  been  remiss  would  have  written  to 
me  on  the  subject,  I  should  have  loved  them  for  their 
candour  &  thanked  them  for  it :  for  I  have  no  jeal- 
ousies nor  resentments  at  things  of  this  kind  where 
I  have  no  reason  to  believe  they  have  been  excited 
by  a  hostile  spirit,  &  I  suspect  no  such  spirit  in  a 
single  member  of  Congress.  You  know  there  were 
two  Arrets  the  first  of  Aug.  30,  1784,  the  2d.  of  the 
1 8th  &  25th  of  September,  1785.  As  to  the  first  it 
would  be  a  sufficient  justification  of  myself  to  say 
that  it  was  in  the  time  of  my  predecessor,  nine 
months  before  I  came  into  office,  &  that  there  was  no 
more  reason  for  my  giving  information  of  it  when  I 
did  come  into  office  than  of  all  the  other  transactions 


1 7 86]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  249 

which  preceded  that  period.  But  this  would  seem 
to  lay  a  blame  on  Dr.  Franklin  for  not  communicating 
it  which  I  am  conscious  he  did  not  deserve.  This 
government  affects  a  secrecy  in  all  its  transactions 
whatsoever,  tho  they  be  of  a  nature  not  to  admit  a 
perfect  secrecy.  Their  Arrets  respecting  the  islands 
go  to  those  islands  and  are  unpublished  &  unknown 
in  France  except  in  the  bureau  where  they  are 
formed.  That  of  Aug.  1784,  would  probably  be 
communicated  to  the  merchants  of  the  seaport  towns 
also.  But  Paris  having  no  commercial  connections 
with  them,  if  anything  makes  it's  way  from  a  seaport 
town  to  Paris,  it  must  be  by  accident.  We  have 
indeed  agents  in  these  seaports  :  but  they  value  their 
offices  so  little  that  they  do  not  trouble  themselves  to 
inform  us  of  what  is  passing  there.  As  a  proof  that 
these  things  do  not  transpire  here,  nor  are  easily  got 
at,  recollect  that  Mr.  Adams,  Dr.  Franklin  and  my- 
self were  all  here  on  the  spot  together  from  Aug. 
1784.  to  June  1785.  that  is  to  say  10.  months,  and  yet 
not  one  of  us  knew  of  the  Arret  of  Aug.  1784. 
September  18  &  25  1785.  the  second  was  passed. 
&  here  alone  I  became  responsible.  I  think  it  was 
about  6  weeks  before  I  got  notice  of  it,  that  is  in 
November.  On  the  2oth  of  that  month  writing  to 
Count  de  Vergennes  on  another  subject  I  took  occa- 
sion to  remonstrate  to  him  on  that.  But  from  early 
in  November  when  the  Fitzhughs  went  to  America, 
I  had  never  a  confidential  opportunity  of  writing  to 
Mr.  Jay  from  hence  directly  for  several  months.  In 
a  letter  of  Dec.  14  to  Mr.  Jay  I  mentioned  to  him  the 


2so  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

want  of  opportunity  to  write  to  him  confidentially, 
which  obliged  me  at  that  moment  to  write  by  post  via 
London  &  on  such  things  only  as  both  post  offices 
were  welcome  to  see.  On  the  2d  January  Mr. 
Bingham  setting  out  for  London,  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Jay, 
sending  him  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  Ct.  de  Vergennes, 
and  stating  something  which  had  passed  in  conversa- 
tion on  the  same  subject.  I  prayed  Mr.  Bingham  to 
take  charge  of  the  letter,  &  either  to  send  it  by  a  safe 
hand  or  carry  it  himself  as  circumstances  should 
render  most  advisable.  I  believe  he  kept  it  to  carry 
himself.  He  did  not  sail  from  London  till  about  the 
1 2th  of  March,  nor  arrived  in  America  till  about  the 
middle  of  May.  Thus  you  see  what  causes  had  pre- 
vented a  letter  which  I  had  written  on  the  2oth  of 
November  from  getting  to  America  till  the  month  of 
May.  No  wonder  then  if  notice  of  this  Arret  came 
first  to  you  by  way  of  the  W.  Indies ;  and  in 
general,  I  am  confident  that  you  will  receive  notice 
of  the  regulations  of  this  country  respecting  their 
islands  by  the  way  of  those  islands  before  you  will 
from  hence.  Nor  can  this  be  remedied  but  by  a  sys- 
tem of  bribery  which  would  end  in  the  corruption  of 
your  own  ministers,  &  produce  no  good  adequate  to 
the  expense.  Be  so  good  as  to  communicate  these 
circumstances  to  the  persons  who  you  think  may  have 
supposed  me  guilty  of  remissness  on  this  occasion. 

I  will  turn  to  a  subject  more  pleasing  to  both,  and 
give  you  my  sincere  congratulations  on  your  mar- 
riage. Your  own  dispositions  and  the  inherent  com- 
forts of  that  state  will  insure  you  a  great  addition  of 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  251 

happiness.  Long  may  you  live  to  enjoy  it,  &  enjoy 
it  in  full  measure.  The  interest  I  feel  in  every  one 
connected  with  you  will  justify  my  presenting  my 
earliest  respects  to  the  lady,  and  of  tendering  her  the 
homage  of  my  friendship.  I  shall  be  happy  at  all 
times  to  be  useful  to  either  of  you  &  to  receive  your 
commands.  I  inclose  you  the  bill  of  lading  of  your 
Encyclopedie.  With  respect  to  the  remittance  for 
it,  of  which  you  make  mention,  I  beg  you  not  to 
think  of  it.  I  know  by  experience  that  proceeding  to 
make  a  settlement  in  life,  a  man  has  need  of  all  his 
resources  ;  and  I  should  be  unhappy  were  you  to 
lessen  them  by  an  attention  to  this  trifle.  Let  it 
lie  till  you  have  nothing  else  to  do  with  your  money. 
Adieu  my  dear  Sir  and  be  assured  of  the  esteem  with 
which  I  am,  your  friend  &  servt. 


TO   JOHN    ADAMS.  j.  MSS. 

Paris  July  9.  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — *  *  *  Have  you  no  news  yet  of  the 
treaty  with  Portugal  ?  does  it  hang  with  that  court  ? 
My  letters  from  N  York  of  the  i  ith  of  May  inform  me 
that  there  were  then  11.  states  present  &  that  they 
should  ratify  the  Prussian  treaty  immediately.  As 
the  time  for  exchange  of  ratifications  is  drawing  to  a 
close,  tell  me  what  is  to  be  done,  and  how  this  ex- 
change is  to  be  made.  We  may  as  well  have  this 
settled  between  us  before  the  arrival  of  the  ratification, 
that  no  time  may  be  lost  after  that.  I  learn  through 


252  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

the  Marechal  de  Castries  that  he  has  information  of 
New  York's  having  ceded  the  impost  in  the  form 
desired  by  Congress,  so  as  to  close  this  business. 
Corrections  in  the  acts  of  Maryland,  Pensylvania  &c. 
will  come  of  course.  We  have  taken  up  again  the 
affair  of  whale  oil,  that  they  may  know  in  time  in 
America  what  is  to  be  done  in  it.  I  fear  we  shall  not 
obtain  any  farther  abatement  of  duties  ;  but  the  last 
abatement  will  be  continued  for  three  years.  The 
whole  duties  payable  here  are  nearly  102  livres  on 
the  English  ton,  which  is  an  atom  more  than  four 
guineas  according  to  the  present  exchange. 

The  monopoly  of  the  purchase  of  tobacco  for  this 
country  which  had  been  obtained  by  Robert  Morris 
had  thrown  the  commerce  of  that  article  in  agonies. 
He  had  been  able  to  reduce  the  price  in  America 
from  4<D/  to  22/6.  lawful  the  hundred  weight,  and  all 
other  merchants  being  deprived  of  that  medium  of 
remittance  the  commerce  between  American  &  that 
country,  so  far  as  it  depended  on  that  article,  which 
was  very  capitally  too,  was  absolutely  ceasing.  An 
order  has  been  obtained  obliging  the  farmers  general 
to  purchase  from  such  other  merchants  as  shall  offer, 
15,000  hogsheads  of  tobacco  at  34.  36.  &  38.  livres 
the  hundred  according  to  the  quality,  and  to  grant  to 
the  sellers  in  other  respects  the  same  terms  as  they 
had  granted  to  Robert  Morris.  As  this  agreement 
with  Morris  is  the  basis  of  this  order  I  send  you  some 
copies  of  it  which  I  will  thank  you  to  give  to  any 
American  (not  British)  merchants  in  London  who 
may  be  in  that  line.  During  the  year  this  contract 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  253 

has  subsisted,  Virginia  &  Maryland  have  lost  400, 
OOO;£  by  the  reduction  of  the  price  of  their  tobacco. 
I  am  meditating  what  step  to  take  to  provoke  a 
letter  from  Mrs.  Adams,  from  whom  my  files  inform 
me  I  have  not  received  one  these  hundred  years.  In 
the  meantime  present  my  affectionate  respects  to  her, 
and  be  assured  of  the  friendship  &  esteem  with  which 
I  have  the  honour  to  be  Dear  Sir  your  most  obedient, 
and  most  humble  servt. 


TO  HECTOR  ST.  JOHN  CREVECCEUR.  j.  Mss. 

PARIS  July  ii.  1786. 

SIR, — I  have  been  honored  with  a  letter  from  M. 
Delisle  Lt.  Gl.  au  bailliage  de  laen,  to  which  is  an- 
nexed a  postscript  from  yourself.  Being  unable  to 
write  in  French  so  as  to  be  sure  of  conveying  my  true 
meaning,  or  perhaps  any  meaning  at  all,  I  will  beg  of 
you  to  interpret  what  I  have  now  the  honor  to  write. 

It  is  time  that  the  United  States,  generally,  &  most 
of  the  separate  states  in  particular,  are  endeavoring  to 
establish  means  to  pay  the  interest  of  their  public  debts 
regularly,  &  to  sink  it's  principal  by  degrees.  But  as 
yet  their  efforts  have  been  confined  to  that  part  of 
their  debts  which  is  evidenced  by  certificates*  I  do 
not  think  that  any  state  has  yet  taken  measures  for 
paying  their  paper  money  debt.  The  principle  on 
which  it  shall  be  paid  I  take  to  be  settled,  tho'  not  di- 
rectly yet  virtually,  by  the  resolution  of  Congress  of 
June  3d.  1 784.  that  is  that  they  will  pay  the  holder  or 
his  representatives  what  the  money  was  worth  at  the 


254  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

time  he  received  it,  with  an  interest  from  that  time  of 
6.  per  cent,  per  annum.  It  is  not  said  in  the  letter 
whether  the  money  received  by  Barboutin  was  Con- 
tinental money  or  Virginia  money ;  nor  is  it  said  at 
what  time  it  was  received.  But  that  M.  Delisle  may 
be  enabled  to  judge  what  the  5398  dollars  were  worth 
in  hard  money  when  Barboutin  received  them,  I  will 
state  to  you  what  was  the  worth  of  one  hard  dollar 
both  in  Continental  &  Virginia  money  through  the 
whole  of  the  year  1779  &  1780.  within  some  part  of 
which  it  was  probably  received. 

CONTINENTAL  MONEY.  VIRGINIA    MONEY. 

1779— Jan-  9.  7TTO  1779— Jan->  8  1780— Jan.,  42 

"  24,  8^fo  Feb.,  10  Feb.,  45 

Feb.  ii,  9^ff  Mar.,  10  Mar.,  50 

Mar.  2,  10  Apr.,  16  Apr.,  60 

Apr.  2,  iiTV2ty  May,  20  May,  60 

May  10,  i2^a  June,  20  June,  65 

June  21,  14^  July,  21  Juty.  65 

Aug.  8,  i6-fifa  Aug.,  22  Aug.,  70 

Sept.  28,  20  Sept.,  26  Sept.,  72 

Nov.  22,  25^5  Oct.,  28  Oct.,  73 

1780 — Feb.  2,  33^5  Nov.,  36  Nov.,  74 

Mar.  18,  40  Dec.,  40  Dec.,  75 

Thus  you  see  that  in  Jan.  1779,  7  dollars  &  72. 
hundreths  of  a  dollar  of  Continental  money  were 
worth  one  dollar  of  silver,  &  at  the  same  time  8  dol- 
lars of  Virginia  paper  were  worth  one  dollar  of  silver 
&c.  After  Mar.  18,  1 780,  Continental  paper  received 
in  Virginia  will  be  estimated  by  the  table  of  Virginia 
paper.  I  advise  all  the  foreign  holders  of  paper  money 
to  lodge  it  in  the  office  of  their  consul  for  the  state 
where  it  was  received,  that  he  may  dispose  of  it  for 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  255 

their  benefit  the  first  moment  that  paiment  shall  be 
provided  by  the  state  or  Continent.  I  had  lately  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  the  Countess  d'Houditot  well  at 
Sanois,  &  have  now  that  of  assuring  you  of  the  per- 
fect esteem  &  respect  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
be  Dear  Sir  your  most  obedient  humble  servt. 


TO  THE  MARQUIS  DE  LA  FAYETTE.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  July  17,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  now  the  honour  of  inclosing  to 
you  an  estimate  of  the  Exports  &  Imports  of  the 
United  States.  Calculations  of  this  kind  cannot  pre- 
tend to  accuracy,  where  inattention  and  fraud  combine 
to  suppress  their  objects.  Approximation  is  all  that 
they  can  aim  at.  Neither  care  nor  candour  have 
been  wanting  on  my  part  to  bring  them  as  near  the 
truth  as  my  skill  and  materials  would  enable  me  to  do. 
I  have  availed  myself  of  the  best  documents  from  the 
custom  houses  which  have  been  given  to  the  public  : 
and  have  been  able  to  rectify  these  in  many  instances 
by  information  collected  by  myself  on  the  spot  in 
many  of  the  states.  Still  remember  however  that  I 
call  them  but  approximations  and  that  they  must 
present  some  errors  as  considerable  as  they  were  un- 
avoidable. 

Our  commerce  divides  itself  into  European  &  West 
Indian.  I  have  conformed  my  statement  to  this 
division. 

On  running  over  the  Catalogue  of  American  im- 


256  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

ports,  France  will  naturally  mark  out  those  articles  with 
which  she  could  supply  us  to  advantage  :  &  she  may 
safely  calculate  that  after  a  little  time  shall  have  en- 
abled us  to  get  rid  of  our  present  incumbrances,  and 
of  some  remains  of  attachment  to  the  particular  forms 
of  manufacture  to  which  we  have  been  habituated  we 
shall  take  those  articles  which  she  can  furnish  on  as 
good  terms  as  other  nations,  to  whatever  extent  she 
will  enable  us  to  pay  for  them.  It  is  her  interest 
therefore,  as  well  as  ours,  to  multiply  the  means  of 
paiment.  These  must  be  found  in  the  catalogue  of 
our  Exports,  &  among  these  will  be  seen  neither  gold 
nor  silver.  We  have  no  mines  of  either  of  these  metals. 
Produce  therefore  is  all  we  can  offer.  Some  articles  of 
our  produce  will  be  found  very  convenient  to  this 
country  for  her  own  consumption.  Others  will  be 
convenient,  as  being  more  commerciable  in  her  hands 
than  those  she  will  give  in  exchange  for  them.  If 
there  be  any  which  she  can  neither  consume,  nor 
dispose  of  by  exchange,  she  will  not  buy  them  of  us, 
and  of  course  we  shall  not  bring  them  to  her.  If  Am- 
erican produce  can  be  brought  into  the  ports  of  France, 
the  articles  of  exchange  for  it  will  be  taken  in  those 
ports  :  &  the  only  means  of  drawing  it  hither  is  to  let 
the  merchant  see  that  he  can  dispose  of  it  on  better 
terms  here  than  anywhere  else.  If  the  market  price  of 
this  country  does  not  in  itself  offer  this  superiority,  it 
maybe  worthy  of  consideration  whether  it  should  be  ob- 
tained by  such  abatements  of  duties,  and  even  by  such 
other  encouragements  as  the  importance  of  the  article 
may  justify.  Should  some  loss  attend  this  in  the  begin- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  257 

ning,  it  can  be  discontinued  when  the  trade  shall  be 
well  established  in  this  channel. 

With  respect  to  the  West  India  commerce,  I  must 
apprise  you  that  this  estimate  does  not  present  it's 
present  face.  No  materials  have  enabled  us  to  say 
how  it  stands  since  the  war.  We  can  only  shew  what 
it  was  before  that  period.  New  regulations  have 
changed  our  situation  there  much  for  the  worse. 
This  is  most  sensibly  felt  in  the  Exports  of  fish,  and 
flour.  The  surplus  of  the  former,  which  these  regu- 
lations throw  back  on  us,  is  forced  to  Europe,  where, 
by  increasing  the  quantity,  it  lessens  the  price  :  the 
surplus  of  the  latter  is  sunk  :  and  to  what  other  ob- 
jects this  portion  of  industry  is  turned,  or  turning,  I 
am  not  able  to  discover.  The  Imports  too  of  Sugar 
&  Coffee  are  thrown  under  great  difficulties.  These 
increase  the  price  :  and  being  articles  of  food  for  the 
poorer  class  (as  you  may  be  sensible  on  observing  the 
quantities  consumed)  a  small  increase  of  price  places 
them  above  the  reach  of  this  class,  which  being  very 
numerous,  must  occasion  a  great  diminution  of  con. 
sumption.  It  remains  to  see  whether  the  American 
will  endeavour  to  baffle  these  new  restrictions  in 
order  to  indulge  his  habits ;  or  will  adapt  his  habits 
to  other  objects  which  may  furnish  emploiment  to 
the  surplus  of  industry  formerly  occupied  in  raising 
that  bread  which  no  longer  finds  a  vent  in  the  West 
Indian  market.  If,  instead  of  either  of  these  meas- 
ures, he  should  resolve  to  come  to  Europe  for 
coffee  &  sugar,  he  must  lessen  equivalently  his  con- 
sumption of  some  other  European  articles  in  order  to 


VOL.  IV. — 17 


258 


THE  WRITINGS  OF 


[1786 


pay  for  his  coffee  &  sugar,  the  bread  with  which  he 
formerly  paid  for  them  in  the  West  Indies  not  being 
demanded  in  the  European  market.  In  fact  the  cata- 
logue of  Imports  offers  several  articles  more  dis- 
pensable than  coffee  &  sugar.  Of  all  these  subjects, 
the  committee  and  yourself  are  the  more  competent 
judges.  To  you  therefore  I  trust  them  with  every 
wish  for  their  improvement,  &  with  sentiments  of  that 
perfect  esteem  &  respect  with  which  I  have  the 
honour  to  be,  Dear  Sir,  your  most  obedient,  &  most 
humble  servt.1 

11  ESTIMATE  OF  THE  EXPORTS  OF  THE   UNITED   STATES   OF 

AMERICA. 


TO  EUROPE. 

TO  WEST  INDIES. 

TOTAL. 

Louis. 

Louis. 

Lout's. 

Fish  

.  .  .         107,000 

5O,OOO 

I57,OOO 

Fish  Oil  

...         l8l,688 

9-562 

191,250 

Fjsh  Bones  

8,400 

8,400 

Salted  Meats  

131,500 

I3I,5OO 

Live  Stock  

99,OOO 

99,OOO 

Butter,  Cheese  

l8,000 

iS.OOO 

Flour,  Bread,  660,000  barrels  

33O,OOO 

'        330,000 

66O,OOO 

Wheat,  2,  2  10,000  bushels  

331,000 

331.000 

Indian  Corn  Pulse  

3O,OOO 

6l,OOO 

9I,OOO 

Rice,  130,000  barrels  

...         189,350 

70,650 

26O,COO 

Indigo  

51,700 

51,7000 

Tobacco,  87,000  hogsheads  

.  .  .    1,306,000 

1,306,000 

Potash,  20,000  barrels  

49,OOO 

49.OOO 

Peltry  

.  .  .         184,900 

184,900 

Flax  Seed  

79,500 

79,500 

Hemp  

2I,OOO 

2I,OOO 

Iron,  Copper  -. 

84,OOO 

6.OOO 

90,OOO 

Turpentine,  &c.,  60,000  barrels.  .  . 

29,410 

I,84O 

31,250 

Timber,  Lumber  

82,OOO 

l64,OOO 

246,OOO 

Hops,  300  

.  .  .        2l6,500 

2l6,5OO 

Miscellanies  

22,000 

22,000 

3,302,448 


941,552 


4,244,000 


i786] 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


259 


TO    THE    MARQUIS    DE    ST.    LAMBERT. 


J.MSS. 


Louis.    I.  s~ 

3,039,000  o  o 


AUG.  8,  1786. 

Mr.  Jefferson  has  the  honour  of  presenting  his 
compliments  to  Monsieur'  le  Marquis  de  St.  Lam- 
bert, and  of  thanking  him  for  his  very  excellent 

ESTIMATE   OF   THE   IMPORTS   OF   THE    UNITED    STATES    OF 

AMERICA. 

Woollen  cloths  of  every  description, 
Linens  of  every  description, 
Hosiery,  Hats, 

Gloves,  Shoes,  Boots,  Sadlery  &  other  things  of  leather, 
Silks,  Gold  &  Silver  Lace,  Jewellery,  Millinery,  Toys, 
East  India  goods, 
Porcelaine,  Glass,  Earthenware, 
Silver,  Copper,  Brass,  Tin,  Pewter,  Lead,  Steel,  Iron  in 

every  form, 

Upholstery,  Cabinet  Work,  Painters'  Colours, 
Cheese,  Pickles,  Confitures,  Chocolate, 
Wine,  2,000  tons,  at  100  louis,  200,000  louis,  Brandy,  Beer, 
Medicinal  Drugs,  Snuff,  Bees'  Wax, 
Books,  Stationery,  Mill  Stones,  Grind  Stones,  Marble, 
Sail  Cloth,  Cordage,  Ship  Chandlery,  Fishing-tackle,  Ivory, 

Ebony,  Barwood,  Dyewood, 
Slaves,  Salt,  521,225  bushels,  at  24  sous,  26,061  louis  6 

livres, 

Louis.         I.     s. 

Salt,  500,484  bushels,  at  24  sous 25,020     4  16 

Fruits 2,23912 

Cocoa,  576,  589  Ibs.,  at  12  sous 25,798  12 

Coffee,  408,494  Ibs.,  at  16  sous 15,249  14     8 

Sugar,  10,232,432  Ibs 168,007 

Molasses,  3,645,464  gallons,  at  24  sous 186,281  19    4 

Rum,  3,888,370  gallons,  at  2  livres  14  sous. 437, 441  15 

Ginger,  Pimento 1,395     1     4 

Cotton,  356,591  Ibs.,  at  24  sous 17,829  13x4 

Skins 7,870     6 

Indigo,  4,352  Ibs.,  at  5  livres  8  sous 979     4  16 

Ivory,  Turtle  Shell. 247     4  16 

Lignum  vitse,  Sarsaparilla,  Fustic,  Annotta.     5,170 

Logwood 13,624  21 

Mahogany 23,280  , 

3,966,438  8  8 


927,438  8  8 


260  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

translation  of  the  act  of  the  Virginia  Assembly.1  An 
opportunity  having  occurred,  before  the  receipt  of  it, 
of  forwarding  the  act  to  some  foreign  courts  where  it 
was  thought  it  would  be  well  received,  Mr.  Jefferson 
had  been  obliged  to  print  copies  from  a  translation 
prepared  for  the  Encyclopedic.  He  shall  endeavour 
as  soon  as  possible  to  avail  the  public  of  the  better 
one  of  M.  de  St.  Lambert.  He  begs  leave  to  present 
to  him,  and  also  through  him  to  Madame  la  Comtesse 
d'Houditat  the  homage  of  his  respects. 


TO  MRS.  JOHN  (ABIGAIL)  ADAMS.  J-MSS- 

PARIS,  Aug.  9,  1786. 

DEAR  MADAM, — It  is  an  age  since  I  have  had  the 
honor  of  a  letter  from  you,  and  an  age  and  a  half 
since  I  presumed  to  address  one  to  you.  I  think  my 
last  was  dated  in  the  reign  of  King  Amri,  but  under 
which  of  his  successors  you  wrote,  I  cannot  recollect, 
Ocharias  Zoachar,  Manahem  or  some  such  hard 
name.  At  length  it  is  resumed  ;  I  am  honoured  with 
your  favor  of  July  23,  and  I  am  at  this  moment  writ- 
ing an  answer  to  it.  And  first  we  will  despatch  busi- 
ness. The  shoes  you  ordered,  will  be  ready  this  day 
and  will  accompany  the  present  letter,  but  why  send 
money  for  them  ?  You  know  the  balance  of  trade 
was  always  against  me.  You  will  observe  by  the 
inclosed  account  that  it  is  I  who  am  to  export  cash 
always,  tho'  the  sum  has  been  lessened  by  the  bad 

1  Virginia  act  for  Religious  Freedom. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  261 

bargains  I  have  made  for  you  &  the  good  ones  you 
have  made  for  me.  This  is  a  gaining  trade,  and 
therefore  I  shall  continue  it,  begging  you  will  send 
no  more  money  here.  Be  so  good  as  to  correct  the 
inclosed  that  the  errors  of  that  may  not  add  to  your 
losses  in  this  commerce. — You  were  right  in  conjec- 
turing that  both  the  gentlemen  might  forget  to  com- 
municate to  me  the  intelligence  about  Capt"  Stan- 
hope. Mr.  Adams'  head  was  full  of  whale  oil,  and 
Col?  Smith's  of  German  politics.  ( — but  don't  tell 
them  this — )  so  they  left  it  to  you  to  give  me  the 
news.  De  tout  mon  coeur,  I  had  rather  receive  it 
from  you  than  them.  This  proposition  about  the 
exchange  of  a  son  for  my  daughter  puzzles  me.  I 
should  be  very  glad  to  have  your  son,  but  I  cannot 
part  with  my  daughter.  Thus  you  see  I  have  such 
a  habit  of  gaining  in  trade  with  you  that  I  always 
expect  it.  We  have  a  blind  story  here  of  somebody 
attempting  to  assassinate  your  King.  No  man  upon 
earth  has  my  prayers  for  his  continuance  in  life  more 
sincerely  than  him.  He  is  truly  the  American  Mes- 
sias,  the  most  precious  life  that  ever  god  gave.  And 
may  god  continue  it.  Twenty  long  years  has  he  been 
labouring  to  drive  us  to  our  good  and  he  labours  and 
will  labour  still  for  it  if  he  can  be  spared.  We  shall 
have  need  of  him  for  twenty  more.  The  Prince  of 
Wales  on  the  Throne,  Lansdown  &  Fox  in  the  Min- 
istry &  we  are  undone !  We  become  chained  by  our 
habits  to  the  tails  of  those  who  hate  &  dispise  us.  I 
repeat  it  then  that  my  anxieties  are  all  alive  for  the 
health  and  long  life  of  the  King.  He  has  not  a 


262  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

friend  on  earth  who  would  lament  his  loss  as  much 
&  so  long  as  I  should. — Here  we  have  singing,  danc- 
ing, laugh  &  merriment,  no  assassinations,  no  trea- 
sons, rebellions  nor  other  dark  deeds.  When  our 
King  goes  out,  they  fall  down  and  kiss  the  earth 
where  he  has  trodden ;  and  then  they  go  to  kissing 
one  another,  and  this  is  the  truest  wisdom,  they  have 
as  much  happiness  in  one  year  as  an  Englishman  in 
ten.  The  presence  of  the  Queen's  Sister  enlivens 
the  Court,  still  more  the  birth  of  the  princess,  there 
are  some  little  bickerings  between  the  King  &  his 
parliament,  but  they  end  with  a  sic  volo,  sic  jubes. 
The  bottom  of  my  page  tells  me  it  is  time  for  me  to 
end  with  assurances  of  the  affectionate  esteem  with 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Dear  Madam,  Your 
most  obedient  &  most  humble  servant. 


TO    JAMES    MONROE.1  j.  Mss. 

PARIS,  Aug.  n,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  wrote  you  last  on  the  gth  of  July  & 
since  that  have  received  yours  of  the  i6th  of  June 
with  the  interesting  intelligence  it  contained.  I  was 
entirely  in  the  dark  as  to  the  progress  of  that  nego- 
tiation, and  concur  entirely  in  the  views  you  have 
taken  of  it.2  The  difficulty  on  which  it  hangs  is  a 
sine  qua  non  with  us.  It  would  be  to  deceive  them 
&  ourselves  to  suppose  that  an  amity  can  be  pre- 

1  Parts  in  italic  are  in  cipher. 

2  With  Spain,  concerning  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  263 

served  while  this  right  is  withheld.  Such  a  supposi- 
tion would  argue  not  only  an  ignorance  of  the  people 
to  whom  this  is  most  interesting,  but  an  ignorance  of 
the  nature  of  man,  or  an  inattention  to  it.  Those 
who  see  but  half  way  into  our  true  interest  will  think 
that  that  concurs  with  the  views  of  the  other  party. 
But  those  who  see  it  in  all  it's  extent  will  be  sensible 
that  our  true  interest  will  be  best  promoted  by  mak- 
ing all  the  just  claims  of  our  fellow  citizens,  wherever 
situated,  our  own,  by  urging  &  enforcing  them  with 
the  weight  of  our  whole  influence,  &  by  exercising 
in  this  as  in  every  other  instance  a  just  government 
in  their  concerns  &  making  common  cause  even  where 
our  separate  interest  would  seem  opposed  to  theirs. 
No  other  conduct  can  attach  us  together;  &  on  this 
attachment  depends  our  happiness.  The  King  of 
Prussia  still  lives,  and  is  even  said  to  be  better. 
Europe  is  very  quiet  at  present.  The  only  germ  of 
dissension  which  shews  itself  at  present  is  in  the 
quarter  of  Turkey.  The  Emperor,  the  Empress,  & 
the  Venetians  seem  all  to  be  pecking  at  the  Turks. 
It  is  not  probable  however  that  either  of  the  two 
first  will  do  anything  to  bring  on  an  open  rupture 
while  the  K  of  Prussia  lives.  You  will  perceive,  by 
the  letters  I  inclose  to  Mr.  Jay  that  Lambe,  under 
the  pretext  of  ill  health,  declines  returning  either  to 
Congress,  Mr.  Adams  or  myself.  This  circumstance 
makes  me  fear  some  malversation.  The  money  ap- 
propriated to  this  object  being  in  Holland,  &  having 
been  always  under  the  care  of  Mr.  Adams,  it  was 
concerted  between  us  that  all  the  draughts  should 


264  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

be  on  him.  I  know  not  therefore  what  sums  may 
have  been  advanced  to  Lambe.  I  hope  however 
nothing  great.  I  am  persuaded  that  an  angel  sent 
on  this  business,  &  so  much  limited  in  his  terms, 
could  have  done  nothing.  But  should  Congress  pro- 
pose to  try  the  line  of  negotiation  again,  I  think  they 
will  perceive  that  Lambe  is  not  a  proper  agent.  I 
have  written  to  Mr.  Adams  on  the  subject  of  a  set- 
tlement with  Lambe.  There  is  little  prospect  of 
accommodation  between  the  Algerines  &  the  Portu- 
guese &  Neapolitans.  A  very  valuable  capture  too, 
lately  made  by  them  on  the  Empress  of  Russia,  bids 
fair  to  draw  her  on  them.  The  probability  is  there- 
fore that  these  three  nations  will  be  at  war  with 
them,  &  the  possibility  that  could  we  furnish  a  couple 
of  frigates,  a  convention  might  be  formed  with  those 
powers,  establishing  a  perpetual  cruise  on  the  coast 
of  Algiers  which  would  bring  them  to  reason.1  Such 
a  convention  being  left  open  to  all  powers  willing  to 
come  into  it,  should  have  for  it's  object  a  general 
peace,  to  be  guaranteed  to  each  by  the  whole.  Were 
only  two  or  three  to  begin  a  confederacy  of  this  kind, 
I  think  every  power  in  Europe  would  soon  fall  into 
it  except  France,  England,  &  perhaps  Spain  &  Hol- 
land. Of  these,  there  is  only  England  who  would 
give  any  real  aid  to  the  Algerines.  Morocco,  you 
perceive,  will  be  at  peace  with  us.  Were  the  honour 
&  advantage  of  establishing  such  a  confederacy  out 
of  the  question,  yet  the  necessity  that  the  U  S  should 
have  some  marine  force,  &  the  happiness  of  this  as 

1  See  vol.  I.,  p.  91. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  265 

the  ostensible  cause  for  beginning  it,  would  decide 
on  it's  propriety.  It  will  be  said  there  is  no  money 
in  the  treasury.  There  never  will  be  money  in  the 
treasury  till  the  confederacy  shows  it's  teeth.  The 
states  must  see  the  rod ;  perhaps  it  must  be  felt  by 
some  one  of  them.  I  am  persuaded  all  of  them  would 
rejoice  to  see  every  one  obliged  to  furnish  it's  con- 
tributions. It  is  not  the  difficulty  of  furnishing  them 
which  beggars  the  treasury,  but  the  fear  that  others 
will  not  furnish  as  much.  Every  rational  citizen 
must  wish  to  see  an  effective  instrument  of  coercion, 
&  should  fear  to  see  it  on  any  other  element  but  the 
water.  A  naval  force  can  never  endanger  our  lib- 
erties, nor  occasion  bloodshed  :  a  land  force  would 
do  both.  It  is  not  in  the  choice  of  the  states  whether 
they  will  pay  money  to  cover  their  trade  against  the 
Algerines.  If  they  obtain  a  peace  by  negotiation 
they  must  pay  a  great  sum  of  money  for  it ;  if  they 
do  nothing  they  must  pay  a  great  sum  of  money  in 
the  form  of  insurance  ;  and  in  either  way  as  great  a 
one  &  probably  less  effectual  than  in  the  way  of 
force.  I  look  forward  with  anxiety  to  the  approach- 
ing moment  of  your  departure  from  Congress.  Be- 
sides the  interest  of  the  Confederacy  &  of  the  State 
I  have  a  personal  interest  in  it.  I  know  not  to  whom 
I  may  venture  confidential  communications  after  you 
are  gone.  Lee  I  scarcely  know.  Gray  son  is  lazy. 
Carrington  is  industrious  bitt  not  always  as  discreet 
as  well-meaning,  yet  on  the  whole  I  believe  he  would 
be  the  best  if  you  find  him  disposed  to  the  correspond- 
ence. Engage  him  to  begin  it.  I  take  the  liberty  of 


266  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

placing  here  my  respects  to  Mrs.  Monroe  and  assur- 
ances of  the  sincere  esteem  with  which  I  am  Dear  Sir 
your  friend  &  servant. 


TO    GEORGE    WYTHE.  j.  Mss. 

PARIS,  August  13,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — Your  favors  of  Jan.  10  &  Feb.  10, 
came  to  hand  on  the  2Oth  &  2d  of  May.  I  availed 
myself  of  the  first  opportunity  which  occurred,  by  a 
gentlemen  going  to  England,  of  sending  to  Mr.  Joddrel 
a  copy  of  the  Notes  on  our  country,  with  a  line 
informing  him  that  it  was  you  who  had  emboldened 
me  to  take  that  liberty.  Madison,  no  doubt,  in- 
formed you  of  the  reason  why  I  had  sent  only  a 
single  copy  to  Virginia.  Being  assured  by  him  that 
they  will  not  do  the  harm  I  had  apprehended,  but  on 
the  contrary  may  do  some  good,  I  propose  to  send 
thither  the  copies  remaining  on  hand,  which  are  fewer 
than  I  had  intended.  But  of  the  numerous  correc- 
tions they  need,  there  are  one  or  two  so  essential 
that  I  must  have  them  made,  by  printing  a  few  new 
leaves  &  substituting  them  for  the  old.  This  will  be 
done  while  they  are  engraving  a  map  which  I  have 
constructed  of  the  country  from  Albemarle  sound  to 
Lake  Erie,  &  which  will  be  inserted  in  the  book.  A 
bad  French  translation  which  is  getting  out  here,  will 
probably  oblige  me  to  publish  the  original  more 
freely,  which  it  neither  deserved  nor  was  ever  in- 
tended. Your  wishes,  which  are  laws  to  me,  will 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  267 

justify  my  destining  a  copy  for  you,  otherwise  I 
should  as  soon  have  thought  of  sending  you  a  horn- 
book ;  for  there  is  no  truth  there  that  which  is  not 
familiar  to  you,  and  it's  errors  I  should  hardly  have 
proposed  to  treat  you  with. 

Immediately  on  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  I  wrote 
to  a  correspondent  at  Florence  to  inquire  after  the 
family  of  Tagliaferro  as  you  desired.  I  received  his 
answer  two  days  ago,  a  copy  of  which  I  now  inclose. 
The  original  shall  be  sent  by  some  other  occasion. 
I  will  have  the  copper-plate  immediately  engraved. 
This  may  be  ready  within  a  few  days,  but  the  proba- 
bility is  that  I  shall  be  long  getting  an  opportunity  of 
sending  it  to  you,  as  these  rarely  occur.  You  do  not 
mention  the  size  of  the  plate  but,  presuming  it  is  in- 
tended for  labels  for  the  inside  of  books,  I  shall  have 
it  made  of  a  proper  size  for  that.  I  shall  omit  the 
word  agisos,  according  to  the  license  you  allow  me, 
because  I  think  the  beauty  of  a  motto  is  to  con- 
dense much  matter  in  as  few  words  as  possible. 
The  word  omitted  will  be  supplied  by  every  reader. 
The  European  papers  have  announced  that  the 
assembly  of  Virginia  were  occupied  on  the  revisal  of 
their  code  of  laws.  This,  with  some  other  similar 
intelligence,  has  contributed  much  to  convince  the 
people  of  Europe,  that  what  the  English  papers  are 
constantly  publishing  of  our  anarchy,  is  false  ;  as  they 
are  sensible  that  such  a  work  is  that  of  a  people  only 
who  are  in  perfect  tranquillity.  Our  act  for  freedom 
of  religion  is  extremely  applauded.  The  ambassadors 
&  ministers  of  the  several  nations  of  Europe  resident 


268  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

at  this  court  have  asked  of  me  copies  of  it  to  send  to 
their  sovereigns,  and  it  is  inserted  at  full  length  in 
several  books  now  in  the  press ;  among  others,  in  the 
new  Encyclopedic.  I  think  it  will  produce  consider- 
able good  even  in  these  countries  where  ignorance, 
superstition,  poverty,  &  oppression  of  body  &  mind 
in  every  form,  are  so  firmly  settled  on  the  mass 
of  the  people,  that  their  redemption  from  them  can 
never  be  hoped.  If  the  Almighty  had  begotten  a 
thousand  sons,  instead  of  one,  they  would  not  have 
sufficed  for  this  task.  If  all  the  sovereigns  of  Eu- 
rope were  to  set  themselves  to  work  to  emancipate 
the  minds  of  their  subjects  from  their  present  igno- 
rance &  prejudices,  &  that  as  zealously  as  they  now 
endeavor  the  contrary,  a  thousand  years  would  not 
place  them  on  that  high  ground  on  which  our  common 
people  are  now  setting  out.  Ours  could  not  have 
been  so  fairly  put  into  the  hands  of  their  own  com- 
mon sense  had  they  not  been  separated  from  their 
parent  stock  &  kept  from  contamination,  either  from 
them,  or  the  other  people  of  the  old  world,  by 
the  intervention  of  so  wide  an  ocean.  To  know  the 
worth  of  this,  one  must  see  the  want  of  it  here.  I 
think  by  far  the  most  important  bill  in  our  whole 
code  is  that  for  the  diffusion  of  knowlege  among  the 
people.  No  other  sure  foundation  can  be  devised, 
for  the  preservation  of  freedom  and  happiness.  If 
anybody  thinks  that  kings,  nobles,  or  priests  are 
good  conservators  of  the  public  happiness  send  them 
here.  It  is  the  best  school  in  the  universe  to  cure 
them  of  that  folly.  They  will  see  here  with  their 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  269 

own  eyes  that  these  descriptions  of  men  are  an  aban- 
doned confederacy  against  the  happiness  of  the  mass 
of  the  people.  The  omnipotence  of  their  effect  can- 
not be  better  proved  than  in  this  country  particularly, 
where  notwithstanding  the  finest  soil  upon  earth,  the 
finest  climate  under  heaven,  and  a  people  of  the  most 
benevolent,  the  most  gay  and  amiable  character  of 
which  the  human  form  is  susceptible,  where  such  a 
people  I  say,  surrounded  by  so  many  blessings  from 
nature,  are  yet  loaded  with  misery  by  kings,  nobles 
and  priests,  and  by  them  alone.  Preach,  my  dear 
Sir,  a  crusade  against  ignorance  ;  establish  &  improve 
the  law  for  educating  the  common  people.  Let  our 
countrymen  know  that  the  people  alone  can  protect  us 
against  these  evils,  and  that  the  tax  which  will  be 
paid  for  this  purpose  is  not  more  than  the  thousandth 
part  of  what  will  be  paid  to  kings,  priests  &  nobles 
who  will  rise  up  among  us  if  we  leave  the  people  in 
ignorance.  The  people  of  England,  I  think,  are  less 
oppressed  than  here.  But  it  needs  but  half  an  eye 
to  see,  when  among  them,  that  the  foundation  is  laid 
in  their  dispositions  for  the  establishment  of  a  des- 
potism. Nobility,  wealth  &  pomp  are  the  objects  of 
their  adoration.  They  are  by  no  means  the  free- 
minded  people  we  suppose  them  in  America.  Their 
learned  men  too  are  few  in  number,  and  are  less 
learned  and  infinitely  less  emancipated  from  prejudice 
than  those  of  this  country.  An  event  too  seems  to 
be  preparing,  in  the  order  of  things,  which  will  prob- 
ably decide  the  fate  of  that  country.  It  is  no  longer 
doubtful  that  the  harbour  of  Cherburg  will  be  com- 


270  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

plete,  that  it  will  be  a  most  excellent  one,  &  capacious 
enough  to  hold  the  whole  navy  of  France.  Nothing 
has  ever  been  wanting  to  enable  this  country  to  in- 
vade that,  but  a  naval  force  conveniently  stationed 
to  protect  the  transports.  This  change  of  situation 
must  oblige  the  English  to  keep  up  a  great  standing 
army,  and  there  is  no  King,  who,  with  sufficient 
force,  is  not  always  ready  to  make  himself  absolute. 
My  paper  warns  me  it  is  time  to  recommend  myself 
to  the  friendly  recollection  of  Mrs.  Wythe,  of  Colo. 
Tagliaferro  &  his  family  &  particularly  of  Mr.  R.  T.  ; 
and  to  assure  you  of  the  affectionate  esteem  with 
which  I  am  Dear  Sir  your  friend  and  servt. 


TO    FRANCIS    HOPKINSON.  J.MSS. 

PARIS,  Aug.  14,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR,  *  *  *  After  the  present  then  I  shall 
still  be  a  letter  in  your  debt.  One  would  think  that 
this  balance  did  not  justify  a  scold.  The  manner  of 
curing  the  Essence  d'Orient  is,  as  you  are  apprised, 
kept  secret  here.  There  is  no  getting  at  it  therefore 
openly.  A  friend  has  undertaken  to  try  whether  it 
can  be  obtained  either  by  proposing  the  partnership 
you  mention,  or  by  finding  out  the  process.  You 
shall  have  the  result  of  these  endeavors.  I  think  I 
sent  you  in  January  the  5th  &  6th  volumes  of  the 
Bibliotheque  physico-eccononique,  which  are  the  last 
published.  I  have  for  yourself  and  Dr.  Franklin  the 
1 7th  &  1 8th  livraisons  of  the  Encyclopedic,  &  expect 


1 7 86]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  271 

the  1 9th  will  come  out  very  soon.     These  will  form 
a  respectable  package  &  shall  then  be  forwarded. 

I  will  send  as  you  propose,  copies  of  my  Notes  to 
the  Philosophical  society  and  the  City  library  as  soon 
as  I  shall  have  received  a  map  which  I  have  con- 
structed for  them,  &  which  is  now  engraving.  This 
will  be  a  map  of  the  Country  from  Albemarle  sound 
to  Lake  Erie,  as  exact  as  the  materials  hitherto  pub- 
lished would  enable  me  to  make  it,  &  brought  into  a 
single  sheet.  I  have  with  great  impatience  hoped  to 
receive  from  some  of  my  friends  a  particular  descrip- 
tion of  the  Southern  &  Western  limits  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. Perhaps  it  might  still  come  in  time,  if  you 
could  send  it  to  me  in  the  moment  almost  of  your 
receiving  this.  Indeed  it  would  be  very  desirable  if 
you  could  only  write  me  an  answer  to  these  two 
queries,  viz.  How  far  Westward  of  F.  Pitt  does  the 
Western  line  of  Pennsylvania  pass  ?  At  what  point 
of  the  river  Ohio  does  that  line  strike  it  ?  Should 
this  arrive  even  after  they  shall  have  begun  to  strike 
off  the  map,  I  can  have  the  plate  altered  so  as  that 
the  latter  copies  shall  give  that  line  right.  Mr.  Rit- 
tenhouse  will  have  the  goodness  to  furnish  you  an- 
swers to  these  queries.  Could  you  prevail  on  him  to 
answer  this  also.  When  will  the  Lunarium  be  done  ? 
— I  envy  your  Wednesday  evenings  entertainments 
with  him  &  Dr.  Franklin.  They  would  be  more  val- 
ued by  me  than  the  whole  week  at  Paris. — Will  you 
be  so  good  as  to  send  me  a  copy  of  a  Botanical  book  l 
published  by  some  person  in  the  Country  not  far  from 

1  Humphrey  Marshall's  Arbustrum  Americanum,  Philadelphia,  1785. 


272  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

Philadelphia,  whose  name  I  have  not  heard  ?  It  is  a 
description  of  the  plants  of  Pennsylvania.  I  have 
nothing  new  to  Communicate  to  you  either  in  the 
Arts  or  sciences.  Our  countryman  Trumbul  is  here, 
a  young  painter  of  the  most  promising  talents.  He 
brought  with  him  his  Battle  of  Bunker's  hill  &  Death 
of  Montgomery  to  have  them  engraved  here,  &  we 
may  add,  to  have  them  sold  ;  for  like  Dr.  Ramsey's 
history,  they  are  too  true  to  suit  the  English  palate. 
He  returned  last  night  from  examining  the  king's 
collection  of  paintings  at  Versailles,  and  acknoleges 
it  surpassed  not  only  every  thing  he  had  seen,  but 
every  idea  he  had  ever  formed  of  this  art.  I  persuade 
him  to  fix  himself  here  awhile,  &  then  proceed  to 
Rome.  My  daughter  is  well  and  joins  me  in  respects 
to  her  &  your  common  mother,  to  your  lady  &  fam- 
ily also,  as  well  as  to  our  friends  of  the  other  house, 
meaning  Mr.  Rittenhouse's.  Be  assured  yourself  of 
the  perfect  esteem  with  which  I  am,  Dear  Sir,  your 
friend  and  servant. 


TO  THE  FRENCH  MINISTER  OF  FOREIGN  RELATIONS.    J.  MSS. 
(CHARLES  GRAVIER,  COMTE  DE  VERGENNES.) 

PARIS  le  15  Aoust  1786. 

MONSIEUR, — Dans  1'entretien  dont  Votre  Excel- 
lence m'honora  il  y  a  quelques  jours  sur  I'importance 
d'etablir  des  a  present  le  commerce  entre  la  France 
et  1'Amerique  sur  le  meillure  pied  possible,  entr' 
autres  objets  de  ce  commerce  le  tabac  fut  cite  comme 
susceptible  d'un  plus  grand  encouragement  &  advan- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  273 

tage  pour  les  deux  nations.  Continuellement  dans 
la  necessite  de  rectifier  ce  que  je  dis  dans  une  langue 
que  je  parle  si  imparfaitement,  je  prierai  V.  E.  de 
me  permettre  d'etablir  en  Anglais  la  substance  de  ce 
que  j'eus  1'honneur  de  lui  observer,  en  ajoutant  quel- 
ques  details  plus  particuliers  digne  de  son  attention. 

Je  trouve  que  la  consommation  du  tabac  en  France 
est  evaluee  de  15.  a  30.  millions  pesant ;  1'estimation 
la  plus  probable  la  fixe  cependant  a  24.  millions,  qui 
a  raison  de  8.  sols  la  livre,  rendu  dans  un  port  de 
France,  s'elevent  a  .  .  .  9,600,000* 

J'evalue  a  6?  par  livre  le  prix  de  main 

d'ceuvre  des  differents  manufactures,  7,200,000 
Le  revenu  qu'en  retire  S.  M.  s'eleve  a 

peu  moins  de   .         ..'.,>..         .      30,000,000 

Ce  qui  en  porte  le  prix  total         .         .      46,800,000 
Mais  il  est  vendu  aux  consommateurs 

a  raison  de  3?  la  livre,  faisant    .         .      72,000,000 

II  reste  done  pour  les  frais  de  levee      .      25,200,000* 

Ce  qui  fait  a  un  sixieme  pres,  autant  que  le  Roi 
rec^oit,  &  porte  a  pres  d'une  moitie  les  frais  de  levee 
de  1'autre. 

Ce  serait  une  presumption  de  ma  part,  etant  etran- 
ger,  de  supposer  mes  calculs  parfaitement  exacts  ;  je 
les  ai  tires  des  meilleurs  autorites  &  les  plus  desin- 
teressees  que  j'ai  pu  trouver.  V.  E.  verra  jusqu'a 
quel  point  ils  peuvent  etre  errones,  &  quelque  con- 
siderable que  soit  1'erreur,  je  suis  persuade,  qu'apres 
la  plus  stricte  ratification,  elle  trouvera  que  la  levee 
de  cette  branche  de  revenu  absorbe  encore  trop. 


VOL.    IV. — IB 


274  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

J'espere  que  V.  E.  trouvera  ma  justification  de 
faire  ces  remarques  dans  le  desir  que  j'ai,  d'ameliorer 
le  commerce  entre  les  deux  nations,  &  dans  les 
avantages  que  mon  pays  retirera  de  cette  amelioration. 

Le  monopole  de  1'echat  du  tabac  en  France  de- 
courage  egalement  les  negocians  Fran9ais  &  Ameri- 
cains  de  1'y  apporter  &  de  prendre  en  echange  des 
objets  de  manufactures  &  productions  de  France. 
II  n'est  pas  moins  contraire  a  1'esprit  du  commerce 
qu'aux  dispositions  des  negocians,  de  porter  une 
denree  a  un  marche  ou  une  seule  personne  a  le  droit 
de  1'acheter,  &  y  fixe  consequemment  un  prix  dont  le 
vendeur  est  oblige  de  se  contenter,  ou  bien  de  rem- 
porter  sa  denree  en  perdant  son  voyage.  D'apres 
cela  1'experience  fait  voir  qu'ils  la  portent  a  d'autres 
marches  &  qu'ils  re£oivent  en  echange  des  marchan- 
dises  du  pays  ou  ils  la  vendent.  Je  ne  sais  pas  trop  si 
la  France  n'a  pas  ete  fournie  par  une  nation  voisine 
de  quantites  considerables  de  tabac  depuis  la  paix,  & 
obligee  de  payer  en  argent  ce  qui  auroit  pu  1'etre  en 
objets  de  manufactures,  si  les  negocians  Fran9ois  et 
Americains  avoient  apporte  le  tabac  directement  ici, 
je  suppose  aussi  que  les  achats  faits  par  les  fermiers 
generaux  en  Amerique  sont  payes  pour  la  plupart 
grande  partie  en  argent :  que  cet  argent  est  remis 
directement  d'ici  en  Angleterre  &  fait  une  partie 
essentielle  de  la  balance  de  ce  que  a  fourni  par  cette 
nation  contra  celle-ci.  Quand  meme  pour  satisfaire 
le  gouvernement  a  cet  egard,  les  fermiers  generaux, 
soit  par  eux  memes  soit  par  la  compagnie  qu'ils 
chargeraient  de  I'emplette  de  ces  tabacs  en  Ame- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  275 

rique,  exiguant  1'exportation  proportionnee  de  mar- 
chandises  de  France  pour  donner  en  echange,  ce 
serait  un  expedient  inutile,  &  qui  ne  ferait  que  livrer  au 
monopole  les  expectations  ainsi  que  les  importations 
entre  la  France  &  I'Amerique ;  car  assures  de  ne 
point  avoir  de  rivaux  dans  la  vente  des  marchandises 
de  France,  ils  ne  les  vendraient  vraisemblablement 
pas  a  des  prix  assez  moderes  pour  en  encourager  la 
consommation  &  les  mettres  a  meme  de  soutenir 
la  concurrence  avec  des  articles  semblables  venant 
d'autres  pays.  Je  suis  persuade  qu'on  peut  eviter 
cette  exportation  d'argent  &  y  substituer  celle  des 
denrees,  en  laissant  les  deux  operations  aux  negocians 
Frangais  &  Americains  au  lieu  des  Fermiers  generaux. 
Ils  importeront  une  quantite  suffisante  de  tabac,  si  on 
leur  accorde  une  parfaite  liberte  pour  la  vente  ;  &  ils 
recevront  en  payement  des  vins,  des  huiles,  des  eaux  de 
vie  &  des  produits  des  manufactures  au  lieu  d'argent. 
Ils  se  forceront  1'un  1'autre,  par  la  concurrence  a  porter 
des  tabacs  de  la  meilleure  qualite,  a  donner  aux 
manufacturers  Francais  en  entier  equivalent  de  leurs 
marchandises,  &  a  les  vendre  aux  consommateurs 
Americains  au  plus  bas  prix  qu'ils  pourront  accorder, 
en  les  encourageant  ainsi  a  les  consommer  de  prefe- 
rence aux  marchandises  des  autres  pays.  II  n'est  pas 
necessaire  d'encourager  cet  echange  par  aucun  sacri- 
fice des  revenus  du  Roi.  Je  n'entends  point  avancer 
ici  rien  qui  puisse  nuire  soit  a  S.  M.  soit  a  son 
peuple  :  au  contraire,  le  moyen  que  j'ai  1'honneur  de 
proposer  augmentera  le  revenu  du  Roi  en  rendant 
meilleure  la  condition  des  vendeurs  &  des  acheteurs. 


276  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

II  ne  m'  apportient  point  de  dire  quel  systeme  de 
levee  serait  plus  analogue  a  1'organisation  de  ce 
Gouvernement,  ou  si  Ton  ne  pourrait  pas  tirer  quel- 
ques  lumieres  utiles  de  la  practique  du  pays  qui  a  ete 
jusqu'ici  le  principal  entrep6t  de  cette  denree.  Son 
systeme  est  simple  &  peu  dispendieux.  Celui  qui 
importe  y  paye  en  entier  le  droit  du  au  Roi ;  & 
comme  il  serait  incommode  pour  lui  de  le  faire  avant 
d'avoir  vendu  son  tabac,  il  lui  est  permis  de  le 
deposer  dans  les  magasins  du  Roi,  sous  la  garde  des 
Officers  Royaux,  aussitdt  qu'il  a  vendu,  il  va  avec 
1'acheteur  au  magasin  &  1'argent  est  divise  entre  le 
Roi  &  lui,  chacun  ce  qui  lui  revient,  &  1'acheteur 
enleve  le  tabac.  Le  payement  des  droits  du  Roi  est 
ainsi  assure  en  argent  comptant.  Je  ne  scaurais  dire 
quels  £ont  les  frais  de  levee,  mais  certainement  ils  ne 
doivent  pas  exceder  6*  par  tonneau  de  1000*  pesant. 
Le  Gouvernement  y  leve  un  plus  fort  droit  sur  le 
tabac  qu'ici ;  cependant  tel  est  1'attrait  et  1'avantage 
d'une  entiere  liberte,  pour  la  vente,  que  le  negociant 
porte  la  son  tabac  &  trouve  son  compte  a  1'y  porter. 
Si  par  une  simplification  de  la  levde  des  droits  du 
Roi  sur  le  tabac,  on  pouvait  en  reduire  les  frais 
m£me  a  5  p  %  ou  a  un  million  &  demi  au  lieu  de  25 
millions,  le  prix  pour  le  consommateur  serait  reduit 
de  3^  a  2*?  la  livre,  car  voici,  comme  je  calcule  : 

Prix,  frais  de  manufacture  &  revenu  sur  24  millions 
pesant  de  tabac  (fixe  comme  ci-dessus),      46,800,000* 
5  p  %  sur  30,000,000*  frais  de  levee       .         1,500,000 
Produit  que  payerait  le  consommateur 

a  raison  d'environ  2*  la  livre     .         .      48,300,000 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  277 

Mais  il  paye  maintenant,  a  3*  la  livre   .      72,000,000 
La  difference  est  de  .         .         .      23,700,000 

Au  moyen  de  cette  reduction  d'un  tiers  du  prix, 
il  serait  a  la  portee  d'une  nouvelle  &  nombreuse  classe 
du  peuple  qui  ne  peut  maintenant  se  procurer  cet 
objet  de  luxe,  &  la  consommation  augmenterait 
probablement  dans  une  proportion  egale  a  la  reduc- 
tion du  prix,  si  non  dans  une  plus  grande,  c'est  a  dire 
de  24  a  36  millions  de  livres  :  et  le  Roi  continuant  a 
recevoir  2 5s  par  K>  comme  a  present,  recevrait  45 
millions  au  lieu  de  30,  tandis  que  ses  sujets  ne  paye- 
raient  que  2*  ce  qui  jusqu'ici  leur  en  a  coute  3.  Ou  si, 
par  evenement,  la  consommation  n'augmentait  pas, 
il  ne  leverait  sur  ses  peuples  que  48  millions  au  lieu 
de  72.  &  laisserait  dans  leur  bourses  24.  millions 
soit  pour  y  rester,  soit  pour  6tre  leves  d'une  autre 
maniere  ;  si  1'etat  de  ses  revenus  1'exigeait.  II  met- 
trait  en  meme  terns  ses  sujets  a  meme  de  placer  pour 
9.  a  10.  millions  de  plus  de  leurs  denrees  &  manu- 
factures, au  lieu  d'envoyer  annuellement  a  peu  pres 
cette  somme  en  argent  pour  enrichir  une  nation 
voisine. 

J'ai  entendu  faire  deux  objections  a  la  suppression 
de  ce  monopole. 

i?  Que  cela  pourrait  augmenter  1'importation  de 
tabac  en  contrebande.  2?  Que  cela  diminuerait  les 
moyens  des  Fermiers-generaux  pour  les  prets  d'argent 
qu'ils  font  occasionellement  au  tresor  public.  Ceux 
qui  connoissent  mieux  que  moi  les  details  &  les 
circonstances  de  ce  pays,  repondront  surement  mieux 


278  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

que  je  ne  scaurais  le  faire  a  ces  deux  objections. 
Quant  a  la  premiere  je  remarquerai  cependant  que 
la  contrebande  ne  peut  pas  augmenter  par  la  diminu- 
tion de  ses  appas.  Elle  est  presentement  encouragee, 
en  ce  que  pouvant  vendre  6os  ce  qui  n'en  coute  que 
14.  elle  offre  un  benefice  de  46s  lorsque  le  prix  sera 
reduit  de  60?  a  40?  ce  benefice  ne  sera  plus  que 
de  26?  c'est  a  dire  peu  plus  de  la  moitie  de  ce 
qu'il  est  actuellement.  La  consequence  ne  paroit 
done  pas  naturelle,  que  la  contrebande  doive  aug- 
menter par  la  reduction  de  pres  de  moitie  de  ses 
profits.  Quant  a  la  seconde  objection,  en  supposant 
(pour  eclaircissement,  &  sans  pretendre  la  fixer)  la 
proportion  de  la  ferme  sur  le  tabac  a  un  huitieme  de 
la  masse  entiere  des  fermes,  les  moyens  des  fermiers 
generaux  pour  pr6ter  seront  reduits  d'un  8™e  c'est  a 
dire  qu'ils  ne  pourront  par  la  suite  preter  que  sept 
millions,  tandis  que  par  le  passe  ils  en  pretaient  huit. 
Or  il  reste  a  considerer  si  ce  8"?e  (ou  telle  autre  pro- 
portion que  ce  soit)  merite  le  sacrifice  annuel  de  24. 
millions,  ou  si  un  sacrifice  beaucoup  moindre  en 
faveur  de  quelqu'  autre  capitaliste  ne  procurerait  pas 
les  me'mes  pre"ts  d'argent  par  la  voie  ordinaire. 

Tandis  qu'une  augmentation  de  revenu  pour  la 
couronne,  une  diminution  d'impot  sur  le  peuple  & 
un  paiement  en  marchandises  au  lieu  d'argent  sont  les 
avantages  que  doivent  vraisemblablement  resulter 
pour  la  France  de  la  suppression  du  monopole  sur  le 
tabac,  nous  avons  aussi  lieu  d'en  esperer  quelques 
avantages  de  notre  cote ;  &  ce  n'est  que  cet  espoir 
seul  que  pourroit  me  justifier  d'entrer  dans  les  pr6- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  279 

sents  details.  Je  ne  m'attends  point  qu'au  nombre 
de  ces  avantages  soit  celui  d'une  augmentation  de 
prix ;  les  autres  marches  d'Europe  ont  trop  d'influ- 
ence  sur  cet  article,  pour  pouvoir  se  flater  d'aucune 
augmentation  sensible  de  prix.  Mais  le  principal 
avantage  que  j'en  attends  est  une  augmentation  de 
consommation  qui,  en  nous  ouvrant  un  plus  grand 
debouche*,  procurera  en  consequence  de  1'emploi  a  un 
plus  grand  nombre  de  cultivateurs ;  &  la  m6me  pro- 
portion d'augmentation,  en  notre  faveur,  de  cette 
denree,  sera  infailliblement  celle  du  debouche  addi- 
tionel  qui  s'ouvrira  aux  marchandises  de  France  &  a 
1'emploi  des  bras  qui  les  produisent.  J'espere  aussi 
qu'en  attirant  ici  nos  negocians,  ils  pourront  prendre 
en  echange  plusieurs  marchandises  de  meilleure 
qualit6  &  a  meilleur  prix.  J'ajoute  avec  sincerite 
que  mon  cceur  est  vivement  touche  de  1'espoir 
ulterieur  qu'en  liant  les  deux  nations  d'interets  ce 
sera  les  Her  plus  etroitement  encore  d'amitie.  Dans 
le  vrai,  il  n'existe  pas  deux  pays  plus  propres  aux 
echanges  de  commerce.  La  France  a  besoin  de  riz, 
de  tabac,  de  potasse,  de  fourrures,  &  de  bois  de  con- 
struction. Nous  avons  besoin  de  vins,  d'huiles,  des 
eaux-de-vie,  &  d'objets  de  manufactures.  II  regne 
entre  les  deux  peuples  une  affection  qui  les  porter  a  se 
favoriser  Fun  1'autre.  S'  ils  ne  se  rejoignent  done  pas 
dans  leurs  propres  ports  pour  faire  ces  echanges,  cela 
prouve  qu'il  y  a  quelque  obstacle  essentiel  dans  les 
moyens.  Nous  avons  re9U  trop  de  preuves  des  dis- 
positions amicales  de  S.  M.  envers  les  Etats-Unis,  & 
nous  connoissons  trop  bien  son  zele  affectueux  pour 


z8o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

ses  sujets,  pour  douter  de  sa  bonne  volonte  d'ecarter 
ces  obstacles  lorsqu'ils  seront  clairement  demontres. 
C'est  a  sa  sagesse  a  decider  si  le  monopole  qui  fait 
le  sujet  de  cette  lettre  peut  a  juste  titre  £tre  mis  au 
nombre  des  principaux.  C'est  une  grande  consola- 
tion pour  moi,  qu'en  soumettant  ces  observations  aux 
lumieres  de  S.  M.  Votre  Exc.e  rectifiera  mes  idees  la, 
ou  une  connoissance  insufnsante  des  faits  peut  m'avoir 
induit  en  erreur,  &  qu'en  meme  terns  que  les  interets 
du  Roi  &  de  son  peuple  soit  le  principal  objet  de 
votre  attention,  vous  en  trouverez  un  de  plus  dans 
ces  dispositions  envers  nous  qui  ont  si  souvent  favo- 
rise  notre  nation.  Nous  invoquons  ardemment  le 
ciel  pour  qu'il  veille  avec  un  soin  particulier  sur  la 
vie  &  le  bonheur  de  S.  M.  &  pour  qu'elle  soit  long- 
terns  soulagee  par  vos  sages  conseils  dans  le  fardeau 
du  Gouvernement.  Permettez  moi  d'ajouter  1'assur- 
ance  du  profond  respect  &  de  la  consideration  dis- 
tinguee  avec  lesquels  j'ai  1'honneur  d'etre  de  votre 
Excellence,  le  tres  humble  &  tres  obeissant  serviteur. 


TO  JEAN  PIERRE  BRISSOT  DE  WARVILLE.          j.  MSS. 

PARIS,  Aug.  16,  1786. 

SIR, — I  have  read  with  very  great  satisfaction  the 
sheets  of  your  work  on  the  commerce  of  France  & 
the  United  States  which  you  were  so  good  as  to  put 
into  my  hands.  I  think  you  treat  the  subject,  as  far 
as  these  sheets  go,  in  an  excellent  manner.  Were  I 
to  select  any  particular  passages  as  giving  me  partic- 
ular satisfaction,  it  would  be  those  wherein  you  prove 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  281 

to  the  United  States  that  they  will  be  more  virtuous, 
more  free  &  more  happy,  emploied  in  agriculture, 
than  as  carriers  or  manufacturers.  It  is  a  truth,  and 
a  precious  one  for  them,  if  they  could  be  persuaded 
of  it.  I  am  also  particularly  pleased  with  your  in- 
troduction. You  have  properly  observed  that  we 
can  no  longer  be  called  Anglo-Americans.  That  ap- 
pellation now  describes  only  the  inhabitants  of  Nova 
Scotia,  Canada,  &c.  I  had  applied  that  of  Federo- 
Americans  to  our  citizens,  as  it  would  not  be  so  de- 
cent for  us  to  assume  to  ourselves  the  flattering 
appellation  of  Free-Americans.  There  are  two  pas- 
sages in  this  work  on  which  I  am  able  to  give  infor- 
mation. The  first  is  in  page  62  ;  "  ils  auront  le  coton 
quand  ils  voudront  se  livrer  a  ce  genre  de  culture," 
and  in  the  note  "  Ton  voit  dans  la  baie  de  Massachu- 
setts, &c."  The  four  Southernmost  states  make  a 
great  deal  of  cotton.  Their  poor  are  almost  entirely 
clothed  in  it  in  winter  &  summer.  In  winter  they 
wear  shirts  of  it,  &  outer  clothing  of  cotton  &  wool 
mixed.  In  Summer  their  shirts  are  linnen  but  the 
outer  clothing  cotton.  The  dress  of  the  women  is 
almost  entirely  of  cotton  manufactured  by  them- 
selves, except  the  richer  class,  and  even  many  of  these 
wear  a  good  deal  of  home-spun  cotton.  It  is  as  well 
manufactured  as  the  calicoes  of  Europe.  These  4 
states  furnish  a  great  deal  of  cotton  to  the  states 
north  of  them,  who  cannot  make  it,  as  being  too  cold. 
There  is  no  neighborhood  in  any  part  of  the  United 
States  without  a  water-grist-mill  for  grinding  the  corn 
of  the  neighborhood.  Virginia,  Maryland,  Dela- 


282  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

ware,  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  abound 
with  large  manufacturing  mills  for  the  exportation 
of  flour.  There  are  abundance  of  saw-mills  in  all 
the  states.  Furnaces  and  forges  of  iron,  I  believe,  in 
every  state,  I  know  they  are  in  the  nine  Northern- 
most. There  are  many  mills  for  plating  &  slitting 
iron.  And  I  think  there  are  many  distilleries  of  rum 
from  Norfolk  in  Virginia  to  Portsmouth  in  New 
Hampshire.  I  mention  these  circumstances  because 
your  note  seems  to  imply  that  these  things  are  only 
in  the  particular  states  you  mention. 

The  second  passage  is  pages  101  &  102  where 
you  speak  of  the  "  ravages  causes  par  1'  abus  des  eaux 
de  vie,"  which  seems,  by  the  note  in  page  101,  to  be 
taken  on  authority  of  Smith.  Nothing  can  be  less 
true  than  what  that  author  says  on  this  subject  ;  and 
we  may  say  in  general  that  there  are  as  many  false- 
hoods as  facts  in  his  work.  I  think  drunkenness  is 
much  more  common  in  all  the  American  States  than 
in  France.  But  it  is  less  common  there  than  in  Eng- 
land. You  may  form  an  idea  from  this  of  the  state 
of  it  in  America.  Smith  saw  everything  thro'  the 
medium  of  strong  prejudice.  Besides  this,  he  does 
not  hesitate  to  write  palpable  lies,  which  he  was  con- 
scious were  such.  When  you  proceed  to  form  your 
table  of  American  exports  &  imports,  I  make  no 
doubt  you  will  consult  the  American  traveller,1  the 
estimates  in  which  are  nearer  the  truth  than  those  of 
Ld  Sheffield  &  Deane,  as  far  as  my  knowlege  of  the 

1  Alexander  Cluny's  American  Traveller,  London  :  1769. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  283 

facts  enables  me  to  judge.  I  must  beg  your  pardon 
for  having  so  long  detained  these  sheets.  I  did  not 
finish  my  American  dispatches  till  the  night  before 
last,  &  was  obliged  yesterday  to  go  to  Versailles.  I 
have  the  honour  to  be  with  very  great  respect,  Sir, 
your  most  obedient  &  most  humble  servant. 


TO  HONORE   GABRIEL    REQUETTI,   COMTE   DE    MIRABEAU. 

J.MSS. 

Aug.  20,  1786. 

"  II  n'est  pas  un  pays  sur  la  terre,  je  n'en  excepte  pas  les  nouvelles  repub- 
liques  Americaines,  on  il  suffix  a  un  homme  de  pratiquer  les  vertus  sociales 
pour  participer  a  tous  les  avantages  de  la  societe."  Lettre  de  M.  le  comte 
de  Mirabeau  sur  M.  de  Cagliostro,  pa.  48. 

A  person  who  esteems  highly  the  writings  and 
talents  of  the  Count  de  Mirabeau,  and  his  disposition 
to  exert  them  for  the  good  of  mankind,  takes  the 
liberty  of  inclosing  him  the  original  and  a  translation 
of  an  act 1  of  one  of  the  legislatures  of  the  American 
republics,  with  which  the  Count  de  Mirabeau  was 
probably  not  acquainted  when  he  wrote  the  above 
paragraph.  It  is  part  of  that  general  reformation  of 
their  laws  on  which  those  republics  have  been  occu- 
pied since  the  establishment  of  peace  and  indepen- 
dance  among  them.  The  Count  de  Mirabeau  will 
perhaps  be  able  on  some  occasion  to  avail  mankind 
of  this  example  of  emancipating  human  reason. 

1  Virginia  act  for  Religious  Freedom. 


284  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

TO   CHARLES   GYSBERT,    COUNT    VAN    HOGENDORP.        J.MSS. 

PARIS,  August  25,  1786. 

SIR, — Your  favour  of  the  2d  instant  has  been  duly 
received,  and  I  employ  the  first  moment  which  has 
been  at  my  disposal  to  answer  it.  The  author  of  the 
part  of  the  new  Encyclopedie  which  relates  to  Politi- 
cal economy  having  asked  of  me  materials  for  the 
article  Etat  Unis,  stating  a  number  of  questions 
relative  to  them,  I  answered  them  as  minutely  & 
exactly  as  was  in  my  power.  He  has  from  these 
compiled  the  greater  part  of  that  article.  I  take  the 
liberty  of  inclosing  you  one  of  them,  which  will  give 
you  all  the  details  to  which  your  letter  refers.  I  can 
even  refer  you  to  the  pages  which  answer  your  sev- 
eral questions. 

Qu. — What  is  the  extent  of  the  Congress  power  in  managing  the  affairs 
of  the  U.  States? 

The  6th  &  gih  articles  of  the  confederation  will 
explain  these  powers.  Those  which  it  is  thought  they 
still  need  you  will  find  indicated  in  this  pamphlet, 
pa.  29,  30,  and  in  page  31-6,  their  powers  of 
coercion. 

Qu. — What  are  the  expenses  of  Congress? 

Ans. — Pages  4.2-6,  and  43-6. 

Qu. — Which  the  revenues? 

Ans. — As  yet  they  have  no  standing  revenues ; 
they  have  asked  standing  revenues  as  shall  be  noted 
under  a  subsequent  question.  In  the  meantime  they 
call  annually  for  the  sums  necessary  for  the  federal 
government.  See  pages  43,  44. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  285 

Qu. — In  which  way  do  the  particular  states  contribute  to  the  general  ex- 
penses? 

Ans. — Congress  once  a  year  calculate  the  sum 
necessary  the  succeding  year  to  pay  the  interest  of 
their  debt,  and  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  federal 
government.  This  sum  they  then  apportion  on  the 
several  states  according  to  the  table  page  44.  a.  And 
the  states  then  raise  each  its  part  by  such  taxes  as 
they  think  proper. 

Qu. — Are   general  duties,  to  be  levied  by  Congress,  still  expected  to  be 
acquiesced  to  by  the  states  ? 

Ans. — See  page  30,  a.  New  York,  the  only  state 
which  had  not  granted  the  impost  of  5.  per  cent,  has 
done  it  at  a  late  session  ;  but  has  reserved  to  herself 
the  appointment  of  the  collectors.  Congress  will  not 
receive  it  upon  that  condition.  It  is  believed  that 
New  York  will  recede  from  this  condition.  Still  a 
difficulty  will  remain,  the  impost  of  5.  per  cent  not 
being  deemed  sufficient  to  pay  the  interest  of  our 
whole  debt,  foreign  &  domestic,  Congress  asked  at 
the  same  time  (that  is  in  1 783)  supplementary  funds 
to  make  good  the  deficiency.  Several  of  the  states 
have  not  yet  provided  those  supplementary  funds. 
Some  of  those  which  have  provided  them  have  de- 
clared that  the  Impost  &  supplementary  fund  shall 
commence  only  when  all  the  states  have  granted  both. 
Congress  have  desired  those  states  to  uncouple  the 
grants,  so  that  each  may  come  into  force  separately 
as  soon  as  it  is  given  by  all  the  states.  Pennsylvania 
has  declined  this,  saying  that  if  the  impost  be  granted 
alone,  as  that  will  do  little  more  than  pay  the  interest 


286  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

of  the  foreign  debt,  the  other  states  will  be  less  urgent 
to  provide  for  the  interest  of  the  domestic  debt.  She 
wishes  therefore  to  avail  herself  of  the  general  desire 
to  provide  for  foreign  creditors  in  order  to  enforce  a 
just  attention  to  the  domestic  ones.  The  question  is 
whether  it  will  be  more  easy  to  prevail  on  Pennsyl- 
vania to  recede  from  this  condition  or  the  other  states 
to  comply  with  it.  The  treaties  with  the  Indians  have 
experienced  a  greater  delay  than  was  expected.  They 
are  however  completed,  and  the  Surveyors  are  gone 
into  that  country  to  lay  out  the  land  in  lots.  As  soon  as 
some  progress  is  made  in  this,  the  sale  of  lands  will 
commence,  and  I  have  a  firm  faith  that  they  will  in 
a  short  time  absorb  the  whole  of  the  certificates  of 
the  domestic  debt. 

The  Philadelphia  bank  was  incorporated  by  Con- 
gress. This  is  perhaps  the  only  instance  of  their 
having  done  that,  which  they  had  no  power  to  do. 
Necessity  obliged  them  to  give  this  institution  the 
appearance  of  their  countenance,  because  in  that 
moment  they  were  without  any  other  resource  for 
money.  The  legislature  of  Pennsylvania  however 
passed  an  act  of  incorporation  for  the  bank,  &  declared 
that  the  holders  of  stock  should  be  responsible  only 
to  the  amount  of  their  stock.  Lately  that  legislature 
has  repealed  their  act.  The  consequence  is  that  the 
bank  is  now  altogether  a  private  institution  and  every 
holder  is  liable  for  it's  engagements  in  his  whole 
property.  This  has  had  a  curious  effect.  It  has 
given  those  who  deposit  money  in  the  bank  a  greater 
faith  in  it,  while  it  has  rendered  the  holders  very  dis- 
contented, as  being  more  exposed  to  risk,  and  has  in- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  287 

duced  many  to  sell  out,  so  that  I  have  heard  (I  know 
not  how  truly)  that  bank  stock  sells  somewhat  below 
par,  it  has  been  said  7^  per  cent ;  but  as  the  pub- 
lication was  from  the  enemies  of  the  bank,  I  do  not 
give  implicit  faith  to  it.  With  respect  to  the  article 
"  Etats  Unis  "  of  the  Encyclopedic  now  inclosed,  I  am 
far  from  making  myself  responsible  for  the  whole  of 
the  article.  The  two  first  sections  are  taken  chiefly 
from  the  Abbe  Raynal  &  they  are  therefore  wrong 
exactly  in  the  same  proportion  ;  the  other  sections  are 
generally  right.  Even  in  them  however  there  is  here 
&  there  an  error.  But  on  the  whole  it  is  good  ;  and 
the  only  thing  as  yet  printed  which  gives  a  just  idea 
of  the  American  constitutions.  There  will  be  another 
good  work,  a  very  good  one,  published  here  soon  by 
Mr.  Mazzei  who  has  been  many  years  a  resident  of 
Virginia,  is  well  informed,  and  possessed  of  a  mascu- 
line understanding.  I  should  rather  have  said  it  will 
be  published  in  Holland,  for  I  believe  it  cannot  be 
printed  here.  I  should  be  happy  indeed  in  an  oppor- 
tunity of  visiting  Holland  ;  but  I  know  not  when  it 
will  occur.  In  the  mean  time  it  would  give  me  great 
pleasure  to  see  you  here.  I  think  you  would  find 
both  pleasure  &  use  in  such  a  trip.  I  feel  a  sincere 
interest  in  the  fate  of  your  country,  and  am  disposed 
to  wish  well  to  either  party  only  as  I  can  see  in  their 
measures  a  tendency  to  bring  on  an  amelioration  of 
the  condition  of  the  people,  an  increase  in  the  mass 
of  happiness.  But  this  is  a  subject  for  conversation. 
My  paper  warns  me  that  it  is  time  to  assure  you  of 
the  esteem  &  respect  with  which  I  have  the  honour 
to  be  Dear  Sir  your  most  obedient  humble  servant. 


288  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

TO    MRS.    PARADISE.  J.  MSS. 

PARIS,  Aug.  27,  1786. 

DEAR  MADAM, — I  am  honored  with  your  letter  of 
the  1 5th  inst.  by  Mr.  Voss.  I  concur  with  you  in 
opinion  that  it  is  for  Mr.  Paradise's  interest  to  go  as 
soon  as  possible  to  America  and  also  to  turn  all  his 
debts  into  one,  which  may  be  to  Mr.  Gist  or  any 
other :  upon  condition  that  the  person  giving  him 
this  credit  shall  be  satisfied  to  receive  annually  his 
interest  in  money,  and  shall  not  require  consignments 
of  tobacco.  This  is  the  usual  condition  of  the  to- 
bacco merchants.  No  other  law  can  be  more  oppres- 
sive to  the  mind  or  fortune,  and  long  experience 
has  proved  to  us  that  there  never  was  an  instance 
of  a  man's  getting  out  of  debt  who  was  once  in  the 
hands  of  a  tobacco  merchant  &  bound  to  consign  his 
tobacco  to  him.  It  is  the  most  delusive  of  all  snares. 
The  merchant  feeds  the  inclination  of  his  customer 
to  be  credited  till  he  gets  the  burthen  of  debt  so 
increased  that  he  cannot  throw  it  off  at  once,  he  then 
begins  to  give  him  less  for  his  tobacco  &  ends  with 
giving  him  what  he  pleases  for  it,  which  is  always  so 
little  that  though  the  demands  of  the  customer  for  nec- 
essaries be  reduced  ever  so  low  in  order  to  get  him- 
self out  of  debt,  the  merchant  lowers  his  price  in  the 
same  proportion  so  as  always  to  keep  such  a  balance 
against  his  customer  as  will  oblige  him  to  continue 
his  consignments  of  tobacco.  Tobacco  always  sells 
better  in  Virginia  than  in  the  hands  of  a  London 
merchant.  The  confidence  which  you  have  been 
pleased  to  place  in  me  induces  me  to  take  the  liberty 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  289 

of  advising  you  to  submit  to  any  thing  rather  than  to 
an  obligation  to  ship  your  tobacco.  A  mortgage  of 
property,  the  most  usurious  interest,  or  any  thing 
else  will  be  preferable  to  this.  If  Mr.  Paradise  can 
get  no  single  money  lender  to  pay  his  debts,  perhaps 
those  to  whom  he  owes  might  be  willing  to  wait,  on 
his  placing  in  the  hands  of  trustees  in  London  whom 
they  should  approve,  certain  parts  of  his  property, 
the  profits  of  which  should  suffice  to  pay  them  within 
a  reasonable  time.  Mr.  Voss  gives  me  hopes  of 
seeing  Mr.  Paradise  here.  I  shall  not  fail  to  give 
him  such  information  as  my  knowledge  of  the  country 
to  which  he  is  going  may  render  useful :  nor  of  avail- 
ing myself  of  every  occasion  of  rendering  him,  your- 
self &  family  every  service  in  my  power,  having  the 
honour  to  be  with  sentiments  of  the  most  perfect 
esteem  &  respect,  Madam,  &c. 


TO  THOMAS  MANN  RANDOLPH,  JR.  J.  MSS. 

PARIS,  Aug.  27,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  am  honoured  with  your  favour  of 
the  1 6th  instant,  and  desirous,  without  delay,  of  mani- 
festing my  wishes  to  be  useful  to  you  I  shall 
venture  to  you  some  thoughts  on  the  course  of  your 
studies,  which  must  be  submitted  to  the  better  choice 
with  which  you  are  surrounded.  A  longer  race 
through  life  may  have  entitled  me  to  seize  some 
truths  which  have  not  yet  been  presented  to  your 
observation  &  more  intimate  knowledge  of  the  coun- 
try in  which  you  are  to  live  &  of  the  circumstances 


VOL.    IV. — IQ. 


290  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

in  which  you  will  be  placed,  may  enable  me  to  point 
your  attention  to  the  branches  of  science  which  will 
administer  the  most  to  your  happiness  there.  The 
foundations  which  you  have  laid  in  languages  and  math- 
ematics are  proper  for  every  superstructure.  The 
former  exercises  our  memory  while  that  and  no  other 
faculty  is  yet  matured  &  prevents  our  acquiring  hab- 
its of  idleness.  The  latter  gives  exercise  to  our 
reason,  as  soon  as  that  has  acquired  a  certain  degree 
of  strength,  and  stores  the  mind  with  truths  which 
are  useful  in  other  branches  of  science.  At  this 
moment  then  a  second  order  of  preparation  is  to 
commence.  I  shall  propose  to  you  that  it  be  exten- 
sive, comprehending  Astronomy,  Natural  Philosophy 
(or  Physics),  Natural  History,  Anatomy,  Botany  & 
Chemistry.  No  inquisitive  mind  will  be  content  to 
be  ignorant  of  any  of  these  branches.  But  I  would 
advise  you  to  be  contented  with  a  course  of  lectures 
in  most  of  them,  without  attempting  to  make  your- 
self master  of  the  whole.  This  is  more  than  any 
genius  joined  to  any  length  of  life  is  equal  to.  You 
will  find  among  them  some  one  study  to  which  your 
mind  will  more  particularly  attach  itself.  This  then 
I  would  pursue  &  propose  to  attain  eminence  in. 
Your  own  country  furnishes  the  most  aliment  for 
Natural  History,  Botany  &  Physics  &  as  you  ex- 
press a  fondness  for  the  former  you  might  make  it 
your  principal  object,  endeavoring  however  to  make 
yourself  more  acquainted  with  the  two  latter  than  with 
other  branches  likely  to  be  less  useful.  In  fact  you 
will  find  botany  offering  it's  charms  to  you  at  every 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  291 

step — during  summer  &  Physics  in  every  season.  All 
these  branches  of  science  will  be  better  attained  by 
attending  courses  of  lectures  in  them.  You  are  now 
in  a  place  where  the  best  courses  upon  earth  are 
within  your  reach  and  being  delivered  in  your  native 
language — you  lose  no  part  of  their  benefit.  Such 
an  opportunity  you  will  never  again  have.  I  would 
therefore  strongly  press  on  you  to  fix  no  other  limit 
to  your  stay  in  Edinborough  than  your  having  got 
thro  this  whole  course.  The  omission  of  any  one 
part  of  it  will  be  an  affliction  &  loss  to  you  as  long  as 
you  live.  Beside  the  comfort  of  knowledge,  every 
science  is  auxiliary  to  every  other.  While  you  are 
attending  these  courses  you  can  proceed  by  yourself 
in  a  regular  series  of  historical  reading.  It  would  be 
a  waste  of  time  to  attend  a  professor  of  this.  It  is  to 
be  acquired  from  books  and  if  you  pursue  it  by  your- 
self you  can  accommodate  it  to  your  other  reading  so 
as  to  fill  up  those  chasms  of  time  not  otherwise  ap- 
propriated. There  are  portions  of  the  day  too  when 
the  mind  should  be  eased,  particularly  after  dinner  it 
should  be  applied  to  lighter  occupation  :  history  is  of 
this  kind.  It  exercises  principally  the  memory.  Re- 
flection also  indeed  is  necessary  but  not  generally  in 
a  laborious  degree.  To  conduct  yourself  in  this 
branch  of  science  you  have  only  to  consider  what 
seras  of  it  merit  a  grasp  &  what  a  particular  atten- 
tion, &  in  each  sera  also  to  distinguish  between  the 
countries  the  knowledge  of  whose  history  will  be  use- 
ful &  those  where  it  suffices  only  to  be  not  altogether 
ignorant.  Having  laid  down  your  plan  as  to  the 


292  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

branches  of  history  you  would  pursue,  the  order  of 
time  will  be  your  sufficient  guide.  After  what  you 
have  read  in  antient  history  I  should  suppose  Millot's 
digest  would  be  useful  &  sufficient.  The  histories 
of  Greece  and  Rome  are  worthy  a  good  degree  of  at- 
tention, they  should  be  read  in  the  original  authors. 
The  transition  from  antient  to  modern  history  will 
be  best  effected  by  reading  Gibbon's.  Then  a  gen- 
eral history  of  the  principal  states  of  Europe,  but 
particular  ones  of  England.  Here  too  the  original 
writers  are  to  be  preferred.  Kennet  published  a  con- 
siderable collection  of  these  in  3  vols.  folio,  but  there 
are  some  others  not  in  his  collection  well  worth  being 
read.  After  the  history  of  England  that  of  America 
will  claim  your  attention.  Here  too  original  authors 
&  not  compilers  are  best.  An  author  who  writes  of 
his  own  times  or  of  times  near  his  own  presents  in 
his  own  ideas  &  manner  the  best  picture  of  the  mo- 
ment of  which  he  writes.  History  need  not  be  hur- 
ried but  may  give  way  to  the  other  sciences  because 
history  can  be  pursued  after  you  shall  have  left  your 
present  situation  as  well  as  while  you  remain  in  it. 
When  you  shall  have  got  thro  this  second  order  of 
preparation  the  study  of  the  law  is  to  be  begun. 
This  like  history  is  to  be  acquired  from  books.  All 
the  aid  you  will  want  will  be  a  catalogue  of  the  books 
to  be  read  &  the  order  in  which  they  are  to  be  read. 
It  being  absolutely  indifferent  in  what  place  you  carry 
on  this  reading  I  should  propose  your  doing  it  in 
France.  The  advantages  of  this  will  be  that  you 
will  at  the  same  time  acquire  the  habit  of  speaking 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  293 

French  which  is  the  object  of  a  year  or  two.  You 
may  be  giving  attention  to  such  of  the  fine  arts  as 
your  turn  may  lead  you  to  &  you  will  be  forming  an 
acquaintance  with  the  individuals  &  characters  of  a 
nation  with  whom  we  must  long  remain  in  the  clos- 
est intimacy  &  to  whom  we  are  bound  by  the  strong 
ties  of  gratitude  and  policy.  A  nation  in  short  of 
the  most  amiable  dispositions  on  earth,  the  whole 
mass  of  which  is  penetrated  with  an  affection  for  us. 
You  might  before  you  return  to  your  own  country 
make  a  visit  to  Italy  also. 

I  should  have  performed  the  office  of  but  half  a 
friend  were  I  to  confine  myself  to  the  improvement 
of  the  mind  only.  Knowledge  indeed  is  a  desirable, 
a  lovely  possession,  but  I  do  not  scruple  to  say  that 
health  is  more  so.  It  is  of  little  consequence  to  store 
the  mind  with  science  if  the  body  be  permitted  to  be- 
come debilitated.  If  the  body  be  feeble,  the  mind 
will  not  be  strong — the  sovereign  invigorator  of  the 
body  is  exercise,  and  of  all  exercises  walking  is 
best.  A  horse  gives  but  a  kind  of  half  exercise,  and 
a  carriage  is  no  better  than  a  cradle.  No  one 
knows,  till  he  tries,  how  easily  a  habit  of  walking  is 
acquired.  A  person  who  never  walked  three  miles 
will  in  the  course  of  a  month  become  able  to  walk 
15  or  20  without  fatigue.  I  have  known  some 
great  walkers  &  had  particular  accounts  of  many 
more :  and  I  never  knew  or  heard  of  one  who 
was  not  healthy  &  long  lived.  This  species  of 
exercise  therefore  is  much  to  be  advised.  Should 
you  be  disposed  to  try  it,  as  your  health  has  been 


294  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 


feeble,  it  will  be  necessary  for  you  to  begin  with 
a  little,  &  to  increase  it  by  degrees.  For  the  same 
reason  you  must  probably  at  first  ascribe  to  it  the 
hours  most  precious  for  study,  I  mean  those  about 
the  middle  of  the  day.  But  when  you  shall  find 
yourself  strong  you  may  venture  to  take  your  walks 
in  the  evening  after  the  digestion  of  the  dinner  is 
pretty  well  over.  This  is  making  a  compromise  be- 
tween health  &  study.  The  latter  would  be  too 
much  interrupted  were  you  to  take  from  it  the  early 
hours  of  the  day  and  habit  will  soon  render  the  even- 
ing's exercise  as  salutary  as  that  of  the  morning.  I 
speak  this  from  my  own  experience  having,  from  an 
attachment  to  study,  very  early  in  life,  made  this  ar- 
rangement of  my  time,  having  ever  observed  it,  & 
still  observing  it,  &  always  with  perfect  success.  Not 
less  than  two  hours  a  day  should  be  devoted  to  ex- 
ercise, and  the  weather  should  be  little  regarded.  A 
person  not  sick  will  not  be  injured  by  getting  wet. 
It  is  but  taking  a  cold  bath  which  never  gives  a  cold 
to  any  one.  Brute  animals  are  the  most  healthy,  & 
they  are  exposed  to  all  weather  and,  of  men,  those 
are  healthiest  who  are  the  most  exposed.  The  recipe 
of  those  two  descriptions  of  beings  is  simple  diet,  ex- 
ercise and  the  open  air,  be  it's  state  what  it  will ;  and 
we  may  venture  to  say  that  this  recipe  will  give  health 
&  vigor  to  every  other  description. — By  this  time  I 
am  sure  you  will  think  I  have  sermonized  enough.  I 
have  given  you  indeed  a  lengthy  lecture.  I  have 
been  led  through  it  by  my  zeal  to  serve  you  ;  if  in  the 
whole  you  find  one  useful  counsel,  that  will  be  my 


1 786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  295 

reward,  &  a  sufficient  one.  Few  persons  in  your  own 
country  have  started  from  as  advantageous  ground  as 
that  whereon  you  will  be  placed.  Nature  and  for- 
tune have  been  liberal  to  you.  Every  thing  honour- 
able or  profitable  there  is  placed  within  your  own 
reach,  and  will  depend  on  your  own  efforts.  If  these 
are  exerted  with  assiduity,  and  guided  by  unswerving 
honesty,  your  success  is  infallible  :  and  that  it  may  be 
as  great  as  you  wish  is  the  sincere  desire  of  Dear  Sir, 
your  most  affectionate  humble  servant. 

P.  S.     Be  so  good  as  to  present  me  affectionately 
to  your  brother  &  cousin. 


TO  JOHN  ADAMS.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS,  Aug.  27,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — Your  favour  of  July  31.  was  lately  de- 
livered me.  The  papers  inform  me  you  are  at  the 
Hague,  and,  incertain  what  stay  you  may  make  there 
I  send  this  by  Mr.  Voss  who  is  returned  to  London 
by  the  way  of  Amsterdam.  I  inclose  you  the  last  letters 
from  Mr.  Barclay  &  Mr.  Carmichael  by  which  we  may 
hope  our  Peace  with  Morocco  is  signed,  thanks  to  the 
good  offices  of  a  nation  which  is  honest  if  it  is  not 
wise.  This  event  with  the  naval  cruises  of  Portugal 
will  I  hope  quiet  the  Atlantic  for  us.  I  am  informed 
by  authority  to  be  depended  on,  that  insurance  is  made 
at  L'Orient,  on  American  vessels  sailing  under  their 
own  flag,  against  every  event  at  the  price  usually 
paid  for  risks  of  the  sea  alone.  Still  however  the 
most  important  of  our  Marts,  the  Mediterranean,  is 


296  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

shut.  I  wrote  you  a  proposition  to  accept  Mr.  Bar- 
clay's offer  of  going  to  Algiers.  I  have  no  hope  of 
it's  making  peace ;  but  it  may  add  to  our  infor- 
mation, abate  the  ardor  of  those  pyrates  against 
us,  and  shut  the  mouths  of  those  who  might  im- 
pute our  success  at  Morocco  &  failure  at  Algiers  to 
a  judicious  appointment  to  the  one  place  &  an  in- 
judicious one  at  the  other.  Let  me  hear  from  you 
as  soon  as  possible  on  this  &  if  you  accede  to  it 
send  me  all  the  necessary  papers  ready  signed.  I  in- 
close you  the  article  "  Etats  Unis"  of  one  of  the 
volumes  of  the  Encyclopedic,  lately  published.  The 
author,  M.  de  Meusnier,  was  introduced  to  me  by  the 
D.  de  la  Rochefoucault.  He  asked  of  me  information 
on  the  subject  of  our  states,  &  left  with  me  a  number 
of  queries  to  answer.  Knowing  the  importance  of  set- 
ting to  rights  a  book  so  universally  diffused  &  which 
will  go  down  to  late  ages,  I  answered  his  queries 
as  fully  as  I  was  able,  went  into  a  great  many 
calculations  for  him,  and  offered  to  give  further  ex- 
planations when  necessary.  He  then  put  his  work  into 
my  hands.  I  read  it,  and  was  led  by  that  into  a  still 
greater  number  of  details  by  way  of  correcting  what 
he  had  at  first  written,  which  was  indeed  a  mass  of 
errors  and  misconceptions  from  beginning  to  end.  I 
returned  him  his  work  &  dry  details,  but  he  did  not 
communicate  it  to  me  after  he  had  corrected  it.  It 
has  therefore  come  out  with  many  errors  which  I 
would  have  advised  him  to  correct,  &  the  rather  as  he 
was  very  well  disposed.  He  has  still  left  in  a  great 
deal  of  the  Abbe  Raynal,  that  is  to  say  a  great  deal 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  297 

of  falsehood,  and  he  has  stated  other  things  on  bad 
information.  I  am  sorry  I  had  not  another  correction 
of  it.  He  has  paid  me  for  my  trouble  in  the  true  coin 
of  the  country,  most  unmerciful  compliment.  This, 
with  his  other  errors  I  should  surely  have  struck  out 
had  he  sent  me  the  work,  as  I  expected,  before  it 
went  to  the  press.  I  find  in  fact  that  he  is  happiest 
of  whom  the  world  sais  least,  good  or  bad. — I  think 
if  I  had  had  a  little  more  warning,  my  desire  to  see 
Holland,  as  well  as  to  meet  again  Mrs.  Adams  & 
yourself,  would  have  tempted  me  to  take  a  flying  trip 
there.  I  wish  you  may  be  tempted  to  take  Paris  in 
your  return.  You  will  find  many  very  happy  to  see 
you  here,  &  none  more  so  than,  Dear  Sir,  your  friend 
and  servant. 


TO  EZRA  STILES.  J.  MSS. 

PARIS,  Sep.  i,  1786. 

SIR, — I  am  honoured  with  your  letter  of  May  8. 
That  which  you  mention  to  have  written  in  the  winter 
preceding  never  came  to  hand.  I  return  you  my 
thanks  for  the  communications  relative  to  the  West- 
ern country.  When  we  reflect  how  long  we  have  in 
habited  those  parts  of  America  which  lie  between 
the  Alleghaney  &  the  ocean,  that  no  monument  has 
ever  been  found  in  them  which  indicated  the  use  of 
iron  among  its'  aboriginal  inhabitants,  that  they  were 
as  far  advanced  in  arts,  at  least,  as  the  inhabitants  on 
the  other  side  the  Alleghaney,  a  good  degree  of  in- 
fidelity may  be  excused  as  to  the  new  discoveries 


298  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

which  suppose  regular  fortifications  of  brickwork  to 
have  been  in  use  among  the  Indians  on  the  waters  of 
the  Ohio.  Intrenchments  of  earth  they  might  indeed 
make  :  but  brick  is  more  difficult.  The  art  of  making 
it  may  have  preceded  the  use  of  iron,  but  it  would 
suppose  a  greater  degree  of  industry  than  men  in  the 
hunter  state  usually  possess.  I  should  like  to  know 
whether  General  Parsons  himself  saw  actual  bricks 
among  the  remains  of  fortification.  I  suppose  the 
settlement  of  our  continent  is  of  the  most  remote 
antiquity.  The  similitude  between  its'  inhabitants  & 
those  of  Eastern  parts  of  Asia  renders  it  probable 
that  ours  are  descended  from  them  or  they  from  ours. 
The  latter  is  my  opinion,  founded  on  this  single  fact. 
Among  the  red  inhabitants  of  Asia  there  are  but  a 
few  languages  radically  different,  but  among  our  In- 
dians the  number  of  languages  is  infinite  which  are  so 
radically  different  as  to  exhibit  at  present  no  appear- 
ance of  their  having  been  derived  from  a  common 
source.  The  time  necessary  for  the  generation  of  so 
many  languages  must  be  immense.  A  countryman  of 
yours,  a  Mr.  Lediard,  who  was  with  Capt.  Cook  on 
his  last  voiage,  proposes  either  to  go  to  Kams- 
chatka,  cross  from  thence  to  the  Western  side  of 
America,  and  penetrate  through  the  Continent  to  our 
side  of  it,  or  to  go  to  Kentucke,  &  thence  penetrate 
Westwardly  to  the  South  sea,  the  vent  from  hence 
lately  to  London,  where  if  he  finds  a  passage  to 
Kamschatka  or  the  Western  coast  of  America  he 
would  avail  himself  of  it :  otherwise  he  proposes  to 
return  to  our  side  of  America  to  attempt  that  route. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  299 

I  think  him  well  calculated  for  such  an  enterprise,  & 
wish  he  may  undertake  it.  Another  countryman  of 
yours  Mr.  Trumbul  has  paid  us  a  visit  here  &  brought 
with  him  two  pictures  which  are  the  admiration  of  the 
Connoisseurs.  His  natural  talents  for  this  art  seem 
almost  unparalleled.  I  send  you  the  5th  &  6th  vols. 
of  the  Bibliotheque  physico  ecconomie  erroneously  let- 
tered as  the  7th  &  8th,  which  are  not  yet  come  out. 
I  inclose  with  them  the  article  "  Etats  Unis"  of  the 
new  Encyclopedic.  This  article  is  recently  published, 
&  a  few  copies  have  been  printed  separate.  For 
this  twelvemonth  past  little  new  &  excellent  has  ap- 
peared either  in  literature  or  the  arts.  An  Abbe" 
Rochon  has  applied  the  metal  called  platina  to  the 
telescope  instead  of  the  mixed  metal  of  which  the 
specula  were  formerly  composed.  It  is  insusceptible 
of  rust,  as  gold  is,  and  he  thinks  it's  reflective  power 
equal  to  that  of  the  mixed  metal.  He  has  observed 
a  very  curious  effect  of  the  natural  chrystals,  & 
especially  of  those  of  Iceland  ;  which  is  that  lenses 
made  of  them  have  two  distinct  focuses,  and  present 
you  the  object  distinctly  at  two  different  distances. 
This  I  have  seen  myself.  A  new  method  of  copying 
has  been  invented  here.  I  called  on  the  inventor,  & 
he  presented  me  a  plate  of  copper,  a  pen  &  ink.  I 
wrote  a  note  on  the  plate,  and  in  about  three  quarters 
of  an  hour  he  brought  me  an  hundred  copies,  as  per- 
fect as  the  imagination  can  conceive.  Had  I  written 
my  name,  he  could  have  put  it  to  so  many  bonds,  so 
that  I  should  have  acknoleged  the  Signature  to  be  my 
own.  The  copying  of  paintings  in  England  is  very 


300  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

conceivable.  Any  number  may  be  taken,  which  shall 
give  you  the  true  lineaments  &  colouring  of  the 
original  without  injuring  that.  This  is  so  like  crea- 
tion, that  had  I  not  seen  it,  I  should  have  doubted  it. 
— The  death  of  the  K.  of  Prussia,  which  happened  on 
the  1 7th  inst.  will  probably  employ  the  pens,  if  not 
the  swords  of  politicians.  We  had  exchanged  the 
ratifications  of  our  treaty  with  him.  The  articles  of 
this  which  were  intended  to  prevent  or  miticate  wars, 
by  lessening  their  aliment  are  so  much  applauded  in 
Europe  that  I  think  the  example  will  be  followed.  I 
have  the  honour  to  be  with  very  sincere  esteem,  Dear 
Sir,  your  most  obedt.  humble  servant. 


ANSWERS  TO  THE  QUERIES  OF  M.  SOULES.1 

I  am  unable  to  say  what  was  the  number  of  Americans  engaged 
in  the  affair  of  Bunker's  Hill.  I  am  able  however  to  set  right  a 
gross  falsehood  of  Andrews.  He  says  that  the  Americans  there 

1  Fran9ois  Soules  wrote  a  work  entitled  Hisloire  des  troubles  de  FAmMque  et 
Anglaise  (Paris  1787),  the  MSS.  or  proof-sheets  of  which  he  submitted  to  Jeffer- 
son, who  made  the  above  comments.  In  sending  them  to  the  author  he  wrote 
him : 

"  PARIS  Septemb.  isth,  1786. 

"  SIR, — Before  the  receipt  of  your  favor  of  the  nth  inst.  I  had  written  the 
inclosed  short  notes  on  such  parts  of  your  work  as  I  have  been  yet  able  to  go 
over.  You  will  perceive  that  the  corrections  are  very  trifling.  Such  as  they 
are  I  will  continue  them,  &  forward  them  to  you  from  time  to  time  as  I  get 
along.  I  will  endeavour  also  to  answer  such  of  the  queries  you  propose  in  your 
letter  as  my  memory  will  enable  me  to  do  with  certainty.  Some  of  them  I 
shall  be  unable  to  answer,  having  left  in  America  all  my  notes,  memorandums, 
&c.,  which  might  have  enabled  me  to  give  you  the  information  you  desire.  I 
have  the  honour  to  be  with  the  utmost  esteem  &  respect,  sir,  Your  most  obedient 
humble  servt." 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  301 

engaged  were  constantly  relieved  by  fresh  hands.  This  is  entirely 
untrue.  Bunker  Hill,  or  rather  Breed's  hill,  whereon  the  action 
was,  is  a  peninsular  joined  to  the  main  land  by  a  neck  of  land 
almost  level  with  the  water,  a  few  paces  wide,  &  between  one  & 
two  hundred  toises  long.  On  one  side  of  this  neck  lay  a  vessel 
of  war,  &  on  the  other  several  gun  boats.  The  body  of  our  army 
was  on  the  main  land  ;  &  only  a  detachment  had  been  sent  into 
the  peninsular.  When  the  enemy  determined  to  make  the  attack, 
they  sent  the  vessel  of  war  &  gun  boats  to  take  the  position  be- 
fore mentioned  to  cut  off  all  reinforcements,  which  they  effectu- 
ally did.  Not  so  much  as  a  company  could  venture  into  the 
relief  of  the  men  engaged,  who  therefore  fought  thro'  the  whole 
action  &  at  length  were  obliged  to  retire  across  the  neck  thro'  the 
cross  fire  of  the  vessels  before  mentioned.  Single  persons  passed 
along  the  neck  during  the  engagement,  particularly  General 
Putnam. 

On  the  fall  of  Montgomery  &  his  aids  at  Quebec,  there  were 
present  Colo.  Campbell  &  Major  Dubois.  Campbell,  tho'  having 
the  rank  of  Colo,  was  only  of  the  staff  ;  Dubois  was  of  the  line. 
The  usage  of  all  nations  therefore  authorized  the  latter  to  take 
the  command.  But  it  was  a  case  for  which  Congress  had  not  yet 
provided.  Campbell  availed  himself  of  this,  &  believing,  on  the 
sight  of  blood,  that  all  was  lost,  ordered  a  retreat. 

The  speech  to  the  Indians,  in  Andrews  page  357  is  a  little 
altered  &  abridged.  You  will  find  the  genuine  one  in  the  Journal 
of  Congress  of  July  1775. 

I  do  not  distinctly  enough  recollect  the  anecdote  of  the  Old 
man's  company  related  by  Andrews,  to  affirm  it  in  all  it's  parts.  I 
think  I  recollect  in  general  that  there  was  such  a  company. 

The  questions  relative  to  General  Thomas  I  could  only  have 
answered  indistinctly  from  my  own  memory  :  but  fortunately 
there  came  to  Paris  a  few  days  ago,  &  will  yet  continue  there  a 
few  days,  a  Colonel  Blackden,  an  American  officer  of  good  under- 
standing &  of  truth,  &  who  was  at  the  latter  part  of  the  affair  of 
Quebec.  He  was  at  the  surprise  of  Ticonderoga  by  Allen,  & 
continued  with  the  army  until  1781.  I  have  spoken  with  him  on 
this  subject,  and  find  he  possesses  treasures  of  details  which  will 
be  precious  to  M.  Soules.  Any  day  that  M.  Soule"s  will  do  me 


302  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

the  honour  to  come  &  take  a  famille  soupe  with  me  (after  the  i6th 
inst.)  if  he  will  give  me  notice  in  the  morning,  I  will  ask  Colo. 
Blackden  to  meet  him  here,  &  will  make  them  acquainted.  He 
is  perfectly  disposed  to  give  all  the  information  in  his  power  to 
M.  Scale's,  &  whatever  he  gives  may  be  relied  on.  To  him  then 
I  shall  refer  M.  Soules  for  answers  to  his  military  questions,  & 
will  wait  his  orders,  recommending  despatch,  as  Colo.  Blackden 
has  not  long  to  stay. 

The  Stamp  act  was  passed  in  Feb,  1765. 

What  powers  the  Parliament  might  rightly  exercise  over  us,  & 
whether  any,  had  never  been  declared  either  by  them  or  us.  They 
had  very  early  taken  the  gigantic  step  of  passing  the  navigation  act. 
The  colonies  remonstrated  violently  against  it,  and  one  of  them, 
Virginia,  when  she  capitulated  to  the  Commonwealth  of  England, 
expressly  capitulated  for  a  free  trade.  See  the  articles  in  the 
Notes  on  Virginia,  p.  201.  This  capitulation  however  was  as  lit- 
tle regarded  as  the  original  right,  restored  by  it,  had  been.  The 
navigation  act  was  re-enacted  by  Charles  2  &  was  enforced.  And 
we  had  been  so  long  in  the  habit  of  seeing  them  consider  us 
merely  as  objects  for  the  extension  of  their  commerce,  &  of  sub- 
mitting to  every  duty  or  regulation  imposed  with  that  view,  that 
we  had  ceased  to  complain  of  them.  But  when  they  proposed  to 
consider  us  as  objects  of  taxation,  all  the  states  took  the  alarm. 
Yet  so  little  had  we  attended  to  this  subject,  that  our  advocates 
did  not  at  first  know  on  what  ground  to  take  their  stand.  Mr. 
Dickenson,  a  lawyer  of  more  ingenuity  than  sound  judgment,  and 
still  more  timid  than  ingenious,  not  daring  to  question  the  authority 
to  regulate  commerce  so  as  best  to  answer  their  own  purpose,  to 
which  we  had  so  long  submitted,  admitted  that  authority  in  its 
utmost  extent.  He  acknoledged  in  his  Farmer's  to  Manufacture 
[illegible]  that  they  could  levy  duties  internal  or  external,  paiablein 
Great  Britain  or  in  the  States.  He  only  required  that  these  duties 
should  be  bona  fide  for  the  regulation  of  commerce,  &  not  to  raise 
a  solid  revenue.  He  admitted  therefore  that  they  might  controul 
our  commerce,  but  not  tax  us.  This  mysterious  system  took  for  a 
moment  in  America  as  well  as  in  Europe.  But  sounder  heads  saw  in 
the  first  moment  that  he  who  could  put  down  the  loom,  could  stop 
the  spinning  wheel,  and  he  who  could  stop  the  spinning  wheel 


1 786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  303 

could  tie  the  hands  which  turned  it.  They  saw  that  this  flimsey 
fabric  could  not  be  supported.  Who  were  to  be  judges  whether 
duties  were  imposed  with  a  view  to  burthen  &  suppress  a  branch 
of  manufacture  or  to  raise  a  revenue  ?  If  either  party,  exclusively 
of  the  other,  it  was  plain  where  that  would  end.  If  both  par- 
ties, it  was  plain  where  that  would  end  also.  They  saw  there- 
fore no  sure  clue  to  lead  them  out  of  their  difficulties  but  rea- 
son &  right.  They  dared  to  follow  them,  assured  that  they 
alone  could  lead  them  to  defensible  ground.  The  first  elements 
of  reason  showed  that  the  members  of  Parliament  could  have  no 
power  which  the  people  of  the  several  counties  had  not.  That 
these  had  naturally  a  power  over  their  own  farms,  and  collectively 
over  all  England.  That  if  they  had  any  power  over  counties 
out  of  England  it  must  be  founded  on  compact  or  force.  No 
compact  could  be  shown,  &  neither  party  chose  to  bottom  their 
pretensions  on  force.  It  was  objected  that  this  annihilated 
the  navigation  act.  True,  it  does.  The  navigation  act  there- 
fore becomes  a  proper  subject  of  treaty  between  the  two  na- 
tions. Or  if  Gr.  Britain  does  not  chuse  to  have  it's  basis 
questioned  let  us  go  on  as  we  have  done.  Let  no  new  shackles 
be  imposed,  &  we  will  continue  to  submit  to  the  old.  We 
will  consider  the  restrictions  on  our  commerce  now  actually 
existing  as  compensations  yielded  by  us  for  the  protections  & 
privileges  we  actually  enjoy,  only  trusting  that  if  Great  Britain 
on  a  revisal  of  these  restrictions,  is  sensible  that  some  of  them  are 
useless  to  her  &  oppressive  to  us,  she  will  repeal  them.  But  on 
this  she  shall  be  free.  Place  us  in  the  condition  we  were  when 
the  king  came  to  the  throne,  let  us  rest  so,  &  we  will  be  satisfied. 
This  was  the  ground  on  which  all  the  states  very  soon  found  them- 
selves rallied,  and  that  there  was  no  other  which  could  be  de- 
fended. 

I  will  now  proceed  with  remarks  on  the  history. 

I  do  not  find  that  M.  Soules  mentioned  the  affair  of  the  Cedars 
which  happened  in  April,  1776.  This  was  an  affair  of  no  small 
importance.  A  committee  was  appointed  by  Congress  to  institute 
inquiries  concerning  it,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  journal  of  June 
14,  1776.  The  report  of  that  committee  is  inserted  in  the  journal 
of  July  10.  and  I  can  assure  M.  Soules  that  the  facts  therein 


3o4  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

stated  were  proved  incontestably  to  the  committee  by  witnesses 
present  at  the  transactions,  &  who  were  on  watch.  I  have  the 
originals  of  that  inquiry  in  my  possession  in  America.  The 
Capt.  Foster  therein  mentioned  was  afterwards  taken  with  Bur- 
goyne's  army,  tho  permitted  to  go  at  large  on  his  parole,  he  was 
not  received  into  any  American  company,  nor  did  the  British 
officers,  his  fellow  prisoners,  chuse  to  be  seen  in  company  with 
him — so  detestable  had  been  the  transaction  &c. 

Vol.  i.,  pa.  324.  I  have  been  very  well  informed,  that  during 
all  the  latter  part  of  the  defence,  the  garrison  was  obliged  to 
return  the  cannon  balls  of  the  enemy,  with  which  indeed  the 
ground  was  covered,  having  none  of  their  own  left. 

Pa.  325.  "  II  y  cut  un  Serjent  "  &c.  This  particular  truly  related 
in  Andrews. 

Vol.  2.  pa.  5.  "  Us  en  vinrent  le  10.  de  Juin  k  cette  resolu- 
tion que  ces  Colonies  "  &c.  See  the  Journ  of  Congr  that  it  was 
on  that  day  put  off  to  the  ist  of  July.  This  was  done  at  the 
instance  of  the  members  opposed  to  it.  The  friends  of  the 
resolution  objected  that  if  it  were  not  agreed  to  till  the  ist  of 
July  they  would  after  that  have  to  frame  a  Declaration  of 
Independance,  &  that  more  time  would  then  be  lost.  It  was 
therefore  agreed  between  the  two  that  the  resolution  should  be 
put  off  till  the  ist  of  July,  &  that  a  committee  should  be 
immediately  appointed  to  draw  a  declaration  of  Independance 
conformable  to  the  resolution,  should  it  be  adopted.  A  com- 
mittee was  accordingly  appointed  the  next  day.  On  the  ist  of 
July  the  resolution  was  proposed,  &  when  ready  for  a  vote,  a 
state  required  it  to  be  put  off  till  the  next  day.  It  was  done,  and 
was  passed  the  next  day,  ad  of  July.  The  declaration  of  Indepen- 
dance was  debated  during  the  2d,  3d  &  4th  days  of  July  &  on  the 
last  of  these  was  passed  &  signed. 

Pa.  6.  A  "  se  retirerent  ensuite  du  Congres."  I  do  not  re- 
member that  the  delegates  of  Maryland  retired  from  Congress,  & 
I  think  I  could  not  have  forgotten  such  a  fact.  On  the  contrary 
I  find  by  the  Journals  of  Congress  that  they  were  present  &  acting 
on  the  nth,  i2th,  iyth,  i8th&  24th  of  June. 

Pa.  7.  A  "la  plus  grande  partie."  It  should  rather  be  the 
most  important  parts. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFEXSON.  305 

Pa.  7,  6.  "  Les  etats  unis  ferrient  encore  aujourdhui  partie 
de  1'empire  Britannique."  M.  Soules  may  be  assured  that  the  sub- 
mission of  the  states  could  not  have  been  effected  but  by  a  long 
course  of  disasters,  &  such  too  as  were  irreparable  in  their  nature. 
Their  resources  were  great,  &  their  determination  so  rooted  that 
they  would  have  tried  the  last  of  them.  I  am  as  satisfied,  as  I 
can  be  of  anything,  that  the  conjecture  here  stated  would  not 
have  been  verified  by  the  event. 

Pa.  14.  "  Provinces  unis  "  should  not  this  always  be  "  etats- 
unis"  ? 

Pa.  15.  "  Mais  qu'on  pouvoir  aussi  les  interpreter  &c.  His 
exact  answer  was  that  it  was  true  the  &c  might  include  anything, 
but  that  might  also  include  nothing. 

Pa.  16:  "  Tant  de  confiance  "  &c.  Their  main  confidence  was 
in  their  own  resources.  They  considered  foreign  aid  as  probable 
&  desirable,  but  not  essential.  I  believe  myself,  from  the 
whole  of  what  I  have  seen  of  our  resources  &  perseverance,  i. 
That  had  we  never  received  any  foreign  aid,  we  should  not  have 
obtained  our  independance,  but  that  we  should  have  made  a 
peace  with  Great  Britain  on  any  terms  we  pleased,  short  of  that, 
which  would  have  been  a  subjection  to  the  same  king,  an  union 
of  force  in  war  &c.  2.  That  had  France  supplied  us  plentifully 
with  money,  suppose  about  4  millions  of  guineas  a  year,  without 
entering  into  the  war  herself  at  all,  we  should  have  established 
our  Independance,  but  it  would  have  cost  more  time,  &  blood, 
but  less  money.  3.  That  France,  aiding  us  as  she  did,  with 
money  &  forces,  shortened  much  the  time,  lessened  the  expense 
of  blood,  but  at  a  greater  expense  of  money  to  her  than  would 
have  otherwise  been  requisite. 

Pa.  18.  "  L'extremite  septentrional  &c.  I  think  the  word 
"  fote  "  would  be  better  adapted  than  "  extremite  "  to  the  form 
of  the  island. 

Pa.  21.     "3000  hommes,"  inquire  of  Colo.  Blackden. 

Perhaps  the  proposition  of  Congress  to  the  Hessians  may  be 
worth  mentioning.  See  their  Journals,  1776,  Aug.  14. 

I  will  make  a  general  observation  here  on  the  events  of  Long 
Island,  New  York  &c.  at  this  time.  The  maxim  laid  down  by 
Congress  to  their  generals  was  that  not  a  foot  of  territory  was  to 


306  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

be  ceded  to  their  enemies  where  there  was  a  possibility  of  de- 
fending it.  In  consequence  of  these  views,  and  against  his  own 
judgment,  Genl.  Washington  was  obliged  to  fortify  &  attempt  to  de- 
fend the  city  of  New  York.  But  that  could  not  be  defended  with- 
out occupying  the  heights  on  Long  island  which  commanded  the 
city  of  New  York.  He  was  therefore  obliged  to  establish  a  strong 
detachment  in  Long  island  to  defend  those  heights.  The  mo- 
ment that  detachment  was  routed,  which  he  had  much  expected, 
his  first  object  was  to  withdraw  them,  &  his  second  to  evacuate 
New  York — he  did  this  therefore  immediately,  and  without  wait- 
ing any  movement  of  the  enemy.  He  brought  off  his  whole 
baggage,  stores,  &  other  implements,  without  leaving  a  single 
article  except  the  very  heaviest  of  his  cannon  &  things  of  little 
value.  I  well  remember  his  letter  to  Congress  wherein  he  ex- 
presses his  wonder  that  the  enemy  had  given  him  this  leisure,  as, 
from  the  heights  they  had  got  possession  of,  they  might  have 
compelled  him  to  a  very  precipitate  retreat.  This  was  one  of  the 
instances  where  our  commanding  officers  were  obliged  to  conform 
to  popular  views  tho'  they  foresaw  certain  loss  from  it.  Had  he 
proposed  at  first  to  abandon  New  York,  he  might  have  been 
abandoned  himself.  An  obedience  to  popular  will  cost  us  an 
army  in  Charlestown  in  the  year  1779. 

Pa.  30.  "  Une  fuite  precipitee."  It  was  a  leisurely  retreat  as 
I  have  before  observed. 

Pa.  41.  "  Que  je  n'ai  prie  obtener  que  d'un  anglais."  Colo. 
Blackden  can  probably  give  M.  Soules  good  intelligence  on  this 
affair.  I  think  I  recollect  the  slaughter  on  Kniphausen's  side  to 
have  been  very  great. 

Aug.  3.  1786. 

Vo  [lume]  3.  "  Si  dans  son  institution  chaque  individue  avoit 
droit  an  gouvernement  de  1'etat,  a  seulement  ceux  qui  possedoi- 
ent  une  certaine  etendue  de  terre." 

This  is  a  luminous  idea  and  worthy  of  being  a  little  more  de- 
veloped. It  places  the  question  between  Gr  Britain  &  America 
in  the  simplest  form  possible.  No  Englishman  will  pretend  that 
a  right  to  participate  in  government  can  be  derived  from  any 
'other  source  than  a  personal  right,  or  a  right  of  property.  The 
conclusion  is  inevitable  that  he  who  had  neither  his  person  nor 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  307 

property  in  America  could  rightfully  assume  a  participation  in  it's 
government. 

Pa.  17.  The  seeds  of  the  war  are  here  traced  to  their  true 
source.  The  tory  education  of  the  King  was  the  first  preparation 
for  that  change  in  the  British  government  which  that  party  never 
ceases  to  wish.  This  naturally  ensured  tory  administrations  dur- 
ing his  life.  At  the  moment  he  came  to  the  throne  and  cleared 
his  hands  of  his  enemies  by  the  peace  of  Paris,  the  assumptions  of 
unwarrantable  right  over  America  commenced  ;  they  were  so  sig- 
nal, and  followed  one  another  so  close  as  to  prove  they  were  part 
of  a  system,  either  to  reduce  it  under  absolute  subjection,  & 
thereby  make  it  an  instrument  for  attempts  on  Britain  itself,  or  to 
sever  it  from  Britain,  so  that  it  might  not  be  a  weight  in  the  whig 
scale.  This  latter  alternative  however  was  not  considered  as  the 
one  which  would  take  place.  They  knew  so  little  of  America 
that  they  thought  it  unable  to  encounter  the  little  finger  of  Great 
Britain.  M.  de  Soules  has  well  developed  this  subject.  He  is 
best  judge  whether  anything  more  need  be  said  on  this  subject. 

Pa.  43.  "  Se  le  ministere  anglais  avoit  eu  la  patience  d'attendre 
que  ces  merchandises  fussent  consomme  "  &c.  Having  seen  and 
intimately  known  the  positions  of  the  Americans  at  that  moment, 
I  am  certain  that  this  conjecture  would  not  have  been  verified. 
The  determined  resolution  with  which  they  met  every  effort  of 
the  ministry,  whether  made  in  the  form  of  force,  fraud,  or  per- 
suasion, gives  us  a  moral  certainty  they  would  have  been  equally 
immoveable,  if  tried  in  the  way  of  privation  here  proposed. 

Pa.  51.  "  Pour  accorder  quelque  chose  "  &c.  The  substitution 
-of  Gage  for  Hutchinson  was  not  intended  as  a  favor,  but  by  put- 
ting the  civil  government  into  military  hands  was  meant  to  shew 
they  would  enforce  their  measures  by  arms.  See  pa  109,  where 
Congress  makes  it  one  of  their  grievances. 

Pa.  78.  A  grand  jury  cannot  be  fewer  than  12.  nor  more  than 
24.  Some  authors  say  it  cannot  be  fewer  than  1 3  nor  more  than  23. 

Pa  102.  "Plusieurs  criminels  &c.  Notwithstanding  the  laws 
the  English  made,  I  think  they  never  ventured  to  carry  a  sin- 
gle person  to  be  tried  in  England.  They  knew  that  reprisals 
would  be  made  and  probably  on  the  person  of  the  governor  who 
ventured  on  the  measure. 


308  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

Pa.  145.  The  fact  that  the  English  commenced  hostilities  at 
Lexington  being  proved  beyond  question  by  us,  &  even  acknowl- 
edged by  the  English,  justice  requires  it  should  be  plainly  asserted, 
&  left  clear  of  doubt.  Few  of  the  facts  which  history  asserts  & 
relies  on,  have  been  so  well  established. 

Pa.  150.  "  L'humanite  des  Britons."  I  doubt  whether  this  is 
the  character  of  the  nation  in  general.  But  this  history,  and 
every  one  which  is  impartial  must  in  it's  relation  of  this  war  shew 
in  such  repeated  instances,  that  they  conducted  it,  both  in  theory 
&  practice,  on  the  most  barbarous  principles,  that  the  expres- 
sion here  cited  will  stand  in  contradiction  to  the  rest  of  the  work. 
As  examples  of  their  Theory  recollect  the  act  of  parliament  for 
constraining  our  prisoners  taken  on  the  sea  to  bear  arms  against 
their  fathers,  brothers  &c.  For  their  practice,  recollect  their  ex- 
citing the  savages  against  us,  insurrections  of  our  slaves,  sending 
our  prisoners  to  the  East  Indies,  killing  them  in  prison  ships, 
keeping  them  on  half  rations  and  of  the  most  unwholesome  qual- 
ities, cruel  murders  of  unarmed  individuals  of  every  sex,  mas- 
sacres of  those  in  arms  after  they  had  asked  quarters  &c.,  &c. 

Pa.  150.  "  A  c&  que  Ton  dit  a  20,000  hommes."  It  was  of 
22,000  men.  I  was  in  a  situation  to  know  the  fact  from  genl. 
Washington's  own  information. 

158.  1.  8.     Strike  out  "  6t  probablement  "  &  insert  "  mais  verita- 
blement."     I  remember  the  fact  well  and  the  leading  persons  of 
Connecticut,  and  particularly  their  delegates  in  Congress  made 
no  secret  that  their  object  was  to  overawe  N  York  into  it's  duty. 

159.  "  II  fut  resolu  de  la  reduire  (/.  ^.,  nouvelle  York)  en  cen- 
dre."     This  was  proposed  and  considered  in  Congress  ;  but  they 
refused  to  come  to  this  resolution,  nor  do  I  recollect  that  any 
other  body  resolved  it. 

163.  Doctor  Franklin  has  been  called  by  that  title  as  early  as 
1760,  within  my  own  knowledge  :  I  do  not  know  how  much 
longer. 

His  quality  in  France  was  that  of  Minister  plenipotentiary,  and 
not  as  ambassador.  We  have  never  appointed  an  ambassador. 
France  offered  to  receive  one. 

Pa.  1 66.  The  English  set  fire  to  Charleston.  Qu  as  to  the 
number  of  their  killed. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  309 

Pa.  1 80.  1 8 1.  Gates  was  &  still  is  an  inhabitant  of  Virginia. 
He  never  lived  in  any  other  state. 

Pa.  190.  "  M.  Arnold  avoit  forme  une  enterprise  "  &c.  I  never 
understood  that  he  formed  this  enterprise,  nor  do  I  believe  he 
did.  I  heard  and  saw  all  General  Washington's  letters  on  this 
subject.  I  do  not  think  he  mentioned  Arnold  as  author  of  the 
proposition  ;  yet  he  was  always  just  in  ascribing  to  every  officer 
the  merit  of  his  own  works  ;  and  he  was  disposed  particularly  in 
favor  of  Arnold.  This  officer  is  entitled  to  great  merit  in  the 
execution,  but  to  ascribe  to  him  that  of  having  formed  the  enter- 
prise is  probably  to  ascribe  to  him  what  belongs  to  Genl.  Wash- 
ington or  some  other  person. 

209.  "  Et  qu'  il  ne  leur  fut  plus  permis  de  lever  la  milice,"  &c. 
They  had  formerly  had  a  law  on  the  subject  of  invasions  &  insur- 
rections which  was  of  a  perpetual  tenor.  They  altered  this  law 
by  one  which  was  to  be  in  force  for  a  certain  term  of  years  only. 
That  term  of  years  effluxed  at  this  time,  the  altering  law  expired, 
&  therefore  the  old  one  resumed  it's  vigor.  It  was  very  imperfect ; 
yet  they  chose  to  act  under  the  colour  of  that  rather  than  without 
any  colour  of  law. 

216.  "  Dont  elles  se  plaignerent."  This  seems  to  be  the 
proper  place  to  rectify  a  small  error  in  the  arrangement  of  facts, 
and  to  state  the  answer  to  the  conciliatory  proposition  which  was 
in  truth  the  first  work  of  the  assembly.  I  have  not  here  the  jour- 
nals of  the  assembly,  but  there  are  certain  circumstances  which 
render  it  impossible  for  my  memory  to  lead  me  astray.  I  was 
under  appointment  to  attend  the  General  congress  :  but  knowing 
the  importance  of  the  answer  to  be  given  to  the  conciliatory 
proposition,  and  that  our  leading  whig  characters  were  then  with 
Congress,  I  determined  to  attend  on  the  assembly,  &  tho'  a  young 
member,  to  take  on  myself  the  carrying  thro'  an  answer  to  the 
proposition.  The  assembly  met  the  ist  of  June.  I  drew,  and 
proposed  the  answer  &  carried  it  through  the  house  with  very  lit- 
tle alteration,  against  the  opposition  of  our  timid  members  who 
wish  to  speak  a  different  language.  This  was  finished  before 
the  nth  of  June,  because  on  that  day  I  set  out  from  Williamsburg 
to  Philadelphia,  and  was  the  bearer  of  an  authenticated  copy  of 
this  instrument  to  Congress.  The  effect  it  had  in  fortifying  their 


310  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

minds,  &  in  deciding  their  measures  renders  it's  true  date  impor- 
tant ;  because  only  Pennsylvania  had  as  yet  answered  the  propo- 
sition. Virginia  was  the  second.  It  was  known  how  Massachu- 
setts would  answer  it  ;  and  the  example  of  these  three  principal 
colonies  would  determine  the  measures  of  all  the  others,  &  of 
course  the  fate  of  the  proposition.  Congress  received  it  there- 
fore with  much  satisfaction.  The  assembly  of  Virginia  did  not 
deliver  the  answer  to  Ld.  Dunmore  till  late  in  the  session.  They 
supposed  it  would  bring  on  a  dissolution  of  their  body  whenever 
they  should  deliver  it  to  him,  and  they  wished  previously  to  get 
some  important  acts  passed.  For  this  reason  they  kept  it  up.  I 
think  that  Ld.  Dunmore  did  not  quit  the  metropolis  till  he  knew 
that  the  answer  framed  by  the  house  was  a  rejection  of  the  propo- 
sition, tho'  that  answer  was  not  yet  communicated  to  him  regu- 
larly. 

Pa.  231.  "  Quelques  certaines  de  blancs."  These  were  com- 
posed principally  of  Scotch  merchants  &  factors,  &  some  few 
English,  who  had  settled  in  the  country.  I  doubt  whether 
there  was  a  single  native  among  them.  If  M.  Soules  could  there- 
fore characterise  more  particularly  who  they  were  who  joined  Ld. 
Dunmore,  it  would  be  an  agreeable  act  of  justice  to  the  natives. 

Pa.  233.  "  Les  Americains  qui  avoit  joint  Milord  Dunmore." 
The  same  observation  applies  to  this. 

Pa.  245.  "Pendant  1'ete  le  Congres  general  avoit  etc  occupe  a 
dresser  un  plan  pour  former  une  confederation."  It  is  necessary 
to  set  to  rights  here  a  fact  which  has  been  mistaken  by  every  per- 
son who  has  written  on  this  subject.  I  will  do  it  from  a  perfect 
recollection  of  facts,  but  my  memory  does  not  enable  me  to  state 
the  date  exactly.  I  was  absent  from  Congress  from  the  beginning 
of  January,  1776,  to  the  middle  of  May.  Either  just  before  I  left 
Congress,  or  immediately  on  my  return  to  it  (I  rather  think  it 
was  the  former)  Doctor  Franklin  put  into  my  hands  the  draught 
of  a  plan  of  confederation,  desiring  me  to  read  it  &  tell  him  what 
I  thought  of  it.  I  approved  it  highly.  He  shewed  it  to  others. 
Some  thought  as  I  did  ;  others  were  revolted  at  it.  We  found  it 
could  not  be  passed,  and  the  proposing  it  to  Congress  as  the  sub- 
ject for  any  vote  whatever  would  startle  many  members  so  much 
that  they  would  suspect  we  had  lost  sight  of  reconciliation  with 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  311 

Great  Britain,  &  that  we  should  lose  much  more  ground  than  we 
should  gain  by  the  proposition.  Yet  that  the  idea  that  a  more 
firm  bond  of  union  than  the  undefined  one  under  which  we  then 
acted  might  be  suggested  &  permitted  to  grow,  Dr.  Franklin  in- 
formed Congress  that  he  had  sketched  the  outlines  of  an  instru- 
ment which  might  become  necessary  at  a  future  day,  if  the  minis- 
try continued  pertinacious,  and  would  ask  leave  for  it  to  lay  on 
the  table  of  Congress,  that  the  members  might  in  the  meantime  be 
turning  the  subject  in  their  minds,  and  have  something  more  per- 
fect prepared  by  the  time  it  should  become  necessary.  This  was 
agreed  to  by  the  timid  members,  only  on  condition  that  no  entry 
whatever  should  be  made  in  the  journals  of  Congress  relative  to 
this  instrument.  This  was  to  continue  in  force  only  till  a  recon- 
ciliation with  Great  Britain.  This  was  all  that  ever  was  done  or 
proposed  in  Congress  on  the  subject  of  a  Confederation  before 
June  1776,  when  the  proposition  was  regularly  made  to  Congress, 
a  committee  appointed  to  draw  an  instrument  of  Confederation, 
who  accordingly  drew  one,  very  considerably  differing  from  the 
sketch  of  Doctor  Franklin. 

Pa.  294.  "  II  est  a  croire  qu'il  y  avoit  quelque  convention." 
It  is  well  known  there  was  such  a  convention.  It  was  never  made 
a  secret  of  on  our  part.  I  do  not  exactly  recollect  its  terms,  but 
I  believe  they  were  what  M.  Soules  states. 

Pa.  301.  "  La  petite  verole."  I  have  been  informed  by  officers 
who  were  on  the  spot,  &  whom  I  believe  myself,  that  this  dis- 
order was  sent  into  our  army  designedly  by  the  commanding 
officer  at  Quebec.  It  conserved  his  purpose  effectually. 


TO  MRS.  MARIA  COSWAY.  J.MSS. 

PARIS  October  12,  1786. 

MY  DEAR  MADAM, — Having  performed  the  last 
sad  office  of  handing  you  into  your  carriage  at  the 
pavilion  de  St.  Denis,  and  seen  the  wheels  get  actual- 
ly into  motion,  I  turned  on  my  heel  &  walked,  more 
dead  than  alive,  to  the  opposite  door,  where  my  own 


312  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

was  awaiting  me.  Mr.  Danquerville  was  missing. 
He  was  sought  for,  found,  &  dragged  down  stairs. 
We  were  crammed  into  the  carriage,  like  recruits  for 
the  Bastille,  &  not  having  soul  enough  to  give  orders 
to  the  coachman,  he  presumed  Paris  our  destination, 
&  drove  off.  After  a  considerable  interval,  silence 
was  broke  with  a  "  Je  suis  vraiment  afflige  du  depart 
de  ces  bons  gens"  This  was  a  signal  for  a  mutual  con- 
fession of  distress.  We  began  immediately  to  talk  of 
Mr.  &  Mrs.  Cosway,  of  their  goodness,  their  talents, 
their  amiability  ;  &  tho  we  spoke  of  nothing  else,  we 
seemed  hardly  to  have  entered  into  matter  when  the 
coachman  announced  the  rue  St.  Denis,  &  that  we 
were  opposite  Mr.  Danquerville's.  He  insisted  on 
descending  there  &  traversing  a  short  passage  to  his 
lodgings.  I  was  carried  home.  Seated  by  my  fire- 
side, solitary  &  sad,  the  following  dialogue  took  place 
between  my  Head  &  my  Heart : 

Head.     Well,  friend,  you  seem  to  be  in  a  pretty  trim. 

Heart.  I  am  indeed  the  most  wretched  of  all  earthly  beings. 
Overwhelmed  with  grief,  every  fibre  of  my  frame  distended  be- 
yond its  natural  powers  to  bear,  I  would  willingly  meet  whatever 
catastrophe  should  leave  me  no  more  to  feel  or  to  fear. 

Head.  These  are  the  eternal  consequences  of  your  warmth  & 
precipitation.  This  is  one  of  the  scrapes  into  which  you  are  ever 
leading  us.  You  confess  your  follies  indeed  ;  but  still  you  hug& 
cherish  them  ;  &  no  reformation  can  be  hoped,  where  there  is  no 
repentance. 

Heart.  Oh,  my  friend  !  this  is  no  moment  to  upbraid  my  foibles. 
I  am  rent  into  fragments  by  the  force  of  my  grief !  If  you  have 
any  balm,  pour  it  into  my  wounds  ;  if  none,  do  not  harrow  them 
by  new  torments.  Spare  me  in  this  awful  moment  !  At  any  other 
I  will  attend  with  patience  to  your  admonitions. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  313 

Head.  On  the  contrary  I  never  found  that  the  moment  of 
triumph  with  you  was  the  moment  of  attention  to  my  admoni- 
tions. While  suffering  under  your  follies,  you  may  perhaps  be 
made  sensible  of  them,  but,  the  paroxysm  over,  you  fancy  it  can 
never  return.  Harsh  therefore  as  the  medicine  may  be,  it  is  my 
office  to  administer  it.  You  will  be  pleased  to  remember  that 
when  our  friend  Trumbull  used  to  be  telling  us  of  the  merits  & 
talents  of  these  good  people,  I  never  ceased  whispering  to  you 
that  we  had  no  occasion  for  new  acquaintance  ;  that  the  greater 
their  merits  &  talents,  the  more  dangerous  their  friendship  to  our 
tranquillity,  because  the  regret  at  parting  would  be  greater. 

Heart.  Accordingly,  Sir,  this  acquaintance  was  not  the  con- 
sequence of  my  doings.  It  was  one  of  your  projects  which  threw 
us  in  the  way  of  it.  It  was  you,  remember,  &  not  I,  who  desired 
the  meeting  at  Legrand  &  Molinos.  I  never  trouble  myself  with 
domes  nor  arches.  The  Halle  aux  bleds  might  have  rotted  down 
before  I  should  have  gone  to  see  it.  But  you,  forsooth,  who  are 
eternally  getting  us  to  sleep  with  your  diagrams  &  crotchets,  must 
go  &  examine  this  wonderful  piece  of  architecture.  And  when 
you  had  seen  it,  oh  !  it  was  the  most  superb  thing  on  earth  !  What 
you  had  seen  there  was  worth  all  you  had  yet  seen  in  Paris  !  I 
thought  so  too.  But  I  meant  it  of  the  lady  &  gentleman  to  whom 
we  had  been  presented  ;  &  not  of  a  parcel  of  sticks  &  chips  put 
together  in  pens.  You  then,  Sir,  &  not  I,  have  been  the  cause  of 
the  present  distress. 

Head.  It  would  have  been  happy  for  you  if  my  diagrams  & 
crotchets  had  gotten  you  to  sleep  on  that  day,  as  you  are  pleased 
to  say  they  eternally  do.  My  visit  to  Legrand  &  Molinos  had 
public  utility  for  it's  object.  A  market  is  to  be  built  in  Richmond. 
What  a  commodious  plan  is  that  of  Legrand  &  Molinos  ;  especial- 
ly if  we  put  on  it  the  noble  dome  of  the  Halle  aux  bleds.  If  such 
a  bridge  as  they  shewed  us  can  be  thrown  across  the  Schuylkill 
at  Philadelphia,  the  floating  bridges  taken  up  £  the  navigation  of 
that  river  opened,  what  a  copious  resource  will  be  added,  of  wood 
&  provisions,  to  warm  &  feed  the  poor  of  that  city  ?  While  I  was 
occupied  with  these  objects,  you  were  dilating  with  your  new  ac- 
quaintances, &  contriving  how  to  prevent  a  separation  from  them. 
Every  soul  of  you  had  an  engagement  for  the  day.  Yet  all  these 


314  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

were  to  be  sacrificed,  that  you  might  dine  together.  Lying  mes- 
sengers were  to  be  despatched  into  every  quarter  of  the  city,  with 
apologies  for  your  breach  of  engagement.  You  particularly  had 
the  effrontery  to  send  word  to  the  Dutchess  Danville  that,  on  the 
moment  we  were  setting  out  to  dine  with  her,  despatches  came  to 
hand  which  required  immediate  attention.  You  wanted  me  to  in- 
vent a  more  ingenious  excuse  ;  but  I  knew  you  were  getting  into 
a  scrape,  &  I  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  it.  Well,  after  din- 
ner to  St.  Cloud,  from  St.  Cloud  to  Ruggieri's,  from  Ruggieri  to 
Krumfoltz,  &  if  the  day  had  been  as  long  as  a  Lapland  summer 
day,  you  would  still  have  contrived  means  among  you  to  have 
rilled  it. 

Heart.  Oh  !  my  dear  friend,  how  you  have  revived  me  by  re- 
calling to  my  mind  the  transactions  of  that  day  !  How  well  I 
remember  them  all,  &  that  when  I  came  home  at  night  &  looked 
back  to  the  morning,  it  seemed  to  have  been  a  month  agone.  Go 
on  then,  like  a  kind  comforter  &  paint  to  me  the  day  we  went  to 
St.  Germains.  How  beautiful  was  every  object  !  the  Port  de 
Reuilly,  the  hills  along  the  Seine,  the  rainbows  of  the  machine  of 
Marly,  the  terrace  of  St.  Germains,  the  chateaux,  the  gardens,  the 
statues  of  Marly,  the  pavilion  of  Lucienne.  Recollect  too  Madrid, 
Bagatelle,  the  King's  garden,  the  Dessert.  How  grand  the  idea 
excited  by  the  remains  of  such  a  column  !  The  spiral  staircase 
too  was  beautiful.  Every  moment  was  filled  with  something  agree- 
able. The  wheels  of  time  moved  on  with  a  rapidity  of  which 
those  of  our  carriage  gave  but  a  faint  idea.  And  yet  in  the 
evening  when  one  took  a  retrospect  of  the  day,  what  a  mass  of 
happiness  had  we  travelled  over  !  Retrace  all  those  scenes  to  me, 
my  good  companion,  &  I  will  forgive  the  unkindness  with  which 
you  were  chiding  me.  The  day  we  went  to  St.  Germains  was  a 
little  too  warm,  I  think  ;  was  it  not  ? 

Head.  Thou  art  the  most  incorrigible  of  all  the  beings  that 
ever  sinned  !  I  reminded  you  of  the  follies  of  the  first  day,  in- 
tending to  deduce  from  thence  some  useful  lessons  for  you,  but 
instead  of  listening  to  these,  you  kindle  at  the  recollection,  you 
retrace  the  whole  series  with  a  fondness  which  shews  you  want 
nothing  but  the  opportunity  to  act  it  over  again.  I  often  told  you 
during  its  course  that  you  were  imprudently  engaging  your  affec- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  315 

tions  under  circumstances  that  must  have  cost  you  a  great  deal  of 
pain  :  that  the  persons  indeed  were  of  the  greatest  merit,  possess- 
ing good  sense,  good  humour,  honest  hearts,  honest  manners,  & 
eminence  in  a  lovely  art ;  that  the  lady  had  moreover  qualities  & 
accomplishments,  belonging  to  her  sex,  which  might  form  a  chap- 
ter apart  for  her  :  such  as  music,  modesty,  beauty,  &  that  softness 
of  disposition  which  is  the  ornament  of  her  sex  &  charm  of  ours, 
but  tnat  all  these  considerations  would  increase  the  pang  of  sepa- 
ration :  that  their  stay  here  was  to  be  short :  that  you  rack  our 
whole  system  when  you  are  parted  from  those  you  love,  complain- 
ing that  such  a  separation  is  worse  than  death,  inasmuch  as  this 
ends  our  sufferings,  whereas  that  only  begins  them  :  &  that  the 
separation  would  in  this  instance  be  the  more  severe  as  you  would 
probably  never  see  them  again. 

Heart.  But  they  told  me  they  would  come  back  again  the 
next  year. 

Head.  But  in  the  meantime  see  what  you  suffer  :  &  their  re- 
turn too  depends  on  so  many  circumstances  that  if  you  had  a 
grain  of  prudence  you  would  not  count  upon  it.  Upon  the  whole 
it  is  improbable  &  therefore  you  should  abandon  the  idea  of  ever 
seeing  them  again. 

Heart.     May  heaven  abandon  me  if  I  do  ! 

Head.  Very  well.  Suppose  then  they  come  back.  They 
are  to  stay  two  months,  &  when  these  are  expired,  what  is  to 
follow  ?  Perhaps  you  flatter  yourself  they  may  come  to  America  ? 

Heart.  God  only  knows  what  is  to  happen.  I  see  nothing 
impossible  in  that  supposition.  And  I  see  things  wonderfully 
contrived  sometimes  to  make  us  happy.  Where  could  they  find 
such  objects  as  in  America  for  the  exercise  of  their  enchanting 
art  ?  especially  the  lady,  who  paints  landscapes  so  inimitably.  She 
wants  only  subjects  worthy  of  immortality  to  render  her  pencil 
immortal.  The  Falling  Spring,  the  Cascade  of  Niagara,  the  Pas- 
sage of  the  Potowmac  through  the  Blue  Mountains,  the  Natural 
bridge.  It  is  worth  a  voyage  across  the  Atlantic  to  see  these  ob- 
jects ;  much  more  to  paint,  and  make  them,  &  thereby  ourselves, 
known  to  all  ages.  And  our  own  dear  Monticello,  where  has 
nature  spread  so  rich  a  mantle  under  the  eye  ?  mountains,  forests, 
rocks,  rivers.  With  what  majesty  do  we  there  ride  above  the 


3i6  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

storms  !  How  sublime  to  look  down  into  the  workhouse  of 
nature,  to  see  her  clouds,  hail,  snow,  rain,  thunder,  all  fabricated 
at  our  feet !  and  the  glorious  sun  when  rising  as  if  out  of  a  distant 
water,  just  gilding  the  tops  of  the  mountains,  &  giving  life  to  all 
nature  !  I  hope  in  God  no  circumstance  may  ever  make  either 
seek  an  asylum  from  grief  !  With  what  sincere  sympathy  I  would 
open  every  cell  of  my  composition  to  receive  the  effusion  of  their 
woes  !  I  would  pour  my  tears  into  their  wounds  :  &  if  a  drop  of 
balm  could  be  found  on  the  top  of  the  Cordilleras,  or  at  the  re- 
motest sources  of  the  Missouri,  I  would  go  thither  myself  to  seek 
&  to  bring  it.  Deeply  practised  in  the  school  of  affliction,  the 
human  heart  knows  no  joy  which  I  have  not  lost,  no  sorrow  of 
which  I  have  not  drunk  !  Fortune  can  present  no  grief  of  un- 
known form  to  me  !  Who  then  can  so  softly  bind  up  the  wound 
of  another  as  he  who  has  felt  the  same  wound  himself  ?  But 
Heaven  forbid  they  should  ever  know  a  sorrow  !  Let  us  turn 
over  another  leaf,  for  this  has  distracted  me. 

Head.  Well.  Let  us  put  this  possibility  to  trial  then  on 
another  point.  When  you  consider  the  character  which  is  given 
of  our  country  by  the  lying  newspapers  of  London,  &  their  credu- 
lous copyers  in  other  countries  ;  when  you  reflect  that  all  Europe 
is  made  to  believe  we  are  a  lawless  banditti,  in  a  state  of  absolute 
anarchy,  cutting  one  another's  throats,  &  plundering  without  dis- 
tinction, how  can  you  expect  that  any  reasonable  creature  would 
venture  among  us  ? 

Heart.  But  you  &  I  know  that  all  this  is  false  :  that  there  is 
not  a  country  on  earth  where  there  is  greater  tranquillity,  where 
the  laws  are  milder,  or  better  obeyed  :  where  every  one  is  more 
attentive  to  his  own  business,  or  meddles  less  with  that  of  others  : 
where  strangers  are  better  received,  more  hospitably  treated,  & 
with  a  more  sacred  respect. 

Head.  True,  you  &  I  know  this,  but  your  friends  do  not 
know  it. 

Heart.  But  they  are  sensible  people  who  think  for  themselves. 
They  will  ask  of  impartial  foreigners  who  have  been  among  us, 
whether  they  saw  or  heard  on  the  spot  any  instances  of  anarchy. 
They  will  judge  too  that  a  people  occupied  as  we  are  in  opening 
rivers,  digging  navigable  canals,  making  roads,  building  public 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  317 

schools,  establishing  academies,  erecting  busts  &  statues  to  our 
great  men,  protecting  religious  freedom,  abolishing  sanguinary 
punishments,  reforming  &  improving  our  laws  in  general,  they  will 
judge  I  say  for  themselves  whether  these  are  not  the  occupations 
of  a  people  at  their  ease,  whether  this  is  not  better  evidence  of 
our  true  state  than  a  London  newspaper,  hired  to  lie,  &  from 
which  no  truth  can  ever  be  extracted  but  by  reversing  everything 
it  says. 

Head.  I  did  not  begin  this  lecture  my  friend  with  a  view  to 
learn  from  you  what  America  is  doing.  Let  us  return  then  to  our 
point.  I  wished  to  make  you  sensible  how  imprudent  it  is  to 
place  your  affections,  without  reserve,  on  objects  you  must  so 
soon  lose,  &  whose  loss  when  it  comes  must  cost  you  such  severe 
pangs.  Remember  the  last  night.  You  knew  your  friends  were 
to  leave  Paris  to-day.  This  was  enough  to  throw  you  into  agonies. 
All  night  you  tossed  us  from  one  side  of  the  bed  to  the  other.  No 
sleep,  no  rest.  The  poor  crippled  wrist  too,  never  left  one  mo- 
ment in  the  same  position,  now  up,  now  down,  now  here,  now 
there  ;  was  it  to  be  wondered  at  if  it's  pains  returned  ?  The  Sur- 
geon then  was  to  be  called,  &  to  be  rated  as  an  ignoramus  because 
he  could  not  divine  the  cause  of  this  extraordinary  change.  In 
fine,  my  friend,  you  must  mend  your  manners.  This  is  not  a 
world  to  live  at  random  in  as  you  do.  To  avoid  those  eternal 
distresses,  to  which  you  are  forever  exposing  us,  you  must  learn 
to  look  forward  before  you  take  a  step  which  may  interest  our 
peace.  Everything  in  this  world  is  a  matter  of  calculation.  Ad- 
vance then  with  caution,  the  balance  in  your  hand.  Put  into  one 
scale  the  pleasures  which  any  object  may  offer  ;  but  put  fairly  into 
the  other  the  pains  which  are  to  follow,  &  see  which  preponderates. 
The  making  an  acquaintance  is  not  a  matter  of  indifference.  When 
a  new  one  is  proposed  to  you,  view  it  all  round.  Consider  what 
advantages  it  presents,  &  to  what  inconveniences  it  may  expose 
you.  Do  not  bite  at  the  bait  of  pleasure  till  you  know  there  is  no 
hook  beneath  it.  The  art  of  life  is  the  art  of  avoiding  pain  :  &  he 
is  the  best  pilot  who  steers  clearest  of  the  rocks  &  shoals  with 
which  he  is  beset.  Pleasure  is  always  before  us  ;  but  misfortune 
is  at  our  side  :  while  running  after  that,  this  arrests  us.  The 
most  effectual  means  of  being  secure  against  pain  is  to  retire  with- 


318  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

in  ourselves,  &  to  suffice  for  our  own  happiness.  Those,  which 
depend  on  ourselves,  are  the  only  pleasures  a  wise  man  will  count 
on  :  for  nothing  is  ours  which  another  may  deprive  us  of.  Hence 
the  inestimable  value  of  intellectual  pleasures.  Even  in  our  power, 
always  leading  us  to  something  new,  never  cloying,  we  ride  serene 
&  sublime  above  the  concerns  of  this  mortal  world,  contemplating 
truth  &  nature,  matter  &  motion,  the  laws  which  bind  up  their 
existence,  &  that  eternal  being  who  made  &  bound  them  up  by 
those  laws.  Let  this  be  our  employ.  Leave  the  bustle  &  tumult 
of  society  to  those  who  have  not  talents  to  occupy  themselves  with- 
out them.  Friendship  is  but  another  name  for  an  alliance  with 
the  follies  &  the  misfortunes  of  others.  Our  own  share  of  miseries 
is  sufficient :  why  enter  then  as  volunteers  into  those  of  another  ? 
Is  there  so  little  gall  poured  into  our  cup  that  we  must  needs  help 
to  drink  that  of  our  neighbor  ?  A  friend  dies  or  leaves  us  :  we 
feel  as  if  a  limb  was  cut  off.  He  is  sick  :  we  must  watch  over 
him,  &  participate  of  his  pains.  His  fortune  is  shipwrecked  ; 
ours  must  be  laid  under  contribution.  He  loses  a  child,  a  parent, 
or  a  partner  :  we  must  mourn  the  loss  as  if  it  were  our  own. 

Heart.  And  what  more  sublime  delight  than  to  mingle  tears 
with  one  whom  the  hand  of  heaven  hath  smitten  !  to  watch  over 
the  bed  of  sickness,  &  to  beguile  it's  tedious  &  it's  painful  mo- 
ments !  to  share  our  bread  with  one  to  whom  misfortune  has  left 
none  !  This  world  abounds  indeed  with  misery  :  to  lighten  it's 
burthen  we  must  divide  it  with  one  another.  But  let  us  now  try  the 
virtues  of  your  mathematical  balance,  &  as  you  have  put  into  one 
scale  the  burthen  of  friendship,  let  me  put  it's  comforts  into  the 
other.  When  languishing  then  under  disease,  how  grateful  is  the 
solace  of  our  friends  !  how  are  we  penetrated  with  their  assidui- 
ties &  attentions  !  how  much  are  we  supported  by  their  en- 
couragements &  kind  offices  !  When  heaven  has  taken  from  us 
some  object  of  our  love,  how  sweet  is  it  to  have  a  bosom  whereon 
to  recline  our  heads,  &  into  which  we  may  pour  the  torrent  of 
our  tears  !  Grief,  with  such  a  comfort,  is  almost  a  luxury  !  In 
a  life  where  we  are  perpetually  exposed  to  want  &  accident, 
yours  is  a  wonderful  proposition,  to  insulate  ourselves,  to  retire 
from  all  aid,  &  to  wrap  ourselves  in  the  mantle  of  self-sufficiency! 
For  assuredly  nobody  will  care  for  him  who  cares  for  nobody 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  319 

But  friendship  is  precious,  not  only  in  the  shade  but  in  the  sun- 
shine of  life  ;  &  thanks  to  a  benevolent  arrangement  of  things,  the 
greater  part  of  life  is  sunshine.  I  will  recur  for  proof  to  the  days 
we  have  lately  passed.  On  these  indeed  the  sun  shone  brightly. 
How  gay  did  the  face  of  nature  appear  !  Hills,  valleys,  chateaux, 
gardens,  rivers,  every  object  wore  it's  liveliest  hue  !  Whence  did 
they  borrow  it  ?  From  the  presence  of  our  charming  companion. 
They  were  pleasing,  because  she  seemed  pleased.  Alone,  the 
scene  would  have  been  dull  &  insipid  :  the  participation  of  it 
with  her  gave  it  relish.  Let  the  gloomy  monk,  sequestered  from 
the  world,  seek  unsocial  pleasures  in  the  bottom  of  his  cell  !  Let 
the  sublimated  philosopher  grasp  visionary  happiness  while  pur- 
suing phantoms  dressed  in  the  garb  of  truth  !  Their  supreme 
wisdom  is  supreme  folly ;  &  they  mistake  for  happiness  the  mere 
absence  of  pain.  Had  they  ever  felt  the  solid  pleasure  of  one 
generous  spasm  of  the  heart,  they  would  exchange  for  it  all  the 
frigid  speculations  of  their  lives,  which  you  have  been  vaunting 
in  such  elevated  terms.  Believe  me  then  my  friend,  that  that  is  a 
miserable  arithmetic  which  could  estimate  friendship  at  nothing, 
or  at  less  than  nothing.  Respect  for  you  has  induced  me  to  enter 
into  this  discussion,  &  to  hear  principles  uttered  which  I  detest  & 
abjure.  Respect  for  myself  now  obliges  me  to  recall  you  into  the 
proper  limits  of  your  office.  When  nature  assigned  us  the  same 
habitation,  she  gave  us  over  it  a  divided  empire.  To  you  she 
allotted  the  field  of  science  ;  to  me  that  of  morals.  When  the 
circle  is  to  be  squared,  or  the  orbit  of  a  comet  to  be  traced  ;  when 
the  arch  of  greatest  strength,  or  the  solid  of  least  resistance  is  to 
be  investigated,  take  up  the  problem  ;  it  is  yours  ;  nature  has 
given  me  no  cognizance  of  it.  In  like  manner,  in  denying  to  you 
the  feelings  of  sympathy,  of  benevolence,  of  gratitude,  of  justice, 
of  love,  of  friendship,  she  has  excluded  you  from  their  controul. 
To  these  she  has  adapted  the  mechanism  of  the  heart.  Morals 
were  too  essential  to  the  happiness  of  man  to  be  risked  on  the  in- 
certain  combinations  of  the  head.  She  laid  their  foundation  there- 
fore in  sentiment,  not  in  science.  That  she  gave  to  all,  as  neces- 
sary to  all  :  this  to  a  few  only,  as  sufficing  with  a  few.  I  know 
indeed  that  you  pretend  authority  to  the  sovereign  controul  of 
our  conduct  in  all  its  parts  :  &  a  respect  for  your  grave  saws  & 


320  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

maxims,  a  desire  to  do  what  is  right,  has  sometimes  induced  me 
to  conform  to  your  counsels.  A  few  facts  however  which  I  can 
readily  recall  to  your  memory,  will  suffice  to  prove  to  you  that 
nature  has  not  organized  you  for  our  moral  direction.  When  the 
poor  wearied  souldier  whom  we  overtook  at  Chickahomony  with 
his  pack  on  his  back,  begged  us  to  let  him  get  up  behind  our 
chariot,  you  began  to  calculate  that  the  road  was  full  of  souldiers, 
&  that  if  all  should  be  taken  up  our  horses  would  fail  in  their 
journey.  We  drove  on  therefore.  But  soon  becoming  sensible 
you  had  made  me  do  wrong,  that  tho  we  cannot  relieve  all  the 
distressed  we  should  relieve  as  many  as  we  can,  I  turned  about  to 
take  up  the  souldier  ;  but  he  had  entered  a  bye  path,  &  was  no 
more  to  be  found  ;  &  from  that  moment  to  this  I  could  never  find 
him  out  to  ask  his  forgiveness.  Again,  when  the  poor  woman 
came  to  ask  a  charity  in  Philadelphia,  you  whispered  that  she 
looked  like  a  drunkard,  &  that  half  a  dollar  was  enough  to  give 
her  for  the  ale-house.  Those  who  want  the  dispositions  to  give, 
easily  find  reasons  why  they  ought  not  to  give.  When  I  sought  her 
out  afterwards,  &  did  what  I  should  have  done  at  first,  you  know 
that  she  employed  the  money  immediately  towards  placing  her 
child  at  school.  If  our  country,  when  pressed  with  wrongs  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet,  had  been  governed  by  it's  heads  instead  of 
it's  hearts,  where  should  we  have  been  now  ?  Hanging  on  a  gal- 
lows as  high  as  Haman's.  You  began  to  calculate  &  to  compare 
wealth  and  numbers  :  we  threw  up  a  few  pulsations  of  our  warmest 
blood  ;  we  supplied  enthusiasm  against  wealth  and  numbers  ;  we 
put  our  existence  to  the  hazard  when  the  hazard  seemed  against 
us,  and  we  saved  our  country  :  justifying  at  the  same  time  the 
ways  of  Providence,  whose  precept  is  to  do  always  what  is  right, 
and  leave  the  issue  to  him.  In  short,  my  friend,  as  far  as  my 
recollection  serves  me,  I  do  not  know  that  I  ever  did  a  good 
thing  on  your  suggestion,  or  a  dirty  one  without  it.  I  do  forever 
then  disclaim  your  interference  in  my  province.  Fill  papers  as 
you  please  with  triangles  &  squares  :  try  how  many  ways  you  can 
hang  &  combine  them  together.  I  shall  never  envy  nor  controul 
your  sublime  delights.  But  leave  me  to  decide  when  &  where 
friendships  are  to  be  contracted.  You  say  I  contract  them  at 
random.  So  you  said  the  woman  at  Philadelphia  was  a  drunkard. 


1 786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  321 

I  receive  no  one  into  my  esteem  till  I  know  they  are  worthy  of 
it.  Wealth,  title,  office,  are  no  recommendations  to  my  friend- 
ship. On  the  contrary  great  good  qualities  are  requisite  to  make 
amends  for  their  having  wealth,  title,  &  office.  You  confess 
that  in  the  present  case  I  could  not  have  made  a  worthier  choice. 
You  only  object  that  I  was  so  soon  to  lose  them.  We  are  not 
immortal  ourselves,  my  friend  ;  how  can  we  expect  our  enjoy- 
ments to  be  so  ?  We  have  no  rose  without  it's  thorn  ;  no  pleasure 
without  alloy.  It  is  the  law  of  our  existence ;  &  we  must 
acquiesce.  It  is  the  condition  annexed  to  all  our  pleasures,  not 
by  us  who  receive,  but  by  him  who  gives  them.  True,  this  con- 
dition is  pressing  cruelly  on  me  at  this  moment.  I  feel  more  fit 
for  death  than  life.  But  when  I  look  back  on  the  pleasures  of 
which  it  is  the  consequence,  I  am  conscious  they  were  worth  the 
price  I  am  paying.  Notwithstanding  your  endeavours  too  to 
damp  my  hopes,  I  comfort  myself  with  expectations  of  their 
promised  return.  Hope  is  sweeter  than  despair,  &  they  were  too 
good  to  mean  to  deceive  me.  In  the  summer,  said  the  gentle- 
man ;  but  in  the  spring,  said  the  lady  :  &  I  should  love  her  for- 
ever, were  it  only  for  that !  Know  then,  my  friend,  that  I  have 
taken  these  good  people  into  my  bosom  ;  that  I  have  lodged  them 
in  the  warmest  cell  I  could  find  :  that  I  love  them,  &  will  con- 
tinue to  love  them  through  life  :  that  if  fortune  should  dispose 
them  on  one  side  the  globe,  &  me  on  the  other,  my  affections 
shall  pervade  it's  whole  mass  to  reach  them.  Knowing  then  my 
determination,  attempt  not  to  disturb  it.  If  you  can  at  any  time 
furnish  matter  for  their  amusement,  it  will  be  the  office  of  a  good 
neighbor  to  do  it.  I  will  in  like  manner  seize  any  occasion 
which  may  offer  to  do  the  like  good  turn  for  you  with  Condorcet, 
Rittenhouse,  Madison,  La  Cretelle,  or  any  other  of  those  worthy 
sons  of  science  whom  you  so  justly  prize. 

I  thought  this  a  favorable  proposition  whereon  to 
rest  the  issue  of  the  dialogue.  So  I  put  an  end  to  it 
by  calling  for  my  night-cap.  Methinks  I  hear  you 
wish  to  heaven  I  had  called  a  little  sooner,  &  so 
spared  you  the  ennui  of  such  a  sermon.  I  did  not 

vol.  iv — 21 


322  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

interrupt  them  sooner  because  I  was  in  a  mood  for 
hearing  sermons.  You  too  were  the  subject  ;  &  on 
such  a  thesis  I  never  think  the  theme  long  ;  not  even 
if  I  am  to  write  it,  and  that  slowly  &  awkwardly,  as 
now,  with  the  left  hand.  But  that  you  may  not  be 
discouraged  from  a  correspondence  which  begins  so 
formidably,  I  will  promise  you  on  my  honour  that 
my  future  letters  shall  be  of  a  reasonable  length.  I 
will  even  agree  to  express  but  half  my  esteem  for 
you,  for  fear  of  cloying  you  with  too  full  a  dose. 
But,  on  your  part,  no  curtailing.  If  your  letters  are 
as  long  as  the  bible,  they  will  appear  short  to  me. 
Only  let  them  be  brimful  of  affection.  I  shall  read 
them  with  the  dispositions  with  which  Arlequin,  in 
Les  deux  billets  spelt  the  words  "je  faime"  and 
wished  that  the  whole  alphabet  had  entered  into 
their  composition. 

We  have  had  incessant  rains  since  your  departure. 
These  make  me  fear  for  your  health,  as  well  as  that 
you  had  an  uncomfortable  journey.  The  same  cause 
has  prevented  me  from  being  able  to  give  you  any 
account  of  your  friends  here.  This  voyage  to  Fon- 
tainebleau  will  probably  send  the  Count  de  Moustier 
&  the  Marquise  de  Brehan  to  America.  Danquer- 
ville  promised  to  visit  me,  but  has  not  done  it  as  yet. 
De  la  Tude  comes  sometimes  to  take  family  soup  with 
me,  &  entertains  me  with  anecdotes  of  his  five  & 
thirty  years  imprisonment.  How  fertile  is  the  mind 
of  man  which  can  make  the  Bastile  &  Dungeon  of 
Vincennes  yield  interesting  anecdotes !  You  know 
this  was  for  making  four  verses  on  Mme  de  Pompa- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON  323 

dour.  But  I  think  you  told  me  you  did  not  know 
the  verses.  They  were  these  :  "  Sans  esprit,  sans 
sentiment,  Sans  etre  belle,  nineuve,  En  France  onpeut 
avoir  le  premier  amant :  Pompadour  en  est  /'  epreuve" 
I  have  read  the  memoir  of  his  three  escapes.  As  to 
myself  my  health  is  good,  except  my  wrist  which 
mends  slowly,  &  my  mind  which  mends  not  at  all, 
but  broods  constantly  over  your  departure.  The 
lateness  of  the  season  obliges  me  to  decline  my  jour- 
ney into  the  south  of  France.  Present  me  in  the 
most  friendly  terms  to  Mr.  Cosway,  &  receive  me 
into  your  own  recollection  with  a  partiality  &  a 
warmth,  proportioned,  not  to  my  own  poor  merit,  but 
to  the  sentiments  of  sincere  affection  &  esteem  with 
which  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  my  dear  Madam, 
your  most  obedient  humble  servant. 


TO    MRS.    MARIA   COSWAY.  J.  MSS. 

PARIS  Octob.  13,  1786. 

MY  DEAR  MADAM, — Just  as  I  had  sealed  the  en- 
closed I  received  a  letter  of  a  good  length,  dated 
Antwerp  with  your  name  at  the  bottom.  I  prepared 
myself  for  a  feast.  I  read  two  or  three  sentences  ; 
looked  again  at  the  signature  to  see  if  I  had  not 
mistaken  it.  It  was  visibly  yours.  Read  a  sentence 
or  two  more.  Diable  !  Spelt  your  name  distinctly. 
There  was  not  a  letter  of  it  omitted.  Began  to  read 
again.  In  fine  after  reading  a  little  &  examining  the 
signature,  alternately,  half  a  dozen  times,  I  found  that 
your  name  was  to  four  lines  only,  instead  of  four 


324  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

pages.  I  thank  you  for  the  four  lines  however  be- 
cause they  prove  you  think  of  me  little  indeed,  but 
better  a  little  than  none.  To  shew  how  much  I  think 
of  you  I  send  you  the  enclosed  letter  of  three  sheets 
of  paper,  being  a  history  of  the  evening  I  parted  with 
you.  But  how  expect  you  should  read  a  letter  of 
three  mortal  sheets  of  paper  ?  I  will  tell  you. 
Divide  it  into  six  doses  of  half  a  sheet  each,  and 
every  day,  when  the  toilette  begins,  take  a  dose,  that 
is  to  say,  read  half  a  sheet.  By  this  means  it  will 
have  the  only  merit  it's  length  &  dulness  can  aspire 
to,  that  of  assisting  your  coiffezise  to  procure  you  six 
good  naps  of  sleep.  I  will  even  allow  you  twelve 
days  to  get  through  it,  holding  you  rigorously  to  one 
condition  only,  that  is,  that  at  whatever  hour  you 
receive  this,  you  do  not  break  the  seal  of  the  enclosed 
till  the  next  toilette.  Of  this  injunction  I  require  a 
sacred  execution.  I  rest  it  on  your  friendship,  & 
that  in  your  first  letter  you  tell  me  honestly  whether 
you  have  honestly  performed  it.  I  send  you  the 
song  I  promised.  Bring  me  in  return  it's  subject, 
Jours  heureux  !  Were  I  a  songster  I  should  sing  it 
all  to  these  words  "  Dans  ces  lieux  quelle  tarde  a  se 
rendre  !  "  Learn  it  I  pray  you,  &  sing  it  with  feel- 
ing. My  right  hand  presents  it's  devoirs  to,  and  sees 
with  great  indignation  the  left  supplanting  it  in  a 
correspondence  so  much  valued.  You  will  know  the 
first  moment  it  can  resume  it's  rights.  The  first 
exercise  of  them  shall  be  addressed  to  you,  as  you 
had  the  first  essay  of  it's  rival.  It  will  yet,  however, 
be  many  a  day.  Present  my  esteem  to  Mr.  Cosway, 
&  believe  me  to  be  yours  very  affectionately. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFEKSON.  325 

TO  WILLIAM  STEPHENS  SMITH.  J.  MSS. 

PARIS,  Oct.  22,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — How  the  right  hand  became  disabled 
would  be  a  long  story  for  the  left  to  tell.  It  was  by 
one  of  those  follies  from  which  good  cannot  come, 
but  ill  may.  As  yet  I  have  no  use  of  that  hand,  &  as 
the  other  is  an  awkward  scribe,  I  must  be  sententious 
&  not  waste  words.  Yours  of  Sep.  18.  &  22.  &  Oct. 
i.  &  4.  have  been  duly  received,  as  have  been  also  the 
books  from  Lackington  &  Stockdale,  &  the  second 
parcel  from  Dilly.  The  harness  is  at  the  Douane  of 
Paris,  not  yet  delivered  to  me.  Dilly's  first  parcel  of 
books,  &  the  first  copying  press  are  arrived  at  Rouen. 
You  see  how  much  reason  I  have  to  say  '  well  done, 
thou  good  and  faithful  servant.'  With  Chastellux's 
voiages  &  Latrd's  map  I  took  a  great  deal  more 
trouble  than  was  necessary,  such  as  going  myself  to 
the  book  shop  when  a  servant  might  as  well  have 
gone  etc.  merely  from  a  desire  to  do  something  in 
return  fo  you,  &  that  I  might  feel  as  if  I  have  done 
something.  You  desire  to  know  whether  the  2d. 
order  for  copying  paper  &  ink  was  meant  to  be  addi- 
tional to  the  former  ?  It  was,  but  I  had  now  rather  not 
receive  the  paper  because  I  have  found  a  better  kind 
here.  The  ink  I  shall  be  glad  of.  The  twelve  sheet 
map  I  shall  send  by  the  first  good  opportunity,  & 
hope  ere  long  to  receive  the  plate  of  mine  from  Mr. 
Neele.  I  will  trouble  you  to  have  the  inclosed  note 
to  Jones  delivered.  Will  you  undertake  to  prevail 
on  Mr.  Adams  to  set  for  his  picture  &  on  Mr.  Brown 
to  draw  it  for  me  ?  I  wish  to  add  to  those  of  other 
principal  American  characters  which  I  have  or  shall 


326  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [.786 

have :  &  I  had  rather  it  should  be  original  than  a 
copy.  We  saw  a  picture  of  Sr.  W.  Raleigh  at 
Birmingham,  &  I  do  not  know  whether  it  was  of  Mr. 
Adams  or  yourself  I  asked  the  favor  to  get  it  for  me. 
I  must  pray  your  taylor  to  send  me  a  buff  casimir 
waistcoat  &  breeches  with  those  of  cotton,  &  of  my 
shoemaker  to  send  me  two  pr.  of  thin  waxed  leather 
slippers.  Things  of  this  kind  come  better  by  private 
hands  if  any  such  should  be  coming  within  any 
reasonable  time.  The  accident  to  my  wrist  has  de- 
fected my  views  of  visiting  the  South  of  France  this 
fall.  Present  me  very  affectionately  to  Mrs.  Adams 
and  Mrs.  Smith.  I  hope  the  former  is  very  well,  & 
that  the  latter  is,  or  has  been  very  sick,  otherwise  I 
would  observe  to  you  that  it  is  high  time.  Adieu. 


TO  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  Nov.  14,  1786. 

SIR, — The  house  of  Le  Coulteux,  which  for  some 
centuries  has  been  the  wealthiest  of  this  place,  has  it 
in  contemplation  to  establish  a  great  company  for  the 
fur  trade.  They  propose  that  partners  interested  one 
half  in  the  establishment  should  be  American  citizens, 
born  &  residing  in  the  U.  S.  Yet  if  I  understood 
them  rightly  they  expect  that  half  of  the  company 
which  resides  here  should  make  the  greatest  part,  or 
perhaps  the  whole  of  the  advances,  while  those  on  our 
side  the  water  should  superintend  the  details.  They 
had  at  first  thought  of  Baltimore  as  the  center  of  their 
American  transactions.  I  have  pointed  out  to  them  the 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  327 

advantages  of  Alexandria  for  this  purpose.  They 
have  concluded  to  take  information  as  to  Baltimore, 
Philadelphia,  &  N.  York  for  a  principal  deposit,  & 
having  no  correspondent  at  Alexandria  have  asked 
me  to  procure  a  state  of  the  advantages  of  that  place, 
as  also  to  get  a  recommendation  of  the  best  merchant 
there  to  be  adopted  as  partner  &  head  of  the  business 
there.  Skill,  punctuality  &  integrity  are  the  requisites 
in  such  a  character.  They  will  decide  on  their  whole 
information  as  to  the  place  for  their  principal  factory. 
Being  unwilling  that  Alexandria  should  lose  it's  pre- 
tensions, I  have  undertaken  to  procure  them  informa- 
tion as  to  that  place.  If  they  undertake  this  trade  at 
all,  it  will  be  on  so  great  a  scale  as  to  decide  the  cur- 
rent of  the  Indian  trade  to  the  place  they  adopt.  I 
have  no  acquaintance  at  Alexandria  or  in  it's  neigh- 
borhood, but  believing  you  would  feel  an  interest  in 
it,  from  the  same  motives  which  I  do,  I  venture  to 
ask  the  favor  of  you  to  recommend  to  me  a  proper 
merchant  for  their  purpose,  &  to  engage  some  well- 
informed  person  to  send  me  a  representation  of  the 
advantages  of  Alexandria  as  the  principal  deposit  of 
the  fur  trade. 

The  author  of  the  Political  part  of  the  Encyclo- 
pedic Methodique  desired  me  to  examine  his  article 
"  Etats  unis."  I  did  so.  I  found  it  a  tissue  of  errors, 
for  in  truth  they  know  nothing  about  us  here.  Par- 
ticularly however  the  article  "  Cincinnati  "  was  a  mere 
Philippic  against  that  institution  ;  in  which  it  appears 
that  there  was  an  utter  ignorance  of  facts  &  motives. 
I  gave  him  notes  on  it.  He  reformed  it  as  he  sup- 


328  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

posed  &  sent  it  again  to  me  to  revise.  In  this  re- 
formed state  Colo.  Humphreys  saw  it.  I  found  it 
necessary  to  write  that  article  for  him.  Before  I  gave 
it  to  him  I  showed  it  to  the  Marq.  de  la  Fayette  who 
made  a  correction  or  two.  I  then  sent  it  to  the  au- 
thor. He  used  the  materials,  mixing  a  great  deal  of 
his  own  with  them.  In  a  work  which  is  sure  of  going 
down  to  the  latest  posterity  I  thought  it  material  to 
set  facts  to  rights  as  much  as  possible.  The  author 
was  well  disposed  :  but  could  not  entirely  get  the  bet- 
ter of  his  original  bias.  I  send  you  the  article  as 
ultimately  published.  If  you  find  any  material  errors 
in  it  &  will  be  so  good  as  to  inform  me  of  them,  I 
shall  probably  have  opportunities  of  setting  this 
author  to  rights.  What  has  heretofore  passed  be- 
tween us  on  this  institution,  makes  it  my  duty  to 
mention  to  you  that  I  have  never  heard  a  person  in 
Europe,  learned  or  unlearned,  express  his  thoughts 
on  this  institution,  who  did  not  consider  it  as  dishon- 
orable &  destructive  to  our  governments,  and  that 
every  writing  which  has  come  out  since  my  arrival 
here,  in  which  it  is  mentioned,  considers  it,  even  as 
now  reformed,  as  the  germ  whose  development  is  one 
day  to  destroy  the  fabric  we  have  reared.  I  did  not 
apprehend  this  while  I  had  American  ideas  only. 
But  I  confess  that  what  I  have  seen  in  Europe  has 
brought  me  over  to  that  opinion  ;  &  that  tho'  the  day 
may  be  at  some  distance,  beyond  the  reach  of  our 
lives  perhaps,  yet  it  will  certainly  come,  when  a  single 
fibre  left  of  this  institution  will  produce  an  hereditary 
aristocracy  which  will  change  the  form  of  our  govern- 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  329 

ments  from  the  best  to  the  worst  in  the  world.  To 
know  the  mass  of  evil  which  flows  from  this  fatal 
source,  a  person  must  be  in  France,  he  must  see  the 
finest  soil,  the  finest  climate,  the  most  compact  state, 
the  most  benevolent  character  of  people,  &  every 
earthly  advantage  combined,  insufficient  to  prevent 
this  scourge  from  rendering  existence  a  curse  to  24 
out  of  25  parts  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  country. 
With  us  the  branches  of  this  institution  cover  all  the 
states.  The  Southern  ones  at  this  time  are  aristo- 
cratical  in  their  disposition  ;  and  that  that  spirit  should 
grow  &  extend  itself,  is  within  the  natural  order  of 
things.  I  do  not  flatter  myself  with  the  immortality 
of  our  governments  :  but  I  shall  think  little  also  of 
their  longevity  unless  this  germ  of  destruction  be 
taken  out.  When  the  society  themselves  shall  weigh 
the  possibility  of  evil  against  the  impossibility  of  any 
good  to  proceed  from  this  institution,  I  cannot  help 
hoping  they  will  eradicate  it.  I  know  they  wish  the 
permanence  of  our  governments  as  much  as  any  indi- 
viduals composing  them.  An  interruption  here  &  the 
departure  of  the  gentleman  by  whom  I  send  this 
obliges  me  to  conclude  it,  with  assurances  of  the  sin- 
cere respect  &  esteem  with  which  I  have  the  honor 
to  be  Dear  Sir  your  most  obedt.  &  most  humble  servt. 


TO  MRS.  ELIZABETH  TRIST.1 

PARIS,  Dec.  15,  1786. 

DEAR  MADAM, — I  have  duly  received  your  friendly 
letter  of  July  24  &  received  it  with  great  pleasure  as 
I  do  all  those  you  do  me  the  favor  to  write  me.  If 

1  From  a  copy  courteously  furnished  by  Mr.  Jules  J.  Vail  of  New  York. 


330  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

I  have  been  long  in  acknowledging  the  receipt,  the 
last  cause  to  which  it  should  be  ascribed  would  be 
want  of  inclination.  Unable  to  converse  with  my 
friends  in  person,  I  am  happy  when  I  do  it  in  black 
&  white.  The  true  cause  of  the  delay  has  been 
an  unlucky  dislocation  of  my  wrist  which  has  dis- 
abled me  from  writing  three  months.  I  only  begin 
to  write  a  little  now,  but  with  pain.  I  wish,  while  in 
Virginia,  your  curiosity  had  led  you  on  to  James 
river.  At  Richmond  you  would  have  seen  your  old 
friends  mr.  &  mrs.  Randolph,  and  a  little  further 
you  would  have  become  acquainted  with  my  friend, 
mrs.  Eppes  whom  you  would  have  found  among  the 
most  amiable  women  on  earth.  I  doubt  whether 
you  would  ever  have  got  away  from  her.  This  trip 
would  have  made  you  better  acquainted  too  with  my 
lazy  &  hospitable  countrymen,  &  you  would  have 
found  that  their  character  has  some  good  traits 
mixed  with  some  feeble  ones.  I  often  wish  myself 
among  them,  as  I  am  here  burning  the  candle  of  life 
without  present  pleasure,  or  future  object.  A  dozen 
or  twenty  years  ago  this  scene  would  have  amused 
me,  but  I  am  past  the  age  for  changing  habits.  I 
take  all  the  fault  on  myself,  and  it  is  impossible  to 
be  among  a  people  who  wish  more  to  make  one 
happy,  a  people  of  the  very  best  character  it  is  pos- 
sible for  one  to  have.  We  have  no  idea  in  America 
of  the  real  French  character,  with  some  true  samples 
we  have  had  many  false  ones.  I  am  very,  very 
sorry  I  did  not  receive  your  letter  three  or  four 
months  sooner.  It  would  have  been  absolutely  con- 


j 7 86]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  331 

venient  for  me  while  in  England  to  have  seen 
Browse's  relations,  and  I  should  have  done  it  with 
infinite  pleasure.  At  present  I  have  no  particular 
expectation  of  returning  there  yet  it  is  among  pos- 
sible events,  and  the  desire  of  being  useful  to  him 
would  render  it  a  pleasing  one.  The  former  journey 
thither  was  made  at  a  week's  warning,  without  the 
least  previous  expectation.  Living  from  day  to  day, 
without  a  plan  for  four  &  twenty  hours  to  come,  I 
form  no  catalogue  of  impossible  events.  Laid  up  in 
port,  for  life,  as  I  thought  myself  at  one  time,  I  am 
thrown  out  to  sea,  and  an  unknown  one  to  me.  By 
so  slender  a  thread  do  all  our  plans  of  life  hang. — 
My  hand  itself  further,  every  letter  admonish- 

ing me,  by  a  pain,  that  it  is  time  to  finish,  but  my 
heart  would  go  on  in  expressing  to  you  all  its  friend- 
ship. The  happiest  moments  it  knows  are  those  in 
which  it  is  pouring  forth  its  affections  to  a  few 
esteemed  characters.  I  will  pray  you  to  write  me 
often.  I  wish  to  know  that  you  enjoy  health  and 
that  you  are  happy.  Present  me  in  the  most  friendly 
terms  to  your  mother  &  brother,  &  be  assured  of  the 
sincerity  of  the  esteem  with  which  I  am,  dear 
Madam,  your  affectionate  friend  &  humble  servant. 


TO  JAMES  MADISON.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  Dec.  16,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — After  a  very  long  silence,  I  am  at 
length  able  to  write  to  you.  An  unlucky  dislocation 
of  my  right  wrist  has  disabled  me  from  using  my  pen 


332  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

for  three  months.  I  now  begin  to  use  it  a  little,  but 
with  great  pain  ;  so  that  this  letter  must  be  taken  up 
at  such  intervals  as  the  state  of  my  hand  will  permit, 
&  will  probably  be  the  work  of  some  days.  Tho' 
the  joint  seems  to  well  set,  the  swelling  does  not 
abate,  nor  the  use  of  it  return.  I  am  now  therefore 
on  the  point  of  setting  out  to  the  South  of  France  to 
try  the  use  of  some  mineral  waters  there,  by  immer- 
sion. This  journey  will  be  of  2  or  3  months. 
My  last  letters  to  you  were  of  Apr.  25.  &  May  20. 
the  latter  only  a  letter  of  recommendation.  Yours 
of  Jan.  22.  Mar.  18.  May  12.  June  19.  &  Aug.  12. 
remain  unacknowledged. 

I  enclose  you  herein  a  copy  of  the  letter  from  the 
minister  of  finance  to  me  making  several  advanta- 
geous regulations  for  our  commerce.  The  obtaining 
this  has  occupied  us  a  twelvemonth.  I  say  us  be- 
cause I  find  the  M.  de  la  Fayette  so  useful  an  auxil- 
iary that  acknowledgments  for  his  cooperation  are 
always  due.  There  remains  still  something  to  do 
for  the  articles  of  rice,  turpentine,  &  ship  duties. 
What  can  be  done  for  tobacco  when  the  late  regula- 
tion expires  is  very  uncertain.  The  commerce  be- 
tween the  U.  S.  and  this  country  being  put  on  a  good 
footing,  we  may  afterwards  proceed  to  try  if  anything 
can  be  done  to  favour  our  intercourse  with  their 
colonies.  Admission  into  them  for  our  fish  &  flour, 
is  very  desirable :  but  unfortunately  those  articles 
would  raise  a  competition  against  their  own. 

I  find  by  the  public  papers  that  your  Commercial 
Convention  failed  in  point  of  representation.  If  it 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  333 

should  produce  a  full  meeting  in  May  and  a  broader 
reformation,  it  will  still  be  well.  To  make  us  one 
nation  as  to  foreign  concerns,  &  keep  us  distinct  in 
Domestic  ones,  gives  the  outline  of  the  proper  divi- 
sion of  power  between  the  general  &  particular  gov- 
ernments. But  to  enable  the  Federal  head  to  exercise 
the  power  given  it,  to  best  advantage,  it  should  be 
organized,  as  the  particular  ones  are  into  Legislative 
Executive  &  Judiciary.  The  ist  &  last  are  already 
separated.  The  2d  should  also  be.  When  last  with 
Congress  I  often  proposed  to  members  to  do  this  by 
making  of  the  Committee  of  the  states,  an  Executive 
committee  during  the  recess  of  Congress  and  during  its 
sessions  to  appoint  a  Committee  to  receive  &  despatch 
all  executive  business,  so  that  Congress  itself  should 
meddle  only  with  what  should  be  legislative.  But  I 
question  if  any  Congress  (much  less  all  successively) 
can  have  self  denial  enough  to  go  through  with  this 
distribution.  The  distribution  should  be  imposed  on 
them  then.  I  find  Congress  have  reversed  their  divi- 
sion of  the  Western  states  &  proposed  to  make  them 
fewer  &  larger.  This  is  reversing  the  natural  order 
of  things.  A  tractable  people  may  be  governed  in 
large  bodies  but  in  proportion  as  they  depart  from 
this  character  the  extent  of  their  government  must  be 
less.  We  see  into  what  small  divisions  the  Indians 
are  obliged  to  reduce  their  societies.  This  measure, 
with  the  disposition  to  shut  up  the  Mississippi  give 
me  serious  apprehensions  of  the  severance  of  the 
Eastern  &  Western  parts  of  our  confederacy.  It 
might  have  been  made  the  interest  of  the  Western 


334  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

states  to  remain  united  with  us,  by  managing  their 
interests  honestly  &  for  their  own  good.  But  the 
moment  we  sacrifice  their  interests  to  our  own,  they 
will  see  it  is  better  to  govern  themselves.  The  mo- 
ment they  resolve  to  do  this,  the  point  is  settled.  A 
forced  connection  is  neither  our  interest  nor  within 
our  power.  The  Virginia  act  for  religious  freedom 
has  been  received  with  infinite  approbation  in  Europe 
&  propagated  with  enthusiasm.  I  do  not  mean  by 
the  governments,  but  by  the  individuals  which  com- 
pose them.  It  has  been  translated  into  French  & 
Italian,  has  been  sent  to  most  of  the  courts  of  Eu- 
rope, &  has  been  the  best  evidence  of  the  falsehood 
of  those  reports  which  stated  us  to  be  in  anarchy.  It 
is  inserted  in  the  new  Encyclopedic,  &  is  appearing 
in  most  of  the  publications  respecting  America.  In 
fact  it  is  comfortable  to  see  the  standard  of  reason  at 
length  erected,  after  so  many  ages  during  which  the 
human  mind  has  been  held  in  vassalage  by  kings, 
priests  &  nobles  :  and  it  is  honorable  for  us  to  have 
produced  the  first  legislature  who  had  the  courage  to 
declare  that  the  reason  of  man  may  be  trusted  with 
the  formation  of  his  own  opinions. 

I  shall  be  glad  when  the  revisal  shall  be  got  thro'. 
In  the  criminal  law,  the  principle  of  retaliation  is 
much  criticised  here,  particularly  in  the  case  of  Rape. 
They  think  the  punishment  indecent  &  unjustifiable. 
I  should  be  for  altering  it,  but  for  a  different  reason  : 
that  is  on  account  of  the  temptation  women  would  be 
under  to  make  it  the  instrument  of  vengeance  against 
an  inconstant  lord,  &  of  disappointment  to  a  rival. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  335 

Are  our  courts  of  justice  open  for  the  recovery  of 
British  debts  according  to  the  Septennial  Act  ?  the 
principles  of  that  act  can  be  justified  :  but  the  total 
stoppage  of  justice  cannot.  The  removal  of  the 
negroes  from  New  York  would  duly  give  cause  for 
stopping  some  of  the  last  paiments,  if  the  British 
government  should  refuse  satisfaction,  which  however 
I  think  they  will  not  do. 

I  thank  you  for  your  communications  in  Natural 
history.  The  several  instances  of  trees  &c  found  far 
below  the  surface  of  the  earth,  as  in  the  case  of  Mr. 
Hay's  well,  seem  to  set  the  reason  of  man  at  defiance. 

Another  Theory  of  the  earth  has  been  contrived 
by  one  Whitford,  not  absolutely  reasonable,  but  some- 
what more  so  than  any  that  has  yet  appeared.  It  is 
full  of  interesting  facts,  which  however  being  inade- 
quate to  his  theory,  he  is  obliged  to  supply  them 
from  time  to  time  by  begging  questions.  It  is  worth 
your  getting  from  London.  If  I  can  be  useful  to  you 
in  ordering  books  from  London  you  know  you  may 
command  me.  You  had  better  send  me  the  duplicate 
volume  of  the  Encyclopedic.  I  will  take  care  to  send 
you  the  proper  one.  I  have  many  more  livraisons  for 
you,  &  have  made  some  other  inconsiderable  purchases 
for  you  in  this  way.  But  I  shall  not  send  them  till 
the  spring,  as  a  winter  passage  is  bad  for  books. 

I  reserve  myself  till  that  time  therefore  to  give  you 
an  account  of  the  execution  of  your  several  commis- 
sions, only  observing  that  the  watch  will  not  be  fin- 
ished till  the  spring  &  that  it  will  be  necessary  for  me 
to  detain  her  some  time  on  trial,  because  it  often 


336  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

happens  that  a  watch,  looking  well   to   the  eye,   & 
faithfully  made,  goes  badly  at  first  on  account  of  some 
little  circumstance  which  escapes  the  eye  of  the  work- 
man when  he  puts  her  together,  &  which  he  could 
easily  rectify. — With  respect  to  the  proposition  about 
the  purchase  of  lands,  I  had  just  before  made  the  ex- 
periment desired.     It  was  to  borrow  money  for  aiding 
the  opening  of  the  Potowmac,  which  was  proposed  to 
me  by  Genl.  Washington.     I   had  the  benefit  of  his 
name,  &  the  foundation  of  a  special  Act  of  Assem- 
bly.    I  lodged  the  papers  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Grand 
to  try  to  obtain  Money  on  loan  at  6.  per  cent,  assur- 
ing him  that  the  securities  should  be  made  compleatly 
satisfactory  to  the  lenders.     After  long  trial  he  told 
me  it  could  not  be  done.     That  this  government  has 
always  occasion  to  borrow  more  money  than  can  be 
lent  in  this  country  :  that  they  pay  6.  per  cent  per 
annum  in  quarterly  paiments,  &  with  a  religious  punc- 
tuality :  that  besides  this  they  give  very  considerable 
douceurs  to  the  lenders  :   that  every  one   therefore 
would  prefer  having  his  money  here  rather  than  on 
the    other  side  the    Atlantic,    where  distance,    want 
of  punctuality,  &  a  habitual  protection  of  the  debtor 
would  be  against  them.     There  is  therefore  but  one 
way  in  which   I   see  any  chance   of  executing  your 
views.       Monied   men    sometimes   talk   of  investing 
money  in  American    lands.      Some    such  might   be 
willing  to  ensure  an  advantageous  investiture  by  in- 
teresting trust-worthy  characters  in  the  purchase,  & 
to  do  this,  might  be  willing  to  advance  the  whole 
Money,   being  properly  secured.     On   this  head   no 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  337 

satisfaction  should  be  wanting  which  I  could  give 
them  :  and  as  persons  with  these  views  sometimes 
advise  with  me,  I  shall  be  attentive  to  propose  to  them 
this  plan.  I  consider  it's  success  however  as  only 
possible,  not  probable.  *  *  * 


TO  CHARLES  THOMSON.1 

PARIS,  Dec.  i7th,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — A  dislocation  of  my  right  wrist  has 
for  three  or  four  months  past  disabled  me  from  writ- 
ing except  with  my  left  hand,  which  was  too  slow 
and  awkward  to  be  employed  but  in  cases  of  neces- 
sity. I  begin  to  have  so  much  use  of  my  wrist  as  to 
be  able  to  write,  but  it  is  slowly  and  in  pain.  I  take 
the  first  moment  I  can,  however,  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  your  letters  of  Aug.  6,  July  8,  and  30.  In 
one  of  these  you  say  you  have  not  been  able  to  learn 
whether  in  the  new  mills  in  London,  steam  is  the  im- 
mediate mover  of  the  machinery  or  raises  water  to 
move  it.  It  is  the  immediate  mover.  The  power  of 
this  agent,  tho'  long  known,  is  but  now  beginning  to 
be  applied  to  the  various  purposes  of  which  it  is 
susceptible.  You  observe  that  Whitford  supposes 
it  to  have  been  the  agent  which,  bursting  the  earth, 
threw  it  up  into  mountains  and  vallies.  You  ask  me 
what  I  think  of  his  book.  I  find  in  it  many  interesting 
facts  brought  together,  and  many  ingenious  commen- 
taries on  them,  but  there  are  great  chasms  in  his  facts, 
and  consequently  in  his  reasoning ;  these  he  fills  up 

1  From  Collections  of  the  N.   Y.  Historical  Society  for  1878,  p.  230. 

VOL.    IV. 22 


338  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

with  suppositions  which  may  be  as  reasonably  denied 
as  granted.  A  sceptical  reader,  therefore,  like  my- 
self, is  left  in  the  lurch.  I  acknowledge,  however,  he 
makes  more  use  of  fact  than  any  other  writer  of  a 
theory  of  the  earth.  But  I  give  one  answer  to  all 
theorists — that  is  as  follows  :  they  all  suppose  the 
earth  a  created  existence  ;  they  must  suppose  a  Crea- 
tor, then,  and  that  he  possessed  power  and  wisdom  to 
a  great  degree.  As  he  intended  the  earth  for  the 
habitation  of  animals  and  vegetables,  is  it  reasonable 
to  suppose  he  made  two  jobs  of  his  Creation  ?  That 
he  first  made  a  chaotic  lump  and  set  it  into  motion, 
and  then,  waiting  ages  necessary  to  form  itself — that 
when  it  had  done  this  he  stepped  in  a  second  time  to 
create  the  animals  and  plants  which  were  to  inhabit 
it  ?  As  a  hand  of  a  Creator  is  to  be  called  in  it  may 
as  well  be  called  in  at  one  stage  of  the  process  as 
another.  We  may  as  well  suppose  he  created  the 
earth  at  once  nearly  in  the  state  in  which  we  see  it — 
fit  for  the  preservation  of  the  beings  he  placed  on  it. 
But  it  is  said  we  have  a  proof  that  he  did  not  create 
it  in  its  solid  form,  but  in  a  state  of  fluidity,  because 
its  present  shape  of  an  oblate  spheroid  is  precisely 
that  which  a  fluid  mass  revolving  on  its  axis  would 
assume  ;  but  I  suppose  the  same  equilibrium  between 
gravity  and  centrifugal  force  which  would  determine 
a  fluid  mass  into  the  form  of  an  oblate  spheroid  would 
determine  the  wise  Creator  of  that  mass  if  he  made  it 
in  a  solid  state,  to  give  it  the  same  spherical  form.  A 
revolving  fluid  will  continue  to  change  its  shape  till  it 
attains  that  in  which  its  principles  of  contrary  motion 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  339 

are  balanced  ;  for  if  you  suppose  them  not  balanced  it 
will  change  its  form.  Now  the  balanced  form  is  neces- 
sary for  the  preservation  of  a  revolving  solid.  The 
Creator,  therefore,  of  a  revolving  solid  would  make 
it  an  oblate  spheroid,  that  figure  alone  admitting  a 
perfect  equilibrium.  He  would  make  it  in  that  form 
for  another  reason  ;  that  is,  to  prevent  a  shifting  of 
the  axis  of  rotation.  Had  he  created  the  earth  per- 
fectly spherical  its  axis  might  have  been  perpetually 
shifting  by  the  influence  of  the  other  bodies  of  the 
system,  and  by  placing  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth 
successively  under  its  poles  it  might  have  been  de- 
populated ;  whereas  being  spheroidical  it  has  but  one 
axis  on  which  it  can  revolve  in  equilibrio.  Suppose 
the  axis  of  the  earth  to  shift  45°,  then  cut  it  into  180 
slices,  making  every  section  in  the  plane  of  a  circle  of 
latitude  perpendicular  to  the  axis  :  every  one  of  these 
slices  except  the  equatorial  one  would  be  unbalanced, 
as  there  would  be  more  matter  on  one  side  of  its  axis 
than  on  the  other.  There  would  be  but  one  diameter 
drawn  through  such  a  slice  which  would  divide  it  into 
two  equal  parts  ;  on  every  other  possible  diameter  the 
parts  would  hang  unequal  ;  this  would  produce  an 
irregularity  in  the  diurnal  rotation.  We  may  there- 
fore conclude  it  impossible  for  the  poles  of  the  earth 
to  shift  if  it  was  made  spheroidically,  and  that  it 
would  be  made  spheroidal,  tho'  solid  to  obtain  this 
€nd.  I  use  this  reasoning  only  on  the  supposition 
that  the  earth  has  had  a  beginning.  I  am  sure  I  shall 
read  your  conjectures  on  this  subject  with  great  pleas- 
ure, tho'  I  bespeak  before  hand  a  right  to  indulge  my 


340  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

natural  incredulity  and  scepticism.  The  pain  in  which 
I  write  awakens  me  here  from  my  reverie  and  obliges 
me  to  conclude  with  compliments  to  Mrs.  Thomson 
and  assurances  to  yourself  of  the  esteem  and  affec- 
tion with  which  I  am,  Dear  Sir,  your  friend  and 
servant. 

P.  S.  Since  writing  the  preceding  I  have  had  a 
conversation  on  the  subject  of  the  steam  mills  with 
the  famous  Boulton,  to  whom  those  of  London 
belong,  and  who  is  here  at  this  time.  He  compares 
the  effect  of  steam  with  that  of  horses  in  the  follow- 
ing manner  :  6  horses,  aided  with  the  most  advan- 
tageous combination  of  the  mechanical  powers 
hitherto  tried  will  grind  6  bushels  of  flour  in  an 
hour,  at  the  end  of  which  time  they  are  all  in  a  foam 
and  must  rest.  They  can  work  thus  6  horses  in  the 
24,  grinding  36  bushels  of  flour  which  is  six  to  each 
horse  for  the  24  hours.  His  steam  mill  in  London 
consumes  120  bushels  of  coal  in  24  hours,  turns  10 
prs  of  stones  which  grind  8  bushels  of  flour  an  hour 
each,  which  is  1920  bushels  in  the  24  hours.  This 
makes  a  peck  and  a  half  of  coal  perform  exactly  as 
much  as  a  horse  in  one  day  can  perform. 


TO   NICHOLAS  LEWIS.  J.  MSS. 

PARIS,  19  Dec.,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  duly  received  your  favors  of 
March  14  &  July  16.  My  last  to  you  was  of  Apr.  22, 
from  London.  I  am  obliged  to  you  for  the  particu- 
lar account  you  give  me  of  my  affairs,  and  the  state 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  34! 

of  the  cash  account  made  out  by  the  steward.  His 
articles  however  were  generally  so  shortly  expressed 
as  to  be  quite  unintelligible  to  me.  Of  this  kind  are 
the  following. 

To  James  Foster  &  Benjamin  Harris  pr.  Carter  Braxton.  .£131.10. 

To  Richard  James  &  Wm.  Clark  for  cash.  20. 

To  Joseph  Ashlin  &  C.  Stone  for  cash  at  different  times  74.10.2 

To  Vincent  Markham  &  Richd.  James  pr.  Doctr.  Gilmer.  385.0 

To  Tandy  Rice  &  Charles  Rice  for  cash.  69.18.8^ 

To  David  Mullings  &  Henry  Mullings  for  cash.  3I-I5 

To  Carter  Braxton  pr  settlemt  by  Colo  Lewis  119.12.8 

To  do  for  cash.  11.17.4. 

The  steward  intended  this  account  for  my  informa- 
tion, but  mentioning  only  names  &  sums  without 
saying  in  some  general  way  why  those  sums  were 
paid  to  those  names,  leaves  me  uninformed.  How- 
ever the  account  having  passed  under  your  eye  leaves 
me  also  without  a  doubt  that  the  articles  are  right.  I 
suppose,  in  the  ist  article  for  instance,  that  Carter 
Braxton  (to  whom  I  was  indebted  for  a  doz.  bottles 
of  oil  only)  stands  in  the  place  of  some  person  to 
whom  I  owed  ^131.10,  and  so  of  the  rest,  as  you 
give  me  reason  to  hope  that  all  other  debts  will  now 
be  paid  off.  I  am  in  hopes  the  shoulder  can  be  laid 
solidly  to  those  of  Farrell  &  Jones,  &  Kippen 
&  Co.  to  these  objects.  I  would  wish  to  apply  the 
whole  profits  of  the  estate,  except  the  maintenance 
&  education  of  my  sister  Carr's  two  sons,  &  the 
interest  of  my  sister  Nancy's  debt.  I  shall  propose 
therefore  to  Jones  &  McCaul  the  paying  them  an 
annual  sum  till  their  debts  shall  be  discharged,  &  I 
have  asked  the  favor  of  Mr.  Eppes,  to  consult  with 
you  &  let  me  know  what  sum  you  think  I  may 


347  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

engage  to  pay  them  on  an  average  of  one  year  with 
another  ?  and  that  you  will  be  so  good  as  to  let  me 
know  this  as  soon  as  possible  that  I  may  arrange  the 
matter  by  agreement  with  them.  You  mention  that 
the  price  of  tobo.  is  at  22/6.  I  can  always  be  sure 
of  receiving  for  it  delivered  at  Havre  367  Virginia 
money  for  the  Virginia  hundred  weight.  Whenever 
therefore  the  price  with  you  is  less  than  this  after 
deducting  freight,  insurance,  commission  &  port 
charges,  if  a  conveiance  can  be  obtained  for  it  to 
Havre  it  would  be  better  to  ship  it  to  me.  You  may 
at  the  same  time  draw  bills  on  me  for  the  whole 
amount  taking  care  that  they  shall  not  be  presented 
till  the  tobacco  is  arrived  at  Havre,  &  that  there  be 
such  an  usence  in  them  as  will  give  me  time  to  sell 
it  &  receive  the  money,  or,  for  so  much  of  the  to- 
bacco as  can  be  destined  to  Jones  &  McCaul,  no 
bills  need  be  drawn,  as  I  can  remit  them  the  pro- 
ceeds. In  all  this  however  you  will  act  according  to 
your  own  good  judgment  which  is  much  better  than 
mine.  I  cannot  help  thinking  however  that  it  might 
be  worth  the  experiment  to  ship  me  at  any  rate  a 
small  adventure  to  see  how  it  will  turn  out,  but  Havre 
is  the  only  port  at  which  I  could  manage  it. 

I  observe  in  your  letter  of  March  14.  after  stating 
the  amount  of  the  crop  &  deducting  Overseer's  & 
steward's  parts,  transportation,  negroes  clothes,  tools, 
medicine  &  taxes,  the  profits  of  the  whole  estate 
would  be  no  more  than  the  hire  of  the  few  negroes 
hired  out  would  amount  to.  Would  it  be  better  to 
hire  more  where  good  masters  could  be  got  ?  Would 


1 7 86]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  343 

it  be  better  to  hire  plantations  &  all,  if  proper  assur- 
ance can  be  provided  for  the  good  usage  of  every- 
thing ?  I  am  miserable  till  I  shall  owe  not  a  shilling : 
the  moment  that  shall  be  the  case  I  shall  feel  myself 
at  liberty  to  do  something  for  the  comfort  of  my 
slaves.  *  *  *  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  atten- 
tion to  my  trees  &  grass.  The  latter  is  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal pillars  on  which  I  shall  rely  for  subsistence  when 
I  shall  be  at  liberty  to  try  projects  without  injury  to 
any  body.  The  negro  girl  which  I  sent  to  Nancy 
Boiling  was  not  sent  as  a  gift  from  me.  I  understood 
she  was  claimed  under  a  supposed  gift  from  my 
mother,  which  tho'  I  thought  ill  founded  I  did  not 
chuse  to  enter  into  disagreeable  discussions  about.  I 
meant  therefore  to  abandon  my  right  to  her  and  I 
have  no  further  pretensions  to  her.  With  my  letter 
from  London,  I  sent  under  the  care  of  Mr.  Fulwar 
Skipwith  a  trunk  containing  some  little  matters  for 
Mr.  Lewis  &  my  sister  Nancy.  I  hope  it  got  safe  to 
hand.  I  have  long  had  (as  I  once  wrote  you)  a  pretty 
little  piece  of  furniture,  a  clock,  which  I  meant  for 
Mrs.  Lewis.  Tho  it  is  so  small  that  it  might  almost 
be  put  into  a  pocket,  I  have  as  yet  found  it  impossible 
to  get  a  safe  conveiance  for  it.  The  case  being  of 
marble,  &  very  slender,  it  cannot  bear  transportation 
but  by  water.  I  am  obliged  therefore  to  wait  till 
some  person  shall  be  going  from  Havre  to  Rich- 
mond. Monsr.  Doradour  was  to  have  carried  it,  but 
he  was  not  able.  He  is  safely  returned  to  his  family 
&  in  good  humor  with  our  country.  He  made  a  con- 
siderable tramontane  purchase.  His  trip  upon  the 


344  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

whole  turned  out  better  than  I  had  expected.  I  am 
glad  on  account  of  Madame  de  Doradour  who  is  a 
lady  of  great  merit.  I  have  never  seen  her  since  the 
departure  of  her  husband  ;  but  I  suppose  she  will 
decline  further  views  on  America.  I  shall  endeavor 
to  send  with  this  a  packet  of  the  seeds  of  trees  which 
I  would  wish  Anthony  to  sow  in  a  large  nursery 
noting  well  their  names.  There  will  be  a  little  Span- 
ish St.  foin,  represented  to  me  as  a  very  precious 
grass  in  a  hot  country.  I  would  have  it  sowed  in  one 
of  the  vacant  lots  of  my  grass  ground.  I  have  but 
just  room  to  render  you  a  thousand  thanks  for  your 
goodness,  to  make  as  many  apologies  for  the  details 
I  trouble  you  with,  to  recommend  myself  to  the 
friendly  remembrance  of  Mrs.  Lewis  &  to  assure  you 
of  the  sincere  esteem  with  which  I  am,  Sir  &c. 


TO    WILLIAM    CARMICHAEL.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  Deer.  26,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, — *  *  *  My  Notes  on  Virginia,  having 
been  hastily  written,  need  abundance  of  corrections. 
Two  or  three  of  these  are  so  material  that  I  am  re- 
printing a  few  leaves  to  substitute  for  the  old.  As 
soon  as  these  shall  be  ready,  I  will  beg  your  accept- 
ance of  a  copy.  I  shall  be  proud  to  be  permitted  to 
send  a  copy,  also,  to  the  Count  de  Campomanes  as  a 
tribute  to  his  science  &  his  virtues.  You  will  find  in 
them  that  the  Natural  bridge  had  found  an  admirer  in 
me  also.  I  should  be  happy  to  make  with  you  a  tour 
of  the  curiosities  you  will  find  therein  mentioned. 


1786]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  345 

That  kind  of  pleasure  surpasses  much  in  my  estima- 
tion whatever  I  find  on  this  side  the  Atlantic.  I 
sometimes  think  of  building  a  little  hermitage  at  the 
Natural  bridge  (for  it  is  my  property)  and  of  passing 
there  a  part  of  the  year  at  least.  I  have  received 
American  papers  to  the  ist  of  November.  Some 
tumultuous  meetings  of  the  people  have  taken  place 
in  the  Eastern  states,  i.  e.  one  in  Massachusetts,  one 
in  Connecticut,  &  one  in  N  Hampsh.  Their  princi- 
pal demand  was  a  respite  in  the  judiciary  proceed- 
ings. No  injury  was  done  however  in  a  single 
instance  to  the  person  or  property  of  any  one,  nor 
did  the  tumult  continue  24  hours  in  any  one  instance. 
In  Massachusetts  this  was  owing  to  the  discretion 
which  the  malcontents  still  preserved,  in  Connecticut 
&  N  Hampshire,  the  body  of  the  people  rose  in 
support  of  government  &  obliged  the  malcontents 
to  go  to  their  homes.  In  the  last  mentioned  state 
they  seized  about  40,  who  were  in  jail  for  trial.  It 
is  believed  this  incident  will  strengthen  our  gov- 
ernment. Those  people  are  not  entirely  without 
excuse.  Before  the  war  those  states  depended  on 
their  whale  oil  &  fish.  The  former  was  consumed 
in  England,  &  much  of  the  latter  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean. The  heavy  duties  on  American  whale  oil 
now  required  in  England  exclude  it  from  that  mar- 
ket ;  &  the  Algerines  exclude  them  from  bringing 
their  fish  into  the  Mediterranean.  France  is  open- 
ing her  port  for  their  oil,  but  in  the  meanwhile 
their  antient  debts  are  pressing  them  &  they  have 
nothing  to  pay  with.  The  Massachusetts  assembly 


346  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1786 

too,  in  their  zeal  for  paying  their  public  debt  had 
laid  a  tax  too  heavy  to  be  paid  in  the  circumstances 
of  their  state.  The  Indians  seem  disposed  to  make 
war  on  us.  These  complicated  causes  determined 
Congress  to  increase  their  forces  to  2000  men. 
The  latter  was  the  sole  object  avowed,  yet  the 
former  entered  for  something  into  the  measure. 
However  I  am  satisfied  the  good  sense  of  the  people 
is  the  strongest  army  our  government  can  ever  have, 
&  that  it  will  not  fail  them.  The  Commercial  con- 
vention at  Annapolis  was  not  full  enough  to  do  busi- 
ness. They  found  too  their  appointments  too  nar- 
row, being  confined  to  the  article  of  commerce. 
They  have  proposed  a  meeting  in  Philadelphia  in 
May,  and  that  it  may  be  authorized  to  propose 
amendments  of  whatever  is  defective  in  the  federal 
constitution. 

Congress  have  at  length  determined  on  a  coinage. 
Their  money  unit  is  a  dollar  &  the  pieces  above  & 
below  that  are  in  decimal  proportion.  You  will  see 
their  scheme  in  all  the  papers,  except  that  the  pro- 
portion they  established  between  gold  &  silver  is 
mistated  at  upwards  of  20.  to  i.  instead  of  about 
151  to  i. 

It  is  believed  that  this  court  has  patched  up  an  ac- 
commodation for  the  moment  between  Russia  &  the 
Porte.  In  Holland  they  find  greater  difficulties. 
The  present  King  of  Prussia  is  zealous  for  the  Stad- 
holder,  &  the  fear  is  of  driving  him  into  the  Aus- 
trian scale  of  the  European  balance.  Such  a  weight 
as  this,  shifted,  would  destroy  all  equilibriums  and 


1786] 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


347 


the  preponderance  once  in  favor  of  the  restless  pow- 
ers of  the  north,  the  peace  would  soon  be  disturbed. 

When  I  was  in  England  I  formed  a  portable  copy- 
ing press  on  the  principle  of  the  large  one  they  make 
there  for  copying  letters.  I  had  a  model  made  there 
&  it  has  answered  perfectly.  A  workman  here  has 
made  several  from  that  model.  The  itinerent  temper 
of  your  court  will,  I  think,  render  one  of  these  useful 
to  you.  You  must  therefore  do  me  the  favor  to  ac- 
cept of  one.  I  have  it  now  in  readiness,  &  shall  send 
it  by  the  way  of  Bayonne  to  the  care  of  Mr.  Alex- 
ander there,  unless  Don  Miguel  de  Lardizabal  can 
carry  it  with  him. 

My  hand  admonishes  me  it  is  time  to  stop,  &  that 
I  must  defer  writing  to  Mr.  Barclay  till  to  morrow. 


CORRESPONDENCE. 

1787. 


TO  ALEXANDER  McCAUL.1  J.  MSS. 

PARIS,  Jan.  4,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — In  the  letter  which  I  had  the  honor  of 
addressing  you  from  London  on  the  iQth  of  April 
1 786,  I  informed  you  that  I  had  left  my  estate  in  the 
hands  of  a  Mr.  Eppes  &  a  Mr.  Lewis,  who  were  first 
to  clear  off  some  debts  which  had  been  necessarily 
contracted  during  the  war,  &  afterwards  to  apply  the 
whole  profits  to  the  paiment  of  my  debt  to  you  (by 
which  I  mean  that  to  the  several  firms  with  which  you 
were  connected)  and  of  my  part  of  a  debt  due  from 
Mr.  Wayles's  estate  to  Farrell  &  Jones  of  Bristol. 
Being  anxious  to  begin  the  paiment  of  these  two 
debts,  &  finding  that  it  would  be  too  long  postponed 
if  the  residuary  one's  were  to  be  paid  merely  from  the 
annual  profits  of  the  estate,  a  number  of  slaves  have 
been  sold,  &  I  have  lately  received  information  from 
Messrs.  Eppes  &  Lewis  that  the  proceeds  of  that  sale 
with  the  profits  of  the  estate  to  the  end  of  1 786  would 
pay  off  the  whole  of  the  residuary  debts.  As  we  are 
now  therefore  clear  of  embarrasments  to  pursue  our 
principal  object,  I  am  desirous  of  arranging  with  you 
such  just  &  practicable  conditions  as  will  ascertain  to 

1  See  letter  of  Apr.  19,  1786,  printed  ante,  vol.  IV.,  page  203. 
348 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  349 

you  the  receipt  of  your  debt,  &  give  me  the  satisfac- 
tion of  knowing  that  you  are  contented.  What  the 
laws  of  Virginia  are  or  may  be,  will  in  no  wise  influ- 
ence my  conduct.  Substantial  justice  is  my  object,  as 
decided  by  reason,  &  not  by  authority  or  compulsion. 

The  article  of  interest  may  make  a  difficulty.  I  had 
the  honour  of  observing  to  you,  in  my  former  letter 
that  I  thought  it  just  I  should  pay  it  for  all  the  time 
preceding  the  war,  &  all  the  time  subsequent  to  it, 
but  that  for  the  time  during  the  war  I  did  not  con- 
sider myself  as  bound  in  justice  to  pay.  This  includes 
the  period  from  the  commencement  of  hostilities  Apr. 
19,  1775,  to  their  cessation  Apr.  19,  1783,  being 
exactly  eight  years.  To  the  reasons  against  this  pai- 
ment  which  apply  in  favor  of  the  whole  mass  of 
American  debtors,  I  added  the  peculiar  circumstance 
of  having  already  lost  the  debt,  principal  &  interest, 
by  endeavoring  to  pay  it  by  the  sale  of  lands,  &  by 
the  depreciation  of  their  price  ;  &  also  a  second  loss 
of  an  equal  sum  by  Ld.  Cornwallis's  barbarous  & 
useless  depredations.  I  will  therefore  refer  you  to 
that  letter,  to  save  the  repetition  here  of  those  reasons 
which  absolve  me  in  justice  from  the  paiment  of  this 
portion  of  interest.  In  law,  our  courts  have  uniformly 
decided  that  the  treaty  of  peace  stipulates  the  paiment 
of  the  principal  only  &  not  of  any  interest  whatever. 

This  article  being  once  settled,  I  would  propose  to 
divide  the  clear  proceeds  of  my  estate  (in  which  there 
are  from  80  to  100  labouring  slaves)  between  yourself 
&  Farrell  &  Jones,  one  third  to  you  and  two  thirds 
to  them  :  &  that  the  crop  of  this  present  year  1787 
shall  constitute  the  first  payment.  That  crop  you 


350  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

know  cannot  be  got  to  the  warehouse  completely  till 
May  of  the  next  year,  &  I  presume,  that  three  months 
more  will  be  little  enough  to  send  it  to  Europe  or  to 
sell  it  in  Virginia  &  remit  the  money.  So  that  I 
could  not  safely  answer  for  placing  the  proceeds  in 
your  hands  till  the  month  of  August,  &  so  annually 
every  August  afterwards  till  the  debt  shall  be  paid. 
It  will  always  be  both  my  interest  and  my  wish  to 
get  it  to  you  as  much  sooner  as  possible  &  probably 
a  part  of  it  may  always  be  paid  some  months  sooner. 
If  the  assigning  the  profits  in  general  terms  may  seem 
to  you  too  vague,  I  am  willing  to  fix  the  annual  pai- 
ment  at  a  sum  certain.  But  that  I  may  not  fall  short 
of  my  engagement,  I  shall  name  it  somewhat  less 
than  I  suppose  may  be  counted  on.  I  shall  fix 
your  part  at  two  hundred  pounds  sterling  annually, 
and  as  you  know  our  crops  of  tobacco  to  be  incer- 
tain,  I  should  reserve  a  right,  if  they  should  fall  short 
one  year,  to  make  it  up  the  ensuing  one,  without  be- 
ing supposed  to  have  failed  in  my  engagement,  but  I 
would  be  obliged  every  second  year  to  pay  any  arrear- 
ages of  the  preceding  one  together  with  the  full  sum 
for  the  current  year  :  so  that  once  in  every  two  years 
the  annual  paiment  should  be  fully  paid  up. 

I  do  not  know  what  the  balance  is  :  having  for  a 
long  time  before  the  war  had  no  settlement,  yet  there 
can  be  no  difficulty  in  making  that  settlement,  &  in  the 
mean  while  the  paiments  may  proceed  without  affect- 
ing the  right  of  either  party  to  have  a  just  settlement. 

If  you  think  proper  to  accede  to  these  propositions, 
be  so  good  as  to  say  so  at  the  foot  of  a  copy  of  this 
letter,  on  my  receipt  of  that,  I  will  send  you  an  ac- 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  351 

knowledgement  of  it,  which  shall  render  this  present 
letter  obligatory  on  me  for  the  paiment  of  the  debt 
before  mentioned  &  interest  at  the  epochs  &  in  the 
proportions  before  mentioned  excepting  always  the 
interest  during  the  war.  This  done,  you  may  count 
on  my  faithful  execution  of  it. 

I  avail  myself  of  this,  as  of  every  other  occasion  of 
recalling  myself  to  your  friendly  recollection,  &  of 
assuring  you  of  the  sentiments  of  perfect  esteem  and 
attachment  with  which  I  am,  &c. 


TO  WILLIAM  JONES.  J.MSS. 

PARIS,  Jan.  5,  1787. 

SIR, — When  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  in 
London,  I  mentioned  to  you  that  the  Affairs  of  Mr. 
Wayles's  estate  were  left  to  be  ultimately  settled  by 
Mr.  Eppes,  the  only  acting  executor ;  that  I  had  left 
in  his  hands  also  &  in  those  of  a  Mr.  Lewis  the  part 
of  Mr.  Wayles's  estate  which  came  to  me,  together 
with  my  own  :  that  they  were  first  to  clear  off  some 
debts  which  had  been  necessarily  contracted  during 
the  war,  &  would  after  that  apply  the  whole  profits 
to  the  paiment  of  my  part  of  Mr.  Wayles's  debt  to 
you,  &  to  a  debt  of  mine  to  Kippen  &  Co.,  of  Glas- 
gow. Being  anxious  to  begin  the  paiment  of  these 
two  debts  &  finding  that  it  would  be  too  long  post- 
poned if  the  residuary  ones  were  to  be  paid  merely 
from  the  annual  profits  of  the  estate,  a  number  of 
slaves  have  been  sold,  &  I  have  lately  received  in- 
formation from  Messrs.  Eppes  &  Lewis  that  the  pro- 
ceeds of  that  sale,  with  the  profits  of  the  estate  to  the 
end  of  1781  would  pay  off  the  whole  of  the  residuary 


352  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

debts.  As  we  are  now  therefore  clear  of  embarrass- 
ment to  pursue  our  principal  object,  I  am  desirous  of 
arranging  with  you,  such  just  &  practicable  condi- 
tions as  will  ascertain  to  you  the  terms  at  which  you 
will  receive  my  part  of  your  debt,  &  give  me  the 
satisfaction  of  knowing  that  you  are  contented.  What 
the  laws  of  Virginia  are,  or  may  be,  will  in  no  wise 
influence  my  conduct.  Substantial  justice  is  my  object, 
as  decided  by  reason, &  not  by  authority  or  compulsion. 
The  first  question  which  arrises  is  as  to  the  article 
of  interest.  For  all  the  time  preceding  the  war,  & 
all  subsequent  to  it,  I  think  it  reasonable  that  interest 
should  be  paid  ;  but  equally  unreasonable  during  the 
war.  Interest  is  a  compensation  for  the  use  of 
money.  Your  money  in  my  hands  is  in  the  form  of 
lands  &  negroes,  from  these,  during  the  war,  no  use, 
no  profits  could  be  derived,  tobacco  is  the  article 
they  produce.  That  can  only  be  turned  into  money 
at  a  foreign  market.  But  the  moment  it  went  out  of 
our  ports  for  that  purpose,  it  was  captured  either  by 
the  king's  ships  or  by  those  of  individuals.  The  con- 
sequence was  that  tobacco,  worth  from  twenty  to 
thirty  shillings  the  hundred,  sold  generally  in  Virginia 
during  the  War  for  five  shillings.  This  price  it  is 
known  will  not  maintain  the  labourer  &  pay  his  taxes. 
There  was  no  surplus  of  profit  then  to  pay  an  interest, 
in  the  mean  while  we  stood  insurers  of  the  lives  of 
the  labourers  &  of  the  ultimate  issue  of  the  war.  He 
who  attempted  during  the  war  to  remit  either  his 
principal  or  interest,  must  have  expected  to  remit 
three  times  to  make  one  paiment ;  because  it  is  sup- 
posed that  two  out  of  three  parts  of  the  shipments 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  353 

were  taken.  It  was  not  possible  then  for  the  debtor 
to  derive  any  profit  from  the  money  which  might  en- 
able him  to  pay  an  interest,  nor  yet  to  get  rid  of  the 
principal  by  remitting  it  to  his  creditor.  With  respect 
to  the  Creditors  in  Great  Britain  they  mostly  turned 
their  attention  to  privateering,  and  arming  the  vessels 
they  had  before  emploied  in  trading  with  us.  They 
captured  on  the  seas,  not  only  the  produce  of  the 
farms  of  their  debtors,  but  of  those  of  the  whole 
state.  They  thus  paid  themselves  by  capture  more 
than  their  annual  interest,  and  we  lost  more.  Some 
merchants  indeed  did  not  engage  in  privateering. 
These  lost  their  interest.  But  we  did  not  gain  it. 
It  fell  into  the  hands  of  their  countrymen.  It  cannot 
therefore  be  demanded  of  us.  As  between  these  mer- 
chants &  their  debtors  it  is  the  case  where,  a  loss 
being  incurred,  each  party  may  justifiably  endeavor 
to  shift  it  from  himself,  each  has  an  equal  right  to 
avoid  it,  one  party  can  never  expect  the  other  to 
yield  a  thing  to  which  he  has  as  good  a  right  as  the 
demander,  we  even  think  he  has  a  better  right  than  the 
demander  in  the  present  instance.  This  loss  has 
been  occasioned  by  the  fault  of  the  nation  which  was 
Creditor.  Our  right  to  avoid  it  then  stands  on  less  ex- 
ceptionable ground  than  theirs,  but  it  will  be  said 
that  each  party  thought  the  other  the  aggressor.  In 
these  disputes  there  is  but  one  umpire  &  that  has 
decided  the  question  where  the  world  in  general 
thought  the  right  laid. 

Besides  these  reasons  in  favor  of  the  general  mass 
of  debtors,  I  have  some  peculiar  to  my  own  case.  In 
the  year  1776,  before  a  shilling  of  paper  money  was 


VOL.  IV. — 23 


354  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

issued  I  sold  lands  to  the  amount  of  ^4200.  In 
order  to  pay  these  two  debts  I  offered  the  bonds  of 
the  purchasers  to  your  agent  Mr.  Evans,  if  he  would 
acquit  me,  &  accept  of  the  purchasers  as  debtors  in 
my  place.  They  were  as  sure  as  myself  had  he 
done  it.  These  debts,  being  turned  over  to  you,  would 
have  been  saved  to  you  by  the  treaty  of  peace,  but 
he  declined  it.  Great  sums  of  paper  money  were 
afterwards  issued.  This  depreciated,  and  paiment 
was  made  me  in  this  money  when  it  was  but  a 
shadow.  Our  laws  do  not  entitle  their  own  citizens 
to  require  repaiment  in  these  cases,  tho'  the  treaty 
authorizes  the  British  creditor  to  do  it.  Here  then  I 
lost  the  principal  and  interest  once.  Again,  Ld. 
Cornwallis  encamped  10  days  on  an  estate  of  mine  at 
Elk  island,  having  his  headquarters  in  my  house  he 
burned  all  the  tobacco  houses  and  barns  on  the  farm. 
With  the  produce  of  the  former  year  in  them,  he 
burnt  all  the  enclosures,  &  wasted  the  fields  in 
which  the  crop  of  that  year  was  growing  :  (it  was  the 
month  of  June)  he  killed  or  carried  off  every  living 
animal,  cutting  the  throats  of  those  which  were  too 
young  for  service.  Of  the  slaves  he  carried  away 
thirty.  The  useless  &  barbarous  injury  he  did  me  in 
that  instance  was  more  than  would  have  paid  your  debt, 
principal  &  interest.  Thus  I  lost  it  a  second  time. 
Still  I  lay  my  shoulder  assiduously  to  the  paiment  of  it 
a  third  time.  In  doing  this  however  I  think  yourself 
will  be  of  opinion  I  am  authorized  in  justice  to  clear 
it  of  every  article  not  demandable  in  strict  right :  of 
this  nature  I  consider  interest  during  the  war. 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  355 

Another  question  is,  as  to  the  paper  money  I  de- 
posited in  the  treasury  of  Virginia  towards  the  dis- 
charge of  this  debt.  I  before  observed  that  I  had 
sold  lands  to  the  amount  of  ^4200  before  a  shilling 
of  paper  money  was  emitted,  with  a  view  to  pay  this 
debt.  I  received  this  money  in  depreciated  paper. 
The  state  was  then  calling  on  those  who  owed  money 
to  British  subjects  to  bring  it  into  the  treasury  en- 
gaging to  pay  a  like  sum  to  the  creditor  at  the  end 
of  the  war.  I  carried  the  identical  money  therefore 
to  the  Treasury,  where  it  was  applied,  as  all  the 
money  of  the  same  description  was,  to  the  support  of 
the  war.  Subsequent  events  have  been  such  that  the 
state  cannot,  &  ought  not  to  pay  the  same  nominal 
sum  in  gold  or  silver  which  they  received  in  paper, 
nor  is  it  certain  what  they  will  do.  My  intention 
being  &  having  always  been,  that,  whatever  the 
state  decides,  you  shall  receive  my  part  of  the  debt 
fully.  I  am  ready  to  remove  all  difficulty  arising 
from  this  deposit,  to  take  back  to  myself  the  demand 
against  the  state,  &  to  consider  the  deposit  as 
originally  made  for  myself  &  not  for  you. 

These  two  articles  of  interest  &  paper  money  being 
thus  settled,  I  would  propose  to  divide  the  clear  pro- 
ceeds of  the  estate  (in  which  there  are  from  80  to 
100  labouring  slaves)  between  yourself  &  Kippen  & 
Co,  two  thirds  to  you  and  one  third  to  them,  &  that 
the  crop  of  this  present  year  1787  shall  constitute  the 
first  paiment.  That  crop  you  know  cannot  be  got  to 
the  warehouse  completely  till  May  of  the  next  year, 
&  I  suppose  that  three  months  more  will  be  little 


356  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

enough  to  send  it  to  Europe,  or  to  sell  it  in  Virginia 
&  remit  the  money,  so  that  I  could  not  safely  answer 
for  placing  the  proceeds  in  your  hands  till  the  month 
of  August,  and  so  annually  every  August  afterwards 
till  the  debt  shall  be  paid.  It  will  always  be  both  my 
interest  &  my  wish  to  get  it  to  you  as  much  sooner 
as  possible,  &  probably  a  part  of  it  may  always  be 
paid  some  months  sooner.  If  the  assigning  of  the 
profits  in  general  terms  may  seem  to  you  too  vague, 
I  am  willing  to  fix  the  annual  paiment  at  a  sum  cer- 
tain, but  that  I  may  not  fall  short  of  my  engagement, 
I  shall  name  it  somewhat  less  than  I  suppose  may  be 
counted  on.  I  shall  fix  your  part  at  four  hundred 
pounds  sterling  annually,  and  as  you  know  our  crops 
of  tobacco  to  be  incertain,  I  should  reserve  a  right 
if  they  fall  short  one  year  to  make  it  up  the  ensuing 
one,  without  being  supposed  to  have  failed  in  my 
engagement.  But  every  other  year  at  least  all  ar- 
rearages shall  be  fully  paid  up. 

My  part  of  this  debt  of  Mr.  Wayles's  estate  being 
one  third,  I  should  require  that  in  proportion  as  I 
pay  my  third,  I  shall  stand  discharged  as  to  the  other 
two  thirds.  So  that  the  paiment  of  every  hundred 
pounds  shall  discharge  me  as  to  three  hundred  pounds 
of  the  undivided  debt.  The  other  gentlemen  have 
equal  means  of  paying,  equal  desires,  and  more  skill 
in  affairs.  Their  parts  of  the  debt  therefore  are  at 
least  as  sure  as  mine  :  &  my  great  object  is,  in  case 
of  any  accident  to  myself,  to  leave  my  family  unin- 
volved  with  any  matters  whatever. 

I  do  not  know  what  the  balance  of  this  debt  is. 
The  last  acct.  current  I  saw  was  before  the  war, 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  357 

making  the  whole  balance,  principal  &  interest  some- 
where about  nine  thousand  pounds  :  &  after  this  there 
were  upwards  of  four  hundred  hogshead  of  tobacco  & 
some  paiments  in  money  to  be  credited.  However  this 
settlement  can  admit  of  no  difficulty:  &  in  the  mean 
time  the  payments  may  proceed  without  affecting  the 
right  of  either  party  to  have  a  just  settlement. 

Upon  the  whole  then  I  propose  that  on  your  part 
you  relinquish  the  claim  to  interest  during  the  war, 
say  from  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  April  19, 
1775  to  their  cessation  April  19,  1783.  being  ex- 
actly eight  years  ;  and  that  in  proportion  as  I  pay  my 
third  I  shall  be  acquitted  as  to  the  other  two  thirds. 
On  my  part,  I  take  on  myself  the  loss  of  the  paper 
money  deposited  in  the  Treasury,  I  agree  to  pay 
interest  previous  &  subsequent  to  the  war,  and  oblige 
myself  to  remit  to  you  for  that  &  the  principal  four 
hundred  pounds  sterling  annually  till  my  third  of  the 
whole  debt  shall  be  fully  paid ;  &  I  will  begin  these 
paiments  in  August  of  the  next  year. 

If  you  think  proper  to  accede  to  these  propositions, 
be  so  good  as  to  say  so  at  the  foot  of  a  copy  of  this 
letter.  On  my  receipt  of  that  I  will  send  you  an 
acknowledgement  of  it,  which  shall  render  this  pres- 
ent letter  obligatory  on  me.  In  which  case  you  may 
count  on  my  faithful  execution  of  this  undertaking. 


TO  EDWARD  CARRINGTON.1  J.  MSS. 

PARIS,  Jan.  16,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — Uncertain  whether  you  might  be  at 
New  York  at  the  moment  of  Colo.  Franks's  arrival,  I 

1  See  vol.  iv.,  page  265. 


358  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

have  inclosed  my  private  letters  for  Virginia  under 
cover  to  our  delegation  in  general,  which  otherwise  I 
would  have  taken  the  liberty  to  inclose  particularly 
to  you,  as  best  acquainted  with  the  situation  of  the 
persons  to  whom  they  are  addressed.  Should  this 
find  you  at  New  York,  I  will  still  ask  your  attention 
to  them.  The  two  large  packages  addressed  to  Colo. 
N.  Lewis  contain  seeds,  not  valuable  enough  to  pay 
passage,  but  which  I  would  wish  to  be  sent  by  the 
stage,  or  any  similar  quick  conveyance.  The  letters 
to  Colo.  Lewis  &  Mr.  Eppes  (who  take  care  of  my 
affairs)  are  particularly  interesting  to  me.  The  pack- 
age for  Colo.  Richd.  Cary  our  judge  of  Admiralty 
near  Hampton,  contains  seeds  &  roots,  not  to  be  sent 
by  Post.  Whether  they  had  better  go  by  the  stage, 
or  by  water,  you  will  be  the  best  judge.  I  beg  your 
pardon  for  giving  you  this  trouble.  But  my  situation 
&  your  goodness  will  I  hope  excuse  it.  In  my  letter 
to  Mr.  Jay,  I  have  mentioned  the  meeting  of  the 
Notables  appointed  for  the  2gth  inst.  It  is  now  put 
off  to  the  7th  or  8th  of  next  month.  This  event, 
which  will  hardly  excite  any  attention  in  America,  is 
deemed  here  the  most  important  one  which  has  taken 
place  in  their  civil  line  during  the  present  century. 
Some  promise  their  country  great  things  from  it, 
some  nothing.  Our  friend  de  La  Fayette  was  placed 
on  the  list  originally.  Afterwards  his  name  disap- 
peared ;  but  finally  was  reinstated.  This  shews  that 
his  character  here  is  not  considered  as  an  indifferent 
one;  and  that  it  excites  agitation.  His  education  in 
our  school  has  drawn  on  him  a  very  jealous  eye  from 
a  court  whose  principles  are  the  most  absolute  des- 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  359  >" 

potism.  But  I  hope  he  has  nearly  passed  his  crisis. 
The  King,  who  is  a  good  man,  is  favorably  disposed 
towards  him  :  &  he  is  supported  by  powerful  family 
connections,  &  by  the  public  good  will.  He  is  the 
youngest  man  of  the  Notables  except  one  whose 
office  placed  him  on  the  list. 

The  Count  de  Vergennes  has  within  these  ten 
days  had  a  very  severe  attack  of  what  is  deemed  an 
unfixed  gout.  He  has  been  well  enough  however  to 
do  business  to-day.  But  anxieties  for  him  are  not 
yet  quieted.  He  is  a  great  &  good  minister,  and  an 
accident  to  him  might  endanger  the  peace  of  Europe. 

The  tumults  in  America,  I  expected  would  have 
produced  in  Europe  an  unfavorable  opinion  of  our 
political  state.  But  it  has  not.  On  the  contrary,  the 
small  effect  of  these  tumults  seems  to  have  given 
more  confidence  in  the  firmness  of  our  governments. 
The  interposition  of  the  people  themselves  on  the 
side  of  government  has  had  a  great  effect  on  the 
opinion  here.  I  am  persuaded  myself  that  the  good 
sense  of  the  people  will  always  be  found  to  be  the 
best  army.  They  may  be  led  astray  for  a  moment, 
but  will  soon  correct  themselves.  The  people  are  the 
only  censors  of  their  governors  :  and  even  their  errors 
will  tend  to  keep  these  to  the  true  principles  of  their 
institution.  To  punish  these  errors  too  severely 
would  be  to  suppress  the  only  safeguard  of  the  public 
liberty.  The  way  to  prevent  these  irregular  inter- 
positions of  the  people  is  to  give  them  full  informa- 
tion of  their  affairs  thro'  the  channel  of  the  public 
papers,  &  to  contrive  that  those  papers  should  pene-  \ 
trate  the  whole  mass  of  the  people.  The  basis  of  our  / 


360  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

governments  being  the  opinion  of  the  people,  the 
very  first  object  should  be  to  keep  that  right ;  and 
were  it  left  to  me  to  decide  whether  we  should  have 
a  government  without  newspapers  or  newspapers 
without  a  government,  I  should  not  hesitate  a  moment 
to  prefer  the  latter.  But  I  should  mean  that  every 
man  should  receive  those  papers  &  be  capable  of 
reading  them.  I  am  convinced  that  those  societies 
\  (as  the  Indians)  which  live  without  government  enjoy 
-  in  their  general  mass  an  infinitely  greater  degree  of 
i  happiness  than  those  who  live  under  the  European 
/  governments.  Among  the  former,  public  opinion  is 
in  the  place  of  law,  &  restrains  morals  as  powerfully 
;  as  laws  ever  did  anywhere.  Among  the  latter,  under 
:  pretence  of  governing  they  have  divided  their  nations 
into  two  classes,  wolves  &  sheep.  I  do  not  exag- 
gerate. This  is  a  true  picture  of  Europe.  Cherish 
therefore  the  spirit  of  our  people,  and  keep  alive  their 
attention.  Do  not  be  too  severe  upon  their  errors, 
but  reclaim  them  by  enlightening  them.  If  once  they 
become  inattentive  to  the  public  affairs,  you  &  I,  & 
Congress  &  Assemblies,  judges  &  governors  shall  all 
become  wolves.  It  seems  to  be  the  law  of  our  general 
nature,  in  spite  of  individual  exceptions ;  and  ex- 
perience declares  that  man  is  the  only  animal  which 
devours  his  own  kind,  for  I  can  apply  no  milder  term 
to  the  governments  of  Europe,  and  to  the  general 
prey  of  the  rich  on  the  poor.  The  want  of  news  has 
led  me  into  disquisition  instead  of  narration,  forget- 
ting you  have  every  day  enough  of  that.  I  shall  be 
happy  to  hear  from  you  sometimes,  only  observing 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  361 

that  whatever  passes  thro'  the  post  is  read,  &  that 
when  you  write  what  should  be  read  by  myself  only, 
you  must  be  so  good  as  to  confide  your  letter  to  some 
passenger  or  officer  of  the  packet.  I  will  ask  your 
permission  to  write  to  you  sometimes,  and  to  assure 
you  of  the  esteem  &  respect  with  which  I  have  honour 
to  be  Dear  Sir  your  most  obedient  &  most  humble  servt. 


TO  JAMES  MADISON.1  j.  MSS. 

PARIS,  Jan  30,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — My  last  to  you  was  of  the  i6th  of 
Dec,  since  which  I  have  received  yours  of  Nov  25,  & 
Dec  4,  which  afforded  me,  as  your  letters  always  do, 
a  treat  on  matters  public,  individual  &  ceconomical. 
I  am  impatient  to  learn  your  sentiments  on  the  late 
troubles  in  the  Eastern  states.  So  far  as  I  have  yet 
seen,  they  do  not  appear  to  threaten  serious  conse- 
quences. Those  states  have  suffered  by  the  stoppage 
of  the  channels  of  their  commerce,  which  have  not 
yet  found  other  issues.  This  must  render  money 
scarce,  and  make  the  people  uneasy.  This  uneasiness 
has  produced  acts  absolutely  unjustifiable  ;  but  I  hope 
they  will  provoke  no  severities  from  their  govern- 
ments. A  consciousness  of  those  in  power  that  their 
administration  of  the  public  affairs  has  been  honest, 
may  perhaps  produce  too  great  a  degree  of  indigna- 
tion :  and  those  characters  wherein  fear  predominates 
over  hope  may  apprehend  too  much  from  these  in- 

1  In  this  letter,  Jefferson  employs  a  cipher  of  the  same  kind  (numerals)  as 
that  already  used  in  his  previous  letters  to  Madison,  but  changed  entirely  in  its 
detail.  A  third  change  was  later  made,  to  which  attention  will  be  called  in  the 
proper  place. 


362  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

stances   of   irregularity.       They   may   conclude   too 
hastily  that  nature  has  formed  man  insusceptible  of 
any  other  government  but  that  of  force,  a  conclusion 
not  founded  in  truth,  nor  experience.     Societies  exist 
j    under  three   forms   sufficiently   distinguishable.       i. 
)   Without   government,    as    among    our    Indians.      2. 
s  Under  governments  wherein  the  will  of  every  one 
)  has  a  just  influence,  as  is  the  case  in  England  in  a 
\  slight  degree,  and  in  our  states,  in  a  great  one.     3. 
Under  governments  of  force  :  as  is  the  case  in  all 
other  monarchies  and  in  most  of  the  other  republics. 
To  have  an  idea  of  the  curse  of  existence  under  these 
last,  they  must  be  seen.     It  is  a  government  of  wolves 
over  sheep.     It  is  a  problem,  not  clear  in  my  mind, 
that  the  ist  condition  is  not  the  best.     But  I  believe 
it  to  be  inconsistent  with  any  great  degree  of  popula- 
tion.    The  second  state  has  a  great  deal  of  good  in 
it.     The  mass  of  mankind  under  that  enjoys  a  precious 
degree  of  liberty  &  happiness.     It  has  it's  evils  too  : 
the  principal  of  which  is  the  turbulence  to  which  it  is 
subject.     But  weigh  this  against  the  oppressions  of 
monarchy,  and  it  becomes  nothing.    Malo  periculosam 
libertatem  quant  quietam  servitutem.       Even  this  evil 
is  productive  of  good.     It  prevents  the  degeneracy  of 
government,  and  nourishes  a  general  attention  to  the 
public  affairs.     I  hold  it  that  a  little  rebellion  now 
}  and  then  is  a  good  thing,  &  as  necessary  in  the  poli- 
(tical  world  as  storms  in  the  physical.     Unsuccessful 
<  rebellions  indeed   generally  establish   the  encroach- 
ments on  the  rights  of  the  people  which  have  pro- 
duced them.      An  observation  of  this  truth  should 


1787!  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  363 

render  honest  republican  governors  so  mild  in  their 
punishment  of  rebellions,  as  not  to  discourage  them 
too  much.  It  is  a  medicine  necessary  for  the  sound 
health  of  government.  If  these  transactions  give  me 
no  uneasiness,  I  feel  very  differently  at  another  piece 
of  intelligence,  to  wit,  the  possibility  that  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Mississippi  may  be  abandoned  to  Spain. 
I  never  had  any  interest  Westward  of  the  Alleghaney  ; 
&  I  never  will  have  any.  But  I  have  had  great  op- 
portunities of  knowing  the  character  of  the  people 
who  inhabit  that  country.  And  I  will  venture  to  say 
that  the  act  which  abandons  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  is  an  act  of  separation  between  the  East- 
ern &  Western  country.  It  is  a  relinquishment  of 
five  parts  out  of  eight  of  the  territory  of  the  United 
States,  an  abandonment  of  the  fairest  subject  for  the 
paiment  of  our  public  debts,  &  the  chaining  those  debts 
on  our  own  necks  in  perpetuum.  I  have  the  utmost 
confidence  in  the  honest  intentions  of  those  who  con- 
cur in  this  measure ;  but  I  lament  their  want  of 
acquaintance  with  the  character  &  physical  advan- 
tages of  the  people  who,  right  or  wrong,  will  suppose 
their  interests  sacrificed  on  this  occasion  to  the  con- 
trary interests  of  that  part  of  the  confederacy  in  pos- 
session of  present  power.  If  they  declare  themselves 
a  separate  people,  we  are  incapable  of  a  single  effort 
to  retain  them.  Our  citizens  can  never  be  induced, 
either  as  militia  or  as  souldiers,  to  go  there  to  cut  the 
throats  of  their  own  brothers  &  sons,  or  rather  to  be 
themselves  the  subjects  instead  of  the  perpetrators 
of  the  parricide.  Nor  would  that  country  requite  the 


364  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

cost  of  being  retained  against  the  will  of  it's  inhabi- 
tants, could  it  be  done.  But  it  cannot  be  done.  They 
are  able  already  to  rescue  the  navigation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi out  of  the  hands  of  Spain,  &  to  add  New 
Orleans  to  their  own  territory.  They  will  be  joined 
by  the  inhabitants  of  Louisiana.  This  will  bring  on 
a  war  between  them  &  Spain  ;  and  that  will  produce 
the  question  with  us  whether  it  will  not  be  worth  our 
while  to  become  parties  with  them  in  the  war,  in 
order  to  reunite  them  with  us,  &  thus  correct  our 
error  ?  &  were  I  to  permit  my  forebodings  to  go  one 
step  further,  I  should  predict  that  the  inhabitants  of 
the  U  S  would  force  their  rulers  to  take  the  affirma- 
tive of  that  question.  I  wish  I  may  be  mistaken  in 
all  these  opinions. 

We  have  for  some  time  expected  that  the  Chevalier 
de  la  Luzerne  would  obtain  a  promotion  in  the  diplo- 
matic line,  by  being  appointed  to  some  of  the  courts 
where  this  country  keeps  an  ambassador.  But  none 
of  the  vacancies  taking  place  which  had  been  counted 
on,  I  think  the  present  disposition  is  to  require  his 
return  to  his  station  in  America.  He  told  me  himself 
lately,  that  he  should  return  in  the  spring.  I  have 
never  pressed  this  matter  on  the  court,  tho'  I  knew  it 
to  be  desirable  and  desired  on  our  part ;  because  if 
the  compulsion  on  him  to  return  had  been  the  work 
of  Congress,  he  would  have  returned  in  such  ill  tem- 
per with  them,  as  to  disappoint  them  in  the  good  they 
expected  from  it.  He  would  forever  have  laid  at 
their  door  his  failure  of  promotion.  I  did  not  press 
it  for  another  reason,  which  is  that  I  have  great 


1 7 87]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  365 

reason  to  believe  that  the  character  of  the  Count  de 
Moustier,  who  would  go  were  the  Chevalier  to  be 
otherwise  provided  for,  would  give  the  most  perfect 
satisfaction  in  America. 

As  you  are  now  returned  into  Congress  it  will 
become  of  importance  that  you  should  form  a  just 
estimate  of  certain  public  characters  :  on  which 
therefore  I  will  give  you  such  notes  as  my  knolege 
of  them  has  furnished  me  with.  You  will  com- 
pare them  with  the  materials  you  are  otherwise 
possessed  of,  and  decide  on  a  view  of  the  whole. 
Mr.  Carmichael,  is,  I  think,  very  little  known  in 
America.  I  never  saw  kirn,  &  while  I  was  in  Con- 
gress I  formed  rather  a  disadvantageous  idea  of  him. 
His  letters,  received  then,  showed  him  vain,  &  more 
attentive  to  ceremony  &  etiquette  than  we  suppose 
men  of  sense  should  be.  /  have  now  a  constant  corre- 
spondence with  him,  and  find  him  a  little  hypochondriac 
and  discontented.  He  possesses  very  good  understand- 
ing, tho'  not  of  the  first  order.  I  have  had  great 
opportunities  of  searching  into  his  character,  and  have 
availed  myself  of  them.  Many  persons  of  different 
nations,  coming  from  Madrid  to  Paris,  all  speak  of 
him  as  in  high  esteem,  &  /  think  it  certain  that  he  has 
more  of  the  Count  de  Florida  Blancas  friendship, 
than  any  diplomatic  character  at  that  court.  As  long 
as  this  minister  is  in  office,  Carmichael  can  do  more 
than  any  other  person  who  could  be  sent  there.  You 
will  see  Franks,  and  doubtless  he  will  be  asking  some 
appointment.  I  wish  there  may  be  any  one  for  which 
he  is  fit.  He  is  light,  indiscreet,  active,  honest,  affec- 


366  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

tionate.  Tho'  Bingham  is  not  in  diplomatic  office, 
yet  as  he  wishes  to  be  so,  I  will  mention  such  circum- 
stances of  kirn,  as  you  might  otherwise  be  deceived  in. 
He  will  make  you  believe  he  was  on  the  most  intimate 
footing  with  the  first  characters  in  Eiirope,  &  versed 
in  the  secrets  of  every  cabinet.  Not  a  word  of  this  is 
true.  He  had  a  rage  for  being  presented  to  great 
men,  &  had  no  modesty  in  the  methods  by  which  he 
could  if  he  attained  acquaintance.  Afterwards  it  was 
with  such  90  who  were  susceptible  of  impression  from 
the  beauty  of  his  wife.  I  must  except  the  Marquis 
de  Bonclearren  who  had  been  an  old  acquaintance. 
The  Marquis  de  La  Fayette  is  a  most  valuable 
auxiliary  to  me.  His  zeal  is  unbounded,  &  his  weight 
with  those  in  power,  great.  His  education  having 
been  merely  military,  commerce  was  an  unknown  field 
to  him.  But  his  good  sense  enabling  him  to  compre- 
hend perfectly  whatever  is  explained  to  him,  his  agency 
has  been  very  efficacious.  He  has  a  great  deal  of 
sound  genius,  is  well  remarked  by  the  King,  &  rising 
in  popularity.  He  has  nothing  against  him,  but  the 
suspicion  of  republican  principles.  I  think  he  will 
one  day  be  of  the  ministry.  His  foible  is,  a  canine 
appetite  for  popularity  and  fame  ;  but  he  will  get 
above  this.  The  Count  de  Vergennes  is  ill.  The  pos- 
sibility of  his  recovery,  renders  it  dangerous  for  its  to 
express  a  doubt  of  it :  but  he  is  in  danger.  He  is  a 
great  minister  in  European  affairs,  but  has  very  im- 
perfect ideas  of  our  institutions,  and  no  confidence  in 
them.  His  devotion  to  the  principles  of  pure  despot- 
ism, renders  him  unaffectionate  to  our  governments. 


1787]  THOMAS   JEFFERSON.  367 

But  his  fear  of  England  makes  him  value  us  as  a  make 
weigJit.  He  is  cool,  reserved  in  political  conversations, 
but  free  and  familiar  on  other  subjects,  and  a  very 
attentive,  agreeable  person  to  do  business  with.  It  is 
impossible  to  have  a  clearer,  better  organized  head ; 
but  age  has  chilled  his  heart.  Nothing  should  be 
spared,  on  our  part,  to  attach  this  country  to  us.  It 
is  the  only  one  on  which  we  can  rely  for  support, 
under  every  event.  Its  inhabitants  love  us  more,  I 
think,  than  they  do  any  other  nation  on  earth.  This 
is  very  much  the  effect  of  the  good  dispositions 
with  which  the  French  officers  returned.  In  a  former 
letter,  I  mentioned  to  you  the  dislocation  of  my  wrist. 
I  can  make  not  the  least  use  of  it,  except  for  the 
single  article  of  writing,  though  it  is  going  on  five 
months  since  the  accident  happened.  I  have  great 
anxieties,  lest  I  should  never  recover  any  consider- 
able use  of  it.  I  shall,  by  the  advice  of  my  surgeons, 
set  out  in  a  fortnight  for  the  waters  of  Aix,  in  Pro- 
vence. I  chose  these  out  of  several  they  proposed  to 
me,  because  if  they  fail  to  be  effectual,  my  journey 
will  not  be  useless  altogether.  It  will  give  me  an 
opportunity  of  examining  the  canal  of  Languedoc, 
and  of  acquiring  knowledge  of  that  species  of  naviga- 
tion, which  may  be  useful  hereafter ;  but  more  imme- 
diately, it  will  enable  me  to  make  the  tour  of  the 
ports  concerned  in  commerce  with  us,  to  examine,  on 
the  spot,  the  defects  of  the  late  regulations  respecting 
our  commerce,  to  learn  the  further  improvements 
which  may  be  made  in  it,  and  on  my  return,  to  get 
this  business  finished.  I  shall  be  absent  between 


368  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

two  and  three  months,  unless  anything  happens  to 
recall  me  here  sooner,  which  may  always  be  effected 
in  ten  days,  in  whatever  part  of  my  route  I  may  be. 
In  speaking  of  characters,  I  omitted  those  of  Reyneval 
and  Hennin,  the  two  eyes  of  Count  de  Vergennes. 
The  former  is  the  most  important  character,  because 
possessing  the  most  of  the  confidence  of  the  Count. 
He  is  rather  cunning  than  wise,  his  views  of  things 
being  neither  great  nor  liberal.  He  governs  himself 
\sy  principles  which  he  has  learnedly  rote,  and  isyf/ 
only  for  the  details  of  execiition.  His  heart  is  sus- 
ceptible of  little  passions  but  not  of  good  ones.  He  is 
brother-in-law  to  M.  Gerard,  from  whom  he  received 
disadvantageous  impressions  of  us,  which  cannot  be 
effaced.  He  has  much  duplicity.  Hennin  is  a  phi- 
losopher, sincere,  friendly,  liberal,  learned,  beloved  by 
everybody ;  the  other  by  nobody.  I  think  it  a  great 
misfortune  that  the  United  States  are  in  the  depart- 
ment of  Reformer.  As  particulars  of  this  kind  may 
be  useful  to  you,  in  your  present  situation,  I  may 
hereafter  continue  the  chapter.  I  know  it  will  be 
safely  lodged  in  your  discretion. 

Feb.  5.  Since  writing  thus  far,  Franks  is  returned 
from  England.  I  learn  that  Mr.  Adams  desires  to 
be  recalled,  &  that  Smith  should  be  appointed  charge 
des  affaires  there.  It  is  not  for  me  to  decide  whether 
any  diplomatic  character  should  be  kept  at  a  court, 
which  keeps  none  with  us.  You  can  judge  of  Smiths 
abilities  by  his  letters.  They  are  not  of  the  first 
order,  but  they  wrz.  good.  For  his  honesty,  he  is  like 
our  friend  Monroe  ;  turn  his  soul  wrong  side  out- 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  369 

wards,  and  there  is  not  a  speck  on  it.  He  has  one 
foible,  an  excessive  inflammability  of  temper,  but  he 
feels  it  when  it  comes  on,  and  has  resolution  enough 
to  suppress  it,  and  to  remain  silent  till  it  passes  over. 
I  send  you  by  Colo.  Franks,  your  pocket  telescope, 
walking  stick  &  chemical  box.  The  two  former  could 
not  be  combined  together.  The  latter  could  not  be 
had  in  the  form  you  referred  to.  Having  a  great 
desire  to  have  a  portable  copying  machine,  &  being 
satisfied  from  some  experiments  that  the  principle  of 
the  large  machine  might  be  applied  in  a  small  one,  I 
planned  one  when  in  England  &  had  it  made.  It 
answers  perfectly.  I  have  since  set  a  workman  to 
making  them  here,  &  they  are  in  such  demand  that 
he  has  his  hands  full.  Being  assured  that  you  will 
be  pleased  to  have  one,  when  you  shall  have  tried  it's 
convenience,  I  send  you  one  by  Colo.  Franks.  The 
machine  costs  96  livres,  the  appendages  24  livres,  and 
I  send  you  paper  &  ink  for  12  livres  ;  in  all  132  livres. 
There  is  a  printed  paper  of  directions  ;  but  you  must 
expect  to  make  many  essays  before  you  succeed  per- 
fectly. A  soft  brush,  like  a  shaving  brush,  is  more 
convenient  than  the  sponge.  You  can  get  as  much 
ink  &  paper  as  you  please  from  London.  The  paper 
costs  a  guinea  a  ream. 


TO  MRS.  JOHN  (ABIGAIL)  ADAMS.  J.MSS. 

PARIS  Feb.  22.  1787. 

DEAR  MADAM, — I  am  to  acknowlege  the  honor  of 
your  letter  of  Jan.  29.  and  of  the  papers  you  were  so 
good  as  to  send  me.  They  were  the  latest  I  had  seen 


VOL.    IV. — 24 


370  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

or  have  yet  seen.  They  left  off  too  in  a  critical 
moment ;  just  at  the  point  where  the  Malcontents 
make  their  submission  on  condition  of  pardon,  & 
before  the  answer  of  government  was  known.  I 
hope  they  pardoned  them.  The  spirit  of  resistance 
to  government  is  so  valuable  on  certain  occasions, 
that  I  wish  it  to  be  always  kept  alive.  It  will  often 
be  exercised  when  wrong  but  better  so  than  not  to 
be  exercised  at  all.  I  like  a  little  rebellion  now  & 
then.  It  is  like  a  storm  in  the  atmosphere.  It  is 
'  wonderful  that  no  letter  or  paper  tells  us  who  is 
president  of  Congress,  tho'  there  are  letters  in  Paris 
to  the  beginning  of  January.  I  suppose  I  shall  hear 
when  I  come  back  from  my  journey,  which  will  be 
eight  months  after  he  will  have  been  chosen,  and  yet 
they  complain  of  us  for  not  giving  them  intelligence. 
Our  Notables  assembled  to-day,  and  I  hope  before 
the  departure  of  Mr.  Cairnes  I  shall  have  heard 
something  of  their  proceedings  worth  communicat- 
ing to  Mr.  Adams.  The  most  remarkable  effect  of 
this  convention  as  yet  is  the  number  of  puns  &  bon 
mots  it  has  generated.  I  think  were  they  all  collected 
it  would  make  a  more  voluminous  work  than  the  En- 
cyclopedic. This  occasion,  more  than  any  thing  I 
have  seen,  convinces  me  that  this  nation  is  incapable 
of  any  serious  effort  but  under  the  word  of  command. 
The  people  at  large  view  every  object  only  as  it  may 
furnish  puns  and  bon  mots ;  and  I  pronounce  that  a 
good  punster  would  disarm  the  whole  nation  were 
they  ever  so  seriously  disposed  to  revolt.  Indeed, 
Madam,  they  are  gone,  when  a  measure  so  capable  of 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  371 

doing  good  as  the  calling  the  Notables  is  treated 
with  so  much  ridicule ;  we  may  conclude  the  nation 
desperate,  &  in  charity  pray  that  heaven  may  send 
them  good  kings. — The  bridge  at  the  place  Louis  XV 
is  begun,  the  hotel  dieu  is  to  be  abandoned  &  new 
ones  to  be  built.  The  old  houses  on  the  bridges  are  in  a 
course  of  demolition.  This  is  all  I  know  of  Paris. 
We  are  about  to  lose  the  Count  d' Arande,  who  has 
desired  &  obtained  his  recall.  Fernand  Nunner, 
before  destined  for  London,  is  to  come  here.  The 
Abbes'  Arnoux  &  Chalut  are  well.  The  Dutchess 
Danville  somewhat  recovered  from  the  loss  of  her 
daughter.  Mrs.  Barrett  very  homesick  and  fancy- 
ing herself  otherwise  sick.  They  will  probably  re- 
move to  Honfleur.  This  is  all  our  news.  I  have 
only  to  add  then  that  Mr.  Cairnes  has  taken  charge 
of  15  aunes  of  black  lace  for  you  at  9  livres  the  aune, 
purchased  by  Petit  &  therefore  I  hope  better  pur- 
chased than  some  things  have  been  for  you  ;  and  that  I 
am,  dear  Madam,  your  affectionate  &  humble  servant. 


TO    MARTHA    JEFFERSON.1 

Aix  EN  PROVENCE,  March  28,  1787. 

I  was  happy,  my  dear  Patsey,  to  receive,  on  my 
arrival  here,  your  letter,  informing  me  of  your  good 
health  and  occupation.  I  have  not  written  to  you 
sooner  because  I  have  been  almost  constantly  on  the 
road.  My  journey  hitherto  had  been  a  very  pleasing 
one.  It  was  undertaken  with  the  hope  that  the 
mineral  waters  of  this  place  might  restore  strength  to 

1  From  S.  N.  Randolph's  Domestic  Life  of  T.  Jefferson,  115. 


372  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

my  wrist.  Other  considerations  also  concurred — 
instruction,  amusement,  and  abstraction  from  busi- 
ness, of  which  I  had  too  much  at  Paris.  I  am  glad 
to  learn  that  you  are  employed  in  things  new  and 
good,  in  your  music  and  drawing.  You  know  what 
have  been  my  fears  for  some  time  past — that  you  did 
not  employ  yourself  so  closely  as  I  could  wish.  You 
have  promised  me  a  more  assiduous  attention,  and  I 
have  great  confidence  in  what  you  promise.  It  is 
your  future  happiness  which  interests  me,  and  nothing 
can  contribute  more  to  it  (moral  rectitude  always 
excepted)  than  the  contracting  a  habit  of  industry  and 
activity.  Of  all  the  cankers  of  human  happiness  none 
corrodes  with  so  silent,  yet  so  baneful  an  influence, 
as  indolence.  Body  and  mind  both  unemployed,  our 
being  becomes  a  burthen,  and  every  object  about  us 
loathsome,  even  the  dearest.  Idleness  begets  ennui, 
ennui  the  hypochondriac,  and  that  a  diseased  body. 
No  laborious  person  was  ever  yet  hysterical.  Exer- 
cise and  application  produce  order  in  our  affairs, 
health  of  body  and  cheerfulness  of  mind,  and  these 
make  us  precious  to  our  friends.  It  is  while  we  are 
young  that  the  habit  of  industry  is  formed.  If  not 
then,  it  never  is  afterwards.  The  fortune  of  our 
lives,  therefore,  depends  on  employing  well  the  short 
period  of  youth.  If  at  any  moment,  my  dear,  you 
catch  yourself  in  idleness,  start  from  it  as  you  would 
from  the  precipice  of  a  gulf.  You  are  not,  however, 
to  consider  yourself  as  unemployed  while  taking 
exercise.  That  is  necessary  for  your  health,  and 
health  is  the  first  of  all  objects.  For  this  reason,  if 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  373 

you  leave  your  dancing-master  for  the  summer,   you 
must  increase  your  other  exercises. 

I  do  not  like  your  saying  that  you  are  unable  to 
read  the  ancient  print  of  your  Livy  but  with  the  aid 
of  your  master.  We  are  always  equal  to  what  we 
undertake  with  resolution.  A  little  degree  of  this 
will  enable  you  to  decipher  your  Livy.  If  you  always 
lean  on  your  master,  you  will  never  be  able  to  proceed 
without  him.  It  is  part  of  the  American  character  to 
consider  nothing  as  desperate,  to  surmount  every 
difficulty  by  resolution  and  contrivance.  In  Europe 
there  are  shops  for  every  want ;  its  inhabitants,  there- 
fore, have  no  idea  that  their  wants  can  be  supplied 
otherwise.  Remote  from  all  other  aid,  we  are 
obliged  to  invent  and  to  execute ;  to  find  means 
within  ourselves,  and  not  to  lean  on  others.  Con- 
sider, therefore,  the  conquering  your  Livy  as  an  ex- 
ercise in  the  habit  of  surmounting  difficulties  ;  a  habit 
which  will  be  necessary  to  you  in  the  country  where 
you  are  to  live,  and  without  which  you  will  be  thought 
a  very  helpless  animal,  and  less  esteemed.  Music, 
drawing,  books,  invention,  and  exercise,  will  be  so 
many  resources  to  you  against  ennui.  But  there  are 
others  which,  to  this  object,  add  that  of  utility. 
These  are  the  needle  and  domestic  economy.  The 
latter  you  cannot  learn  here,  but  the  former  you  may. 
In  the  country  life  of  America  there  are  as  many 
moments  when  a  woman  can  have  recourse  to  noth- 
ing but  her  needle  for  employment.  In  a  dull  com- 
pany, and  in  dull  weather,  for  instance,  it  is  ill-man- 
ners to  read,  ill-manners  to  leave  them  ;  no  card-playing 


374  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

there  among  genteel  people — that  is  abandoned  to 
blackguards.  The  needle  is  then  a  valuable  resource. 
Besides,  without  knowing  how  to  use  it  herself,  how 
can  the  mistress  of  a  family  direct  the  work  of  her 

* 

servants  ? 

You  ask  me  to  write  you  long  letters.  I  will  do  it, 
my  dear,  on  condition  you  will  read  them  from  time 
to  time,  and  practice  what  they  inculcate.  Their 
precepts  will  be  dictated  by  experience,  by  a  perfect 
knolege  of  the  situation  in  which  you  will  be 
placed,  and  by  the  fondest  love  for  you.  This  it  is 
which  makes  me  wish  to  see  you  more  qualified  than 
common.  My  expectations  from  you  are  high,  yet 
not  higher  than  you  may  attain.  Industry  and  reso- 
lution are  all  that  are  wanting.  Nobody  in  this 
world  can  make  me  so  happy,  or  so  miserable,  as  you. 
Retirement  from  public  life  will  ere  long  become 
necessary  for  me.  To  your  sister  and  yourself  I  look 
to  render  the  evening  of  my  life  serene  and  contented. 
Its  morning  has  been  clouded  by  loss  after  loss,  till  I 
have  nothing  left  but  you.  I  do  not  doubt  either 
your  affections  or  dispositions.  But  great  exertions 
are  necessary,  and  you  have  little  time  left  to  make 
them.  Be  industrious  then,  my  child.  Think  noth- 
ing insurmountable  by  resolution  and  application,  and 
you  will  be  all  that  I  wish  you  to  be. 

You  ask  if  it  is  my  desire  that  you  should  dine  at 
the  Abbess's  table  ?  It  is.  Propose  it  as  such  to 
Madame  de  Frauleinheim,  with  my  respectful  compli- 
ments, and  thanks  for  her  care  of  you.  Continue  to 
love  me  with  all  the  warmth  with  which  you  are  be- 
loved by,  my  dear  Patsey,  yours  affectionately. 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  375 

TO  MARTHA  JEFFERSON.1 

TOULON,  April  7th,  1787. 

My  Dear  Patsey — I  received  yesterday,  at  Mar- 
seilles, your  letter  of  March  25th,  and  I  received  it 
with  pleasure,  because  it  announced  to  me  that  you 
are  well.  Experience  learns  us  to  be  always  anxious 
about  the  health  of  those  whom  we  love.  I  have  not 
been  able  to  write  to  you  as  often  as  I  expected,  be- 
cause I  am  generally  on  the  road,  and  when  I  stop 
anywhere  I  am  occupied  in  seeing  what  is  to  be  seen. 
It  will  be  some  time  now,  perhaps,  three  weeks,  before 
I  shall  be  able  to  write  you  again.  But  this  need 
not  slacken  your  writing  to  me,  because  you  have 
leisure  and  your  letters  come  regularly  to  me.  I  have 
received  letters  which  inform  me  that  our  dear  Polly 
will  certainly  come  to  us  this  summer.  By  the  time  I 
return  it  will  be  time  to  expect  her.  When  she  ar- 
rives she  will  become  a  precious  charge  on  your  hands. 
The  difference  of  your  age  and  your  common  loss  of 
a  mother,  will  put  that  office  on  you.  Teach  her 
above  all  things  to  be  good,  because  without  that  we 
can  neither  be  valued  by  others  nor  set  any  value  on 
ourselves.  Teach  her  to  be  always  true  ;  no  vice  is  so 
mean  as  the  want  of  truth,  and  at  the  same  time  so 
useless.  Teach  her  never  to  be  angry ;  anger  only 
serves  to  torment  ourselves,  to  divert  others,  and 
alienate  their  esteem.  And  teach  her  industry,  and 
application  to  useful  pursuits.  I  will  venture  to  as- 
sure you  that  if  you  inculcate  this  in  her  mind,  you 
will  make  her  a  happy  being  herself,  a  most  inesti- 
mable friend  to  you,  and  precious  to  all  the  world.  In 

1  From  S.  N.  Randolph's  Domestic  Life  of  T.  Jefferson,  118. 


376  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

teaching  her  these  dispositions  of  mind,  you  will  be 
more  fixed  in  them  yourself,  and  render  yourself  dear 
to  all  your  acquaintances.  Practice  them,  then,  my 
dear,  without  ceasing.  If  ever  you  find  yourself  in 
difficulty,  and  doubt  how  to  extricate  yourself,  do 
what  is  right,  and  you  will  find  it  the  easiest  way  of 
getting  out  of  the  difficulty.  Do  it  for  the  additional 
incitement  of  increasing  the  happiness  of  him  who 
loves  you  infinitely,  and  who  is,  my  dear  Patsey, 
yours  affectionately. 

TO    THE    SECRETARY    FOR    FOREIGN    AFFAIRS.          J.MSS. 
(JOHN  JAY.) 

MARSEILLES,  May  4,  1787. 

SIR — I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  at  Aix  your  let- 
ter of  Feb.  9,  and  immediately  wrote  to  the  Count  de 
Montmorin,  explaining  the  delay  of  the  answer  of  Con- 
gress to  the  King's  letter,  and  desired  Mr.  Short  to  de- 
liver that  answer  with  my  letter  to  Monsieur  de  Mont 
morin,  which  he  accordingly  informs  me  he  has  done. 

My  absence  prevented  my  noting  to  you  in  the 
first  moment  the  revolution  which  has  taken  place  at 
Paris  in  the  department  of  Finance,  by  the  substitu- 
tion of  Monsieur  de  Fourqueux  in  the  place  of  Mon- 
sieur de  Calonnes,  so  that  you  will  have  heard  of  it 
through  other  channels  before  this  will  have  the 
honour  of  reaching  you. 

Having  staid  at  Aix  long  enough  to  prove  the  in- 
efficacy  of  the  waters,  I  came  on  to  this  place  for 
the  purpose  of  informing  myself  here,  as  I  mean  to 
do  at  the  other  sea-port  towns,  of  whatever  may  be 
interesting  to  our  commerce.  So  far  as  carried  on  in 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  377 

our  own  bottoms,  I  find  it  almost  nothing ;  &  so  it 
must  probably  remain  till  something  can  be  done 
with  the  Algerines.  Tho'  severely  afflicted  with  the 
plague,  they  have  come  out  within  these  few  days,  & 
shewed  themselves  in  force  along  the  coast  of  Genoa, 
cannonading  a  little  town  &  taking  several  vessels. 

Among  other  objects  of  inquiry,  this  was  the  place 
to  learn  something  more  certain  on  the  subject  of 
rice,  as  it  is  a  great  emporium  for  that  of  the  Levant 
&  of  Italy.  I  wished  particularly  to  know  whether  it 
was  the  use  of  a  different  machine  for  cleaning  which 
brought  European  rice  to  market  less  broken  than 
ours,  as  had  been  represented  to  me  by  those  who 
deal  in  that  article  in  Paris.  I  found  several  persons 
who  had  passed  thro'  the  rice  country  of  Italy,  but 
not  one  who  could  explain  to  me  the  nature  of  the 
machine.  But  I  was  given  to  believe  that  I  might 
see  it  myself  immediately  on  entering  Piedmont.  As 
this  would  require  but  about  three  weeks  I  determined 
to  go  &  ascertain  this  point ;  as  the  chance  only  of 
placing  our  rice  above  all  rivalship  in  quality  as  it  is 
in  colour,  by  the  introduction  of  a  better  machine,  if 
a  better  existed,  seemed  to  justify  the  application  of 
that  much  time  to  it.  I  found  the  rice  country  to  be 
in  truth  Lombardy,  100  miles  further  than  had  been 
represented,  &  that  tho'  called  Piedmont  rice,  not  a 
grain  is  made  in  the  country  of  Piedmont.  I  passed 
thro  the  rice  fields  of  the  Venellese  &  Milanese, 
about  60  miles,  &  returned  from  thence  last  night, 
having  found  that  the  machine  is  absolutely  the  same 
as  ours,  and  of  course  that  we  need  not  listen  more 


378  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

to  that  suggestion.  It  is  a  difference  in  the  species 
of  grain,  of  which  the  government  of  Turin  is  so  sen- 
sible, that,  as  I  was  informed,  they  prohibit  the  ex- 
portation of  rough  rice  on  pain  of  death.  I  have 
taken  measures  however  for  obtaining  a  quantity  of 
it  which  I  think  will  not  fail  &  I  bought  on  the  spot  a 
small  parcel  which  I  have  with  me.  As  further  details 
on  this  subject  to  Congress  would  be  misplaced,  I 
propose  on  my  return  to  Paris  to  communicate  them, 
&  send  the  rice  to  the  society  at  Charlestown  for  pro- 
moting agriculture,  supposing  that  they  will  be  best 
able  to  try  the  experiment  of  cultivating  the  rice  of 
this  quality,  and  to  communicate  the  species  to  the 
two  states  of  S  Carolina  &  Georgia  if  they  find  it 
answer.  I  thought  the  staple  of  these  two  states  was 
entitled  to  this  attention,  and  that  it  must  be  desirable 
to  them  to  be  able  to  furnish  rice  of  the  two  qualities 
demanded  in  Europe,  especially  as  the  greater  con- 
sumption is  in  the  forms  for  which  the  Lombardy 
quality  is  preferred.  The  mass  of  our  countrymen 
being  interested  in  agriculture,  I  hope  I  do  not  err  in 
supposing  that  in  a  time  of  profound  peace  as  the 
present,  to  enable  them  to  adapt  their  productions  to 
the  market,  to  point  out  markets  for  them,  and  en- 
deavor to  obtain  favorable  terms  of  reception,  is 
within  the  line  of  my  duty. 

My  journey  into  this  part  of  the  country  has  pro- 
cured me  information  which  I  will  take  the  liberty  of 
communicating  to  Congress.  In  October  last  I  re- 
ceived a  letter  dated  Montpelier  Octob  2.  1786. 
announcing  to  me  that  the  writer  was  a  foreigner 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  379 

who  had  a  matter  of  very  great  consequence  to  com- 
municate to  me,  and  desired  I  would  indicate  the 
channel  thro  which  it  might  pass  safely.  I  did  so. 

I  received  soon  after  a  letter  in  the  following  words, 
omitting  only  the  formal  parts. 

"  Je  suis  Bresilien  et  vous  savez,  que  ma  malheureuse  patrie  gemit  dans  un 
affreux  esclavage,  qui  devient  chaque  plus  insupportable,  depuis  1'epoque  de 
votre  glorieuse  independance,  puisque  les  barbares  Portugais  n'epargnent  rien 
pour  nous  rendre  malheureux,  de  crainte  que  nous  suivire  vos  pat  :  et  comme 
nous  connaissons  que  ces  usurpateurs  contre  la  loi  de  la  nature  et  de  I'humanite 
ne  songent  que  a  nous  accabler,  nous  nous  sommes  decides  a  suivre  le  frappant 
exemple  que  vous  venez  de  nous  donner,  et  par  consequence  a  briser  nos 
chaines,  et  a  faire  revivre  notre  liberte,  qui  est  tout-a-fait  morte,  et  accable 
par  la  force  qui  est  le  seul  droit  qu'ont  les  Europeans  sur  1'Amerique.  Mais  il 
s'agit  d'avoir  une  puissance  qui  donne  la  main  aux  Bresiliens,  attendu  que 
1'Espagne  ne  manquera  pas  de  se  joindre  a  Portugal ;  et  malgre  les  avantages 
que  nous  avons  pour  nous  defendre,  nous  ne  pourrons  pas  le  faire,  ou  du  moins 
il  se  serait  pas  prudent  de  nous  hazarder  sans  etre  sur  d'y  reussir.  Cela  pose, 
Monsieur,  c'est  votre  nation  que  nous  croyons  plus  propre  pour  donner  du 
secours,  non  seulement  parceque  c'est  elle,  qui  nous  a  donne  1'exemple,  mais 
aussi  parceque  la  nature  nous  a  fait  habitants  du  meme  continent,  et  par  con- 
sequence en  quelque  fa9on  compatriotes.  De  notre  part  nous  sommes  prets  a 
donner  tout  1'argent  qui  sera  necessaire,  et  a  temoigner  en  tout  temps  notre 
reconnoissance  envers  nos  bienfaisantes.  Monsieur,  voila  a  peu  pre's  le  precis 
de  mes  intentions,  et  c'est  pour  m'acquitter  de  cette  commission,  que  je  suis 
venu  en  France,  puisque  je  se  pourrois  pas  en  Amerique  sans  donner  des 
soup9ons  a  ceux  qui  en  S9ussent.  C'est  a  vous  maintenant  a  juger  si  elles 
peuvent  avoir  lieu,  et  dans  le  cas  que  voulussiez  en  consulter  votre  nation,  je 
suis  en  etat  de  vous  donner  toutes  les  informations  que  vous  trouverez  necessaire. 

"  MONTPELIER  at.  Novembre." 

As  by  this  time  I  had  been  advised  to  try  the  waters 
of  Aix,  I  wrote  to  the  gentleman  my  design,  and  that  I 
would  go  off  my  road  as  far  as  Nismes,  under  the 
pretext  of  seeing  the  antiquities  of  that  place,  if  he 
would  meet  me  there.  He  met  me,  &  the  following 
is  the  sum  of  the  information  I  received  from  him  : 
"  Brazil  contains  as  many  inhabitants  as  Portugal. 
They  are  i.  Portuguese.  2.  Native  whites.  3.  Black 


380  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

&  mulatto  slaves.  4.  Indians  civilized  &  savage,  i. 
The  Portuguese  are  few  in  number,  mostly  married 
there,  have  lost  sight  of  their  native  country,  as  well 
as  the  prospect  of  returning  to  it,  &  are  disposed  to 
become  independant.  2.  The  native  whites  form  the 
body  of  their  nation.  3.  The  slaves  are  as  numerous 
as  the  free.  4.  The  civilized  Indians  have  no  energy, 
&  the  savage  would  not  meddle.  There  are  20.000 
regular  troops.  Originally  these  were  Portuguese ; 
but  as  they  died  off  they  were  replaced  by  natives,  so 
that  these  compose  at  present  the  mass  of  the  troops 
&  may  be  counted  on  by  their  native  country.  The 
officers  are  partly  Portuguese  partly  Brazilians  ;  their 
bravery  is  not  doubted,  &  they  understand  the  parade 
but  not  the  science  of  their  profession.  They  have 
no  bias  for  Portugal,  but  no  energy  either  for  any- 
thing. The  Priests  are  partly  Portuguese,  partly 
Brazilians,  &  will  not  interest  themselves  much.  The 
Noblesse  are  scarcely  known  as  such.  They  will  in 
no  manner  be  distinguished  from  the  people.  The 
men  of  letters  are  those  most  desirous  of  a  revolution. 
The  people  are  not  much  under  the  influence  of  their 
priests,  most  of  them  read  &  write,  possess  arms,  & 
are  in  the  habit  of  using  them  for  hunting.  The  slaves 
will  take  the  side  of  their  masters.  In  short,  as  to 
the  question  of  revolution,  there  is  but  one  mind  in 
that  country.  But  there  appears  no  person  capable 
of  conducting  a  revolution,  or  willing  to  venture 
himself  at  its  head,  without  the  aid  of  some  powerful 
nation,  as  the  people  of  their  own  might  fail  them. 
There  is  no  printing  press  in  Brazil.  They  consider 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  381 

the  North  American  revolution  as  a  precedent  for 
theirs.  They  look  to  the  United  States  as  most 
likely  to  give  them  honest  support,  &  from  a  variety 
of  considerations  have  the  strongest  prejudices  in  our 
favor.  This  informant  is  a  native  &  inhabitant  of 
Rio  Janeiro  the  present  metropolis,  which  contains 
50.000  inhabitants,  knows  well  St.  Salvador  the  former 
one,  and  the  mines  d'or  which  are  in  the  center  of  the 
country.  These  are  all  for  a  revolution,  &,  constitut- 
ing the  body  of  the  nation,  the  other  parts  will  follow 
them.  The  King's  fifth  of  the  mines  yields  annually 
13  millions  of  crusadoes  or  half  dollars.  He  has  the 
sole  right  of  searching  for  diamonds  &  other  precious 
stones,  which  yields  him  about  half  as  much.  His 
income  alone  then  from  these  two  resources  is  about 
10  millions  of  dollars  annually :  but  the  remaining 
part  of  the  produce  of  the  mines,  being  26  millions, 
might  be  counted  on  for  effecting  a  revolution.  Be- 
sides the  arms  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  there 
are  public  magazines.  They  have  abundance  of 
horses,  but  only  a  part  of  their  country  would  admit 
the  service  of  horses.  They  would  want  cannon, 
ammunition,  ships,  sailors,  souldiers  &  officers,  for 
which  they  are  disposed  to  look  to  the  U.  S.  always 
understood  that  every  service  &  furniture  will  be  well 
paid.  Corn  costs  about  20  livres  the  100  Ib.  They 
have  flesh  in  the  greatest  abundance,  insomuch  that 
in  some  parts  they  kill  beeves  for  the  skin  only.  The 
whale  fishery  is  carried  on  by  Brazilians  altogether,  & 
not  by  Portuguese  ;  but  in  very  small  vessels,  so  that 
the  fishermen  know  nothing  of  managing  a  large  ship. 


382  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

They  would  want  of  us  at  all  times  shipping,  corn  & 
salt  fish.  The  latter  is  a  great  article,  &  they  are  at 
present  supplied  with  it  from  Portugal.  Portugal 
being  without  either  army  or  navy,  could  not  attempt 
an  invasion  under  a  twelvemonth.  Considering  of 
what  it  would  be  composed  it  would  not  be  much  to 
be  feared,  and,  if  it  failed,  they  would  probably  never 
attempt  a  second.  Indeed,  this  source  of  their  wealth 
being  intercepted,  they  are  scarcely  capable  of  a  first 
effort.  The  thinking  part  of  the  nation  are  so  sen- 
sible of  this,  that  they  consider  an  early  separation 
inevitable.  There  is  an  implacable  hatred  between 
the  Brazilians  &  Portuguese ;  to  reconcile  which  a 
former  minister  adopted  the  policy  of  letting  the 
Brazilians  into  a  participation  of  public  offices ;  but 
subsequent  administrations  have  reverted  to  the 
antient  policy  of  keeping  the  administration  in  the 
hands  of  native  Portuguese.  There  is  a  mixture  of 
natives  of  the  old  appointments  still  remaining  in 
office.  If  Spain  should  invade  them  on  their  South- 
ern extremities,  these  are  so  distant  from  the  body  of 
their  settlements  that  they  could  not  penetrate  thence, 
and  Spanish  enterprise  is  not  formidable.  The  mines 
d'or  are  among  mountains,  inaccessible  to  any  army, 
and  Rio  Janeiro  is  considered  as  the  strongest  port  in 
the  world  after  Gibraltar.  In  case  of  a  successful 
revolution,  a  republican  government  in  a  single  body, 
would  probably  be  established." 

I  took  care  to  impress  on  him  thro'  the  whole  of 
our  conversation  that  I  had  neither  instructions  nor 
authority  to  say  a  word  to  anybody  on  this  subject, 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  383 

and  that  I  could  only  give  him  my  own  ideas  as  a 
single  individual  ;  which  were  that  we  were  not  in  a 
condition  to  meddle  nationally  in  any  war ;  that  we 
wished  particularly  to  cultivate  the  friendship  of  Portu- 
gal, with  whom  we  have  an  advantageous  commerce. 
That  yet  a  successful  revolution  in  Brazil  could  not  be 
uninteresting  to  us.  That  prospects  of  lucre  might 
possibly  draw  numbers  of  individuals  to  their  aid,  and 
purer  motives  our  officers,  among  whom  are  many  ex- 
cellent. That  our  citizens  being  free  to  leave  their 
own  country  individually  without  the  consent  of  their 
governments,  are  equally  free  to  go  to  any  other. 

A  little  before  I  received  the  first  letter  of  the 
Brazilian  a  gentleman  informed  me  there  was  a  Mex- 
ican in  Paris,  who  wished  to  have  some  conversation 
with  me.  He  accordingly  called  on  me.  The  sub- 
stance of  the  information  I  drew  from  him  was  as 
follows.  He  is  himself  a  native  of  Mexico,  where  his 
relations  are  principally.  He  left  it  at  about  17 
years  of  age,  &  seems  now  to  be  about  33  or  34.  He 
classes  &  characterizes  the  inhabitants  of  that  coun- 
try as  follows  :  i.  The  natives  of  Old  Spain,  pos- 
sessed of  most  of  the  offices  of  government,  &  firmly 
attached  to  it.  2.  The  clergy  equally  attached  to  the 
government.  3.  The  natives  of  Mexico,  generally 
disposed  to  revolt,  but  without  instruction,  without 
energy,  &  much  under  the  dominion  of  their  priests. 
4.  The  slaves,  mulatto  &  black  ;  the  former  enterpris- 
ing &  intelligent,  the  latter  brave  &  of  very  import- 
ant weight,  into  whatever  scale  they  throw  them- 
selves ;  but  he  thinks  they  will  side  with  their  masters. 


384  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

5.  The  conquered  Indians,  cowardly,  not  likely  to  take 
any  side,  nor  important  which.  6.  The  free  Indians, 
brave  and  formidable,  should  they  interfere,  but  not 
likely  to  do  so,  as  being  at  a  great  distance.  I  asked 
him  the  numbers  of  these  several  classes,  but  he 
could  not  give  them.  The  first  he  thought  very  in- 
considerable ;  that  the  2d  formed  the  body  of  the 
freemen  :  the  3d  equal  to  the  two  first  :  the  4th  to 
all  the  preceding  :  &  as  to  the  5th  he  could  form  no 
idea  of  their  proportion.  Indeed  it  appeared  to  me 
that  his  conjectures  as  to  the  others  were  on  loose 
grounds.  He  said  he  knew  from  good  information 
there  were  300.000  inhabitants  in  the  city  of  Mexico. 
I  was  still  more  cautious  with  him  than  with  the 
Brazilian,  mentioning  it  as  my  private  opinion  (un- 
authorized to  say  a  word  on  the  subject  otherwise) 
that  a  successful  revolution  was  still  at  a  distance 
with  them  ;  that  I  feared  they  must  begin  by  enlight- 
ening &  emancipating  the  minds  of  their  people  ;  that 
as  to  us,  if  Spain  should  give  us  advantageous  terms 
of  commerce,  &  remove  other  difficulties,  it  was  not 
probable  that  we  should  relinquish  certain  &  present 
advantages  tho'  smaller,  to  incertain  &  future  ones, 
however  great.  I  was  led  into  this  caution  by 
observing  that  this  gentleman  was  intimate  at  the 
Spanish  Ambassador's.  &  that  he  was  then  at  Paris, 
employed  by  Spain  to  settle  her  boundaries  with 
France  on  the  Pyrenees.  He  had  much  the  air  of 
candour,  but  that  can  be  borrowed ;  so  that  I  was  not 
able  to  decide  about  him  in  my  own  mind. 

Led  by  a  unity  of  subject,  &  a  desire  to  give  Con- 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  385 

gress  as  general  a  view  of  the  dispositions  of  our 
Southern  countrymen  as  my  information  enables  me, 
I  will  add  an  article  which,  old  &  insulated,  I  did 
not  think  important  enough  to  mention  at  the  time  I 
received  it.  You  will  remember,  Sir,  that  during  the 
late  war,  the  British  papers  often  gave  details  of  a 
rebellion  in  Peru.  The  character  of  those  papers 
discredited  the  information.  But  the  truth  was  that 
the  insurrections  were  so  general,  that  the  event  was 
long  on  the  poise.  Had  Commodore  Johnson,  then 
expected  on  that  coast,  touched  &  landed  there  2,000 
men,  the  dominion  of  Spain  in  that  country  was  at 
an  end.  They  only  wanted  a  point  of  union  which 
this  body  would  have  constituted.  Not  having  this, 
they  acted  without  concert,  &  were  at  length  subdued 
separately.  This  conflagration  was  quenched  in 
blood,  200,000  souls  on  both  sides  having  perished  ; 
but  the  remaining  matter  is  very  capable  of  combus- 
tion. I  have  this  information  from  a  person  who 
was  on  the  spot  at  the  time,  and  whose  good  faith, 
understanding,  and  means  of  information  leave  no 
doubt  of  the  facts.  He  observed  however  that  the 
numbers  above  supposed  to  have  perished,  were  on 
such  conjectures  only  as  he  could  collect. 

I  trouble  Congress  with  these  details,  because, 
however  distant  we  may  be  both  in  condition  &  dis- 
positions, from  taking  an  active  part  in  any  commo- 
tions in  that  country,  nature  has  placed  it  too  near  us 
to  make  it's  movements  altogether  indifferent  to  our 
interests  or  to  our  curiosity. 

I  hear  of  another  Arret  of  this  court  increasing 

vol.  iv — 25 


386  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

the  duties  on  foreign  stockfish,  &  the  premiums  on 
their  own,  imported  into  their  islands  ;  but  not  having 
yet  seen  it  I  can  say  nothing  certain  on  it.  I  am  in 
hopes  the  effect  of  this  policy  will  be  defeated  by  the 
practice  which  I  am  told  takes  place  on  the  banks  of 
Newfoundland  of  putting  our  fish  into  the  French 
fishing-boats  &  the  parties  sharing  the  premium, 
instead  of  ours  paying  the  duty. 

I  am  in  hopes  Mr.  Short  will  be  able  to  send  you  the 
medals  of  General  Gates,  by  this  packet.  I  await  a  gen- 
eral instruction  as  to  these  medals.  The  academies 
of  Europe  will  be  much  pleased  to  receive  each  a  set. 

I  propose  to  set  out  the  day  after  to  morrow  for 
Bordeaux  (by  the  canal  of  Languedoc)  Nantes, 
L'Orient  &  Paris. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  sentiments  of  the  most 
perfect  esteem  &  respect,  Sir,  your  most  obedient  & 
most  humble  servant. 


TO  MARTHA  JEFFERSON.1 

MARSEILLES,  May  sth,  1787. 

MY  DEAR  PATSEY, —  I  got  back  to  Aix  the  day  be- 
fore yesterday,  and  found  there  your  letter  of  the  gih 
of  April — from  which  I  presume  you  to  be  well, 
though  you  do  not  say  so.  In  order  to  exercise  your 
geography,  I  will  give  you  a  detail  of  my  journey. 
You  must  therefore  take  your  map  and  trace  out  the 
following  places :  Dijon,  Lyons,  Pont  St.  Esprit, 
Nismes,  Aries,  St.  Remis,  Aix,  Marseilles,  Toulon, 

1  From  S.  N.  Randolph's  Domestic  Life  of  T.  Jejferson,  120. 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  387 

Hieres,  Frejus,  Antibes,  Nice,  Col  de  Tende,  Coni, 
Turin,  Vercelli,  Milan,  Pavia,  Tortona,  Novi,  Genoa, 
by  sea  to  Albenga,  by  land  to  Monaco,  Nice,  Antibes, 
Frejus,  Brignolles,  Aix,  and  Marseilles.  The  day 
after  morrow,  I  set  out  hence  for  Aix,  Avignon,  Pont 
du  Card,  Nismes,  Montpellier,  Narbonne,  along  the 
canal  of  Languedoc  to  Toulouse,  Bordeaux,  Roche- 
fort,  Rochelle,  Nantes,  L'Orient,  Nantes,  Tours, 
Orleans,  and  Paris — where  I  shall  arrive  about  the 
middle  of  June,  after  having  travelled  something  up- 
wards of  a  thousand  leagues. 

From  Genoa  to  Aix  was  very  fatiguing  ;  the  first 
two  days  having  been  at  sea,  and  mortally  sick — two 
more  clambering  the  cliffs  of  the  Apennines,  some- 
times on  foot,  sometimes  on  a  mule,  according  as  the 
path  was  more  or  less  difficult — and  two  others  travel- 
ling through  the  night  as  well  as  day  without  sleep. 
I  am  not  yet  rested,  and  shall  therefore  shortly  give 
you  rest  by  closing  my  letter,  after  mentioning  that  I 
have  received  a  letter  from  your  sister,  which  though  a 
year  old  gave  me  great  pleasure.  I  inclose  for  your  per- 
usal, as  I  think  it  will  be  pleasure  for  you  also.  But 
take  care  of  it,  and  return  it  to  me  when  I  shall  get  back 
to  Paris,  for,  trifling  as  it  seems,  it  is  precious  to  me. 

When  I  left  Paris  I  wrote  to  London  to  desire  that 
your  harpsicord  might  be  sent  during  the  months  of 
April  and  May,  so  that  I  am  in  hopes  it  will  arrive  a 
little  before  I  shall,  and  give  me  an  opportunity  of 
judging  whether  you  have  got  the  better  of  that  want 
of  industry  which  I  began  to  fear  would  be  the  rock 
on  which  you  would  split.  Determine  never  to  be  idle. 


388  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

No  person  will  have  occasion  to  complain  of  the  want 
of  time  who  never  loses  any.  It  is  wonderful  how 
much  may  be  done  if  we  are  always  doing.  And  that 
you  may  always  be  doing  good,  my  dear,  is  the  ardent 
prayer  of,  yours  affectionately. 


TO   MARTHA  JEFFERSON.1 

May  2ist,  1787. 

I  write  you,  my  dear  Patsey,  from  the  canal  of 
Languedoc,  on  which  I  am  at  present  sailing,  as  I 
have  been  for  a  week  past,  cloudless  skies  above, 
limpid  waters  below,  and  on  each  hand  a  row  of  night- 
ingales in  full  chorus.  This  delightful  bird  had  given 
me  a  rich  treat  before,  at  the  fountain  of  Vaucluse. 
After  visiting  the  tomb  of  Laura  at  Avignon,  I  went 
to  see  this  fountain — a  noble  one  of  itself,  and  rendered 
famous  forever  by  the  songs  of  Petrarch,  who  lived 
near  it.  I  arrived  there  somewhat  fatigued  and  sat 
down  by  the  fountain  to  repose  myself.  It  gushes,  of 
the  size  of  a  river,  from  a  secluded  valley  of  the 
mountains,  the  ruins  of  Petrarch's  chateau  being 
perched  on  a  rock  two  hundred  feet  perpendicular 
above.  To  add  to  the  enchantment  of  the  scene, 
every  tree  and  bush  was  filled  with  nightingales  in  full 
song.  I  think  you  told  me  that  you  had  not  yet 
noticed  this  bird.  As  you  have  trees  in  the  garden 
of  the  convent,  there  might  be  nightingales  in  them, 
and  this  is  the  season  of  their  song.  Endeavor,  my 
dear,  to  make  yourself  acquainted  with  the  music  of 

'From  S.  N.  Randolph's  Domestic  Life  of  T.  Jefferson,  122. 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  389 

this  bird,  that  when  you  return  to  your  own  country, 
you  may  be  able  to  estimate  its  merit  in  comparison 
with  that  of  the  mocking-bird.  The  latter  has  the 
advantage  of  singing  through  a  great  part  of  the  year, 
whereas  the  nightingale  sings  about  five  or  six  weeks 
in  the  spring,  and  a  still  shorter  term,  and  with  a 
more  feeble  voice,  in  the  fall. 

I  expect  to  be  at  Paris  about  the  middle  of  the  next 
month.  By  that  time  we  may  begin  to  expect  our 
dear  Polly.  It  will  be  a  circumstance  of  inexpressi- 
ble comfort  to  me  to  have  you  both  with  me  once 
more.  The  object  most  interesting  to  me  for  the 
residue  of  my  life,  will  be  to  see  you  both  developing 
daily  those  principles  of  virtue  and  goodness,  which 
will  make  you  valuable  to  others  and  happy  in 
ourselves,  and  acquiring  those  talents  and  that  degree 
of  science  which  will  guard  you  at  all  times  against 
ennui,  the  most  dangerous  poison  of  life.  A  mind 
always  employed  is  always  happy.  This  is  the  true 
secret,  the  grand  recipe,  for  felicity.  The  idle  are 
only  the  wretched.  In  a  world  which  furnishes  so 
many  employments  which  are  so  useful,  so  many 
which  are  amusing,  it  is  our  own  fault  if  we  ever 
know  what  ennui  is,  or  if  we  are  ever  driven  to  the 
miserable  resources  of  gaming,  which  corrupts  our 
dispositions,  and  teaching  us  a  habit  of  hostility 
against  all  mankind.  We  are  now  entering  the  port 
of  Toulouse,  where  I  quit  my  bark,  and  of  course 
must  conclude  my  letter.  Be  good  and  be  industri- 
ous, and  you  will  be  what  I  shall  most  love  in  the 
world.  Adieu,  my  dear  child.  Yours  affectionately. 


390  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

TO  JAMES  MADISON.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  June  20,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR — I  wrote  you  last  on  the  3Oth  of  Jan.  with 
a  postscript  of  Feb.  5.  Having  set  out  the  last  day  of 
that  month  to  try  the  waters  of  Aix,  and  been  journey- 
ing since  till  the  loth  inst.  I  have  been  unable  to  con- 
tinue my  correspondence  with  you.  In  the  meantime 
I  have  received  your  several  favors  of  Feb.  15,  Mar. 
1 8  19,  &  Apr.  the  23.  The  last  arrived  here  about 
the  25th  of  May,  while  those  of  Mar.  18  &  19,  tho' 
written  five  weeks  earlier  arrived  three  weeks  later. 
I  mention  this  to  shew  you  how  incertain  is  the  con- 
veyance thro'  England. 

The  idea  of  separating  the  executive  business  of 
the  confederacy  from  Congress,  as  the  judiciary  is 
already  in  some  degree,  is  just  &  necessary.  I  had 
frequently  pressed  on  the  members  individually,  while 
in  Congress  the  doing  this  by  a  resolution  of  Congress 
for  appointing  an  Executive  committee  to  act  during 
the  sessions  of  Congress,  as  the  Committee  of  the 
states  was  to  act  during  their  vacations.  But  the 
referring  to  this  Committee  all  executive  business  as 
it  should  present  itself,  would  require  a  more  perse- 
vering self  denial  than  I  suppose  Congress  to  possess. 
It  will  be  much  better  to  make  that  separation  by  a 
federal  act.  The  negative  proposed  to  be  given  them 
on  all  the  acts  of  the  several  legislatures  is  now  for 
the  first  time  suggested  to  my  mind.  Primd  facie  I 
do  not  like  it.  It  fails  in  an  essential  character  that 
the  hole  &  the  patch  should  be  commensurate.  But 
this  proposes  to  mend  a  small  hole  by  covering  the 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  391 

whole  garment.  Not  more  than  one  out  of  100  state 
acts  concern  the  confederacy.  This  proposition  then 
in  order  to  give  them  i.  degree  of  power  which  they 
ought  to  have,  gives  them  99.  more  which  they  ought 
not  to  have,  upon  a  presumption  that  they  will  not 
exercise  the  99.  But  upon  every  act  there  will  be  a 
preliminary  question  Does  this  act  concern  the  con- 
federacy ?  And  was  there  ever  a  proposition  so  plain 
as  to  pass  Congress  without  a  debate  ?  Their  deci- 
sions are  almost  always  wise  ;  they  are  like  pure  metal. 
But  you  know  of  how  much  dross  this  is  the  result. 
Would  not  an  appeal  from  the  state  judicatures  to  a 
federal  court  in  all  cases  where  the  act  of  Confedera- 
tion controlled  the  question,  be  as  effectual  a  remedy, 
&  exactly  commensurate  to  the  defect  ?  A  British 
creditor,  e.g.,  sues  for  his  debt  in  Virginia ;  the  de- 
fendant pleads  an  act  of  the  state  excluding  him  from 
their  courts  ;  the  plaintiff  urges  the  Confederation  & 
the  treaty  made  under  that,  as  controlling  the  state 
law  ;  the  judges  are  weak  enough  to  decide  according 
to  the  views  of  their  legislature.  An  appeal  to  a 
federal  court  sets  all  to  rights.  It  will  be  said  that 
this  court  may  encroach  on  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
state  courts.  It  may.  But  there  will  be  a  power,  to 
wit,  Congress,  to  watch  &  restrain  them.  But  place 
the  same  authority  in  Congress  itself,  and  there  will 
be  no  power  above  them  to  perform  the  same  office. 
They  will  restrain  within  due  bounds  a  jurisdiction 
exercised  by  others  much  more  rigorously  than  if 
exercised  by  themselves.  I  am  uneasy  at  seeing  that 
the  sale  of  our  Western  lands  is  not  yet  commenced. 


392  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

That  precious  fund  for  the  immediate  extinction  of 
our  debt  will  I  fear  be  suffered  to  slip  thro'  our  fingers. 
Every  delay  exposes  it  to  events  which  no  human 
foresight  can  guard  against.  When  we  consider  the 
temper  of  the  people  of  that  country,  derived  from  the 
circumstances  which  surround  them,  we  must  suppose 
their  separation  impossible,  at  every  moment.  If  they 
can  be  retained  till  their  governments  become  settled 
&  wise,  they  will  remain  with  us  always,  and  be  a 
precious  part  of  our  strength  &  of  our  virtue.  Biit 
this  affair  of  the  Mississippi,  by  shewing  that  Con- 
gress is  capable  of  hesitating  on  a  question,  which  pro- 
poses a  clear  sacrifice  of  the  western  to  the  maritime 
States,  will  with  difficulty  be  obliterated.  The  propo- 
sition of  my  going  to  Madrid,  to  try  to  recover  there 
the  ground  which  has  been  lost  at  New  York,  by  the 
concession  of  the  vote  of  seven  States,  I  should  think 
desperate.  With  respect  to  myself,  weighing  the 
pleasure  of  the  journey  &  bare  possibility  of  success, 
in  one  scale,  and  the  strong  probability  oi  failure  and 
the  public  disappointment  directed  on  me,  in  the  other, 
the  latter  preponderates.  Add  to  this  that  jealousy 
might  be  excited  in  the  breast  of  a  person,  who  could 
find  occasions  of  making  me  uneasy. 

The  late  changes  in  the  ministry  here  excite  con- 
siderable hopes.  I  think  viz.  gain  in  them  all.  I  am 
particularly  happy  at  the  re-entry  of  Malesherbes  into 
the  Council.  His  knolege,  his  integrity  render  his 
value  inappreciable,  and  the  greater  to  me,  because 
while  he  had  no  views  of  office,  we  had  established 
together  the  most  unreserved  intimacy.  So  far 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  393 

too  /  am  pleased  with  Montmorin.  His  honesty 
proceeds  from  the  heart  as  well  as  the  head,  and 
therefore  may  be  more  surely  counted  on.  The 
King  loves  business,  economy,  order,  &  justice,  and 
wishes  sincerely  the  good  of  his  people ;  but  he  is 
irascible,  rude,  very  limited  in  his  understanding,  and 
religious,  bordering  only  on  bigotry.  He  has  no 
mistress,  loves  his  queen,  and  is  too  much  governed  by 
her.  She  is  capricious  like  her  brother,  and  governed 
by  him  ;  devoted  to  pleasure  and  expense  ;  and  not 
remarkable  for  any  other  vices  or  virtues.  Unhappily 
the  King  shews  a  propensity  for  the  pleasures  of  the 
table,  that  for  drink  has  increased  lately,  or  at  least  it 
is  become  more  known.  For  European  news  in  gen- 
eral, I  will  refer  you  to  my  letter  to  Mr.  Jay.  Is  it 
not  possible  that  the  occurrences  in  Holland  may 
excite  a  desire  in  many  of  fleeing  that  country  &  trans- 
ferring their  effects  out  of  it  may  make  an  opening 
for  shifting  into  their  hands  the  debts  due  to  this 
country,  to  its  officers  and  Farmers  ?  It  would  be 
surely  eligible.  I  believe  Dumas,  if  put  on  the 
watch,  might  alone  suffice  ;  but  surely,  if  Mr.  Adams 
should  go  when  the  moment  offers.  Dumas  has 
been  in  the  habit  of  sending  his  letters  open  to  me,  to 
be  forwarded to  Mr.  Jay.  During  my  absence  they 
passed  through  Mr.  Short's  hands  who  made  extracts 
from  them  by  which  I  see  he  has  been  recommending 
himself  and  me  for  the  money  negotiations  in  Holland. 
It  might  be  thought  perhaps  that  /  have  encouraged 
him  in  this.  Be  assured  my  dear  Sir,  that  no  such 
idea  ever  entered  my  head.  On  the  contrary  it  is  a 


394  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

business  which  would  be  the  most  disagreeable  to  me 
of  all  others,  &  for  which  /  am  the  most  unfit  person 
living.  I  do  not  understand  bargaining,  nor  possess  the 
dexterity  requisite  to  them.  On  the  other  hand  Mr. 
Adams,  whom  I  expressly  and  sincerely  recommend, 
stands  already  on  ground  for  that  business,  which  / 
could  not  gain  in  years.  Pray  set  me  to  rights  in  the 
minds  of  those  who  may  have  supposed  me  privy  to 
this  proposition.  En  passant,  I  will  observe  with 
respect  to  Mr.  Dumas,  that  the  death  of  the  Count 
de  Vergennes  places  Congress  more  at  their  ease, 
how  to  dispose  of  him.  Our  credit  has  been  ill 
treated  here  in  public  debate,  and  our  debt  deemed 
apocryphal.  We  should  try  to  transfer  this  debt  else- 
where, &  leave  nothing  capable  of  exciting  ill 
thoughts  between  us.  I  shall  mention  in  my  letter 
to  Mr.  Jay  a  disagreeable  affair  in  which  Mr.  Barclay 
has  been  thrown  into,  at  Bordeaux.  An  honester 
man  cannot  be  found,  nor  a  slower,  nor  more  inde- 
cisive one.  His  affairs,  too,  are  so  embarrassed  and 
desperate,  that  the  public  reputation  is  every  moment 
in  danger  of  being  compromised  with  him.  He  is 
perfectly  amiable  &  honest,  with  all  his  embarrass 
ments. 

By  the  next  packet  I  shall  be  able  to  send  you 
some  books  as  also  your  watch  &  pedometer.  The 
two  last  are  not  yet  done.  To  search  for  books  and 
forward  them  to  Havre  will  require  more  time  than 
I  had  between  my  return  &  the  departure  of  this 
packet.  You  did  perfectly  right  as  to  the  paiment 
by  the  Mr.  Fitzhughs.  Having  been  a  witness  here- 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  395 

tofore  to  the  divisions  in  Congress  on  the  subject  of 
their  foreign  ministers,  it  would  be  a  weakness  in  me 
to  suppose  none  with  respect  to  myself,  or  to  count 
with  any  confidence  on  the  renewal  of  my  commis- 
sion, which  expires  on  the  roth  day  of  March  next : 
and  the  more  so  as,  instead  of  requiring  the  disap- 
probation of  7.  states  as  formerly,  that  of  one 
suffices  for  a  recall  when  Congress  consists  of  only  7. 
states,  2.  when  of  8.  &c  which  I  suppose  to  be  habitu- 
ally their  numbers  at  present.  Whenever  I  leave 
this  place,  it  will  be  necessary  to  begin  my  arrange- 
ments 6.  months  before  my  departure ;  and  these, 
once  fairly  begun  and  under  way,  and  my  mind  set 
homewards,  a  change  of  purpose  could  hardly  take 
place.  If  it  should  be  the  desire  of  Congress  that  I 
should  continue  still  longer,  I  could  wish  to  know  it 
at  farthest  by  the  packet  which  will  sail  from  New 
York  in  September.  Because  were  I  to  put  off 
longer  the  quitting  my  house,  selling  my  furniture  &c. 
I  should  not  have  time  left  to  wind  up  my  affairs  ; 
and  having  once  quitted,  and  sold  off  my  furniture,  I 
could  not  think  of  establishing  myself  here  again. 
I  take  the  liberty  of  mentioning  this  matter  to  you 
not  with  a  desire  to  change  the  purpose  of  Congress, 
but  to  know  it  in  time.  I  have  never  fixed  in  my 
own  mind  the  epoch  of  my  return  so  far  as  shall 
depend  on  myself,  but  I  never  supposed  it  very 
distant.  Probably  I  shall  not  risk  a  second  vote  on 
this  subject.  Such  trifling  things  may  draw  on  one 
the  displeasure  of  one  or  two  states  &  thus  submit 
me  to  the  disgrace  of  a  recall. 


396  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

I  thank  you  for  the  Paccan  nuts  which  accom- 
panied your  letter  of  March.  Could  you  procure 
me  a  copy  of  the  bill  for  proportioning  crimes  & 
punishments  in  the  form  in  which  it  was  ultimately 
rejected  by  the  house  of  delegates  ?  Young  Mr. 
Bannister  desired  me  to  send  him  regularly  the 
Mercure  de  France.  I  will  ask  leave  to  do  this  thro' 
you,  &  that  you  will  adopt  such  method  of  forward- 
ing them  to  him  as  will  save  him  from  being  sub- 
mitted to  postage  which  they  would  not  be  worth. 
As  a  compensation  for  your  trouble  you  will  be  free 
to  keep  them  till  you  shall  have  read  them. 


TO  JOHN  ADAMS.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  July  i,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR — I  returned  about  three  weeks  ago  from 
a  very  useless  voyage,  useless,  I  mean,  as  to  the  ob- 
ject which  first  suggested  it,  that  of  trying  the  effect 
of  the  mineral  waters  of  Aix  en  Provence  on  my 
hand.  I  tried  these  because  recommended  among  six 
or  eight  others  as  equally  beneficial,  &  because  they 
would  place  me  at  the  beginning  of  a  tour  to  the  sea- 
ports of  Marseilles,  Bordeaux,  Nantes  &  L'Orient 
which  I  had  long  meditated,  in  hopes  that  a  knol- 
ege  of  the  places  &  persons  concerned  in  our  com- 
merce &  the  information  to  be  got  from  them  might 
enable  me  sometimes  to  be  useful.  I  had  expected 
to  satisfy  myself  at  Marseilles  of  the  causes  of  the 
difference  of  quality  between  the  rice  of  Carolina  & 
that  of  Piedmont  which  is  brought  in  quantities  to 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  397 

Marseilles.  Not  being  able  to  do  it  I  made  an  ex- 
cursion of  three  weeks  into  the  rice  country  beyond 
the  Alps,  going  through  it  from  Vercelli  to  Pavia, 
about  60  miles.  I  found  the  difference  to  be  not  in 
the  management  as  had  been  supposed  both  here  & 
in  Carolina,  but  in  the  species  of  rice,  &  I  hope  to 
enable  them  in  Carolina  to  begin  the  cultivation  of 
the  Piedmont  rice  &  carry  it  on  hand  in  hand  with 
their  own  that  they  may  supply  both  qualities,  which 
is  absolutely  necessary  at  this  market.  I  had  before 
endeavored  to  lead  the  depot  of  rice  from  Cowes  to 
Honfleur,  and  hope  to  get  it  received  there  on  such 
terms  as  may  draw  that  branch  of  commerce  from 
England  to  this  country.  It  is  an  object  of  250.000 
guineas  a  year.  While  passing  thro'  the  towns  of 
Turin,  Milan  &  Genoa,  I  satisfied  myself  of  the  prac- 
ticability of  introducing  our  whale  oil  for  their  con- 
sumption &  I  suppose  it  would  be  equally  so  in  the 
other  great  cities  of  that  country.  I  was  sorry  that  I 
was  not  authorized  to  set  the  matter  on  foot.  The 
merchants  with  whom  I  chose  to  ask  conferences,  met 
me  freely,  and  communicated  fully,  knowing  I  was  in 
a  public  character.  I  could  however  only  prepare  a 
disposition  to  meet  our  oil  merchants.  On  the  arti- 
cle of  tobacco  I  was  more  in  possession  of  my  ground, 
and  put  matters  into  a  train  for  inducing  their  gov- 
ernment to  draw  their  tobaccos  directly  from  the  U. 
S.  &  not  as  heretofore  from  Gr.  B.  I  am  now  occu- 
pied with  the  new  ministry  here  to  put  the  concluding 
hand  to  the  new  regulations  for  our  commerce  with 
this  country,  announced  in  the  letter  of  M.  de  Ca- 


398  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

lonnes  which  I  sent  you  last  fall.  I  am  in  hopes  in 
addition  to  those,  to  obtain  a  suppression  of  the 
duties  on  Tar,  pitch,  &  turpentine,  and  an  extension 
of  the  privileges  of  American  whale  oil,  to  their  fish 
oils  in  general.  I  find  that  the  quantity  of  Codfish 
oil  brought  to  L'Orient  is  considerable.  This  being 
got  off  hand  (which  will  be  in  a  few  days)  the  chican- 
eries &  vexations  of  the  farmers  on  the  article  of  to- 
bacco, and  their  elusions  of  the  order  of  Bernis,  call 
for  the  next  attention.  I  have  reason  to  hope  good 
dispositions  in  the  new  ministry  towards  our  com- 
merce with  this  country.  Besides  endeavoring  on  all 
occasions  to  multiply  the  points  of  contact  &  connec- 
tion with  this  country,  which  I  consider  as  our  surest 
mainstay  under  every  event,  I  have  had  it  much  at 
heart  to  remove  from  between  us  every  subject  of 
misunderstanding  or  irritation.  Our  debts  to  the 
King,  to  the  officers,  &  to  the  farmers  are  of  this 
description.  The  having  complied  with  no  part  of 
our  engagements  in  these  draws  on  us  a  great  deal  of 
censure,  &  occasioned  a  language  in  the  Assemblee 
des  Notables  very  likely  to  produce  dissatisfaction 
between  us.  Dumas  being  on  the  spot  in  Holland,  I 
had  asked  of  him  sometime  ago,  in  confidence,  his 
opinion  on  the  practicability  of  transferring  these 
debts  from  France  to  Holland,  &  communicated  his 
answer  to  Congress,  pressing  them  to  get  you  to  go 
over  to  Holland  &  try  to  effect  their  business.  Your 
knolege  of  the  ground  &  former  successes  occa- 
sioned me  to  take  this  liberty  without  consulting  you, 
because  I  was  sure  you  would  not  weigh  your  per- 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  399 

sonal  trouble  against  public  good.  I  have  had  no 
answer  from  Congress  ;  but  hearing  of  your  journey 
to  Holland  have  hoped  that  some  money  operation 
had  led  you  there.  If  it  related  to  the  debts  of  this 
country  I  would  ask  a  communication  of  what  you 
think  yourself  at  liberty  to  communicate,  as  it  might 
change  the  form  of  my  answers  to  the  eternal  appli- 
cations I  receive.  The  debt  to  the  officers  of  France 
carries  an  interest  of  about  2000  guineas,  so  we  may 
suppose  its  principle  is  between  30  &  40.000.  This 
makes  more  noise  against  us  than  all  our  other  debts 
put  together.  *  *  * 


OBSERVATIONS     ON    THE    LETTER    OF    MONSIEUR     DE    CA- 

LONNES  TO  MONSIEUR  JEFFERSON,  DATED  FON- 

TAINEBLEAU,    OCTOB.    22,    1786. 

[July  5,  1787.] 

A  committee  was  appointed,  in  the  course  of  the  last  year  to 
take  a  view  of  the  subjects  of  commerce  which  might  be  brought 
from  the  United  States  of  America,  in  exchange  for  those  of 
France,  and  to  consider  what  advantages  and  facilities  might  be 
offered  to  encourage  that  commerce.  The  letter  of  Monsieur  de 
Calonnes  was  founded  on  their  report.  It  was  conclusive  as  to 
the  articles  on  which  satisfactory  information  had  been  then 
obtained,  and  reserved  for  future  consideration  certain  others 
needing  further  enquiry.  It  is  proposed  now  to  review  those  un- 
finished articles,  that  they  also  may  be  comprehended  in  the 
Arret,  and  the  regulations  on  this  branch  of  commerce  be 
rendered  complete. 

i.  The  letter  promises  to  diminish  the  Droits  du  roi  et  d' 
amiraute,  paiable  by  an  American  vessel  entering  into  a  port  of 
France,  &  to  reduce  what  should  remain  into  a  single  duty,  which 
shall  be  regulated  by  the  draught  of  the  vessel,  or  her  number  of 


400  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

masts.  It  is  doubted  whether  it  will  be  expedient  to  regulate  the 
duty  in  either  of  these  ways.  If  by  the  draught  of  water,  it  will 
fall  unequally  on  us  as  a  Nation  ;  because  we  build  our  vessels 
sharp-bottomed,  for  swift  sailing,  so  that  they  draw  more  water 
than  those  of  other  nations,  of  the  same  burthen  ;  if  by  the  num- 
ber of  masts  it  will  fall  unequally  on  individuals,  because  we 
often  see  ships  of  180  tons,  &  brigs  of  360.  This  then  would 
produce  an  inequality  among  individuals  of  6.  to  i.  The  present 
principle  is  the  most  just,  to  regulate  by  the  burthen. 

It  is  certainly  desirable  that  these  duties  should  be  reduced  to 
a  single  one.  Their  names  and  numbers  perplex  &  harass  the 
merchant  more  than  their  amount,  subject  him  to  imposition,  & 
to  the  suspicion  of  it  where  there  is  none.  An  intention  of 
general  reformation  in  this  article  has  been  accordingly  an- 
nounced *  with  augmentation  as  to  foreigners.  We  are  in  hopes 
that  this  augmentation  is  not  to  respect  us  ;  because  it  is  proposed 
as  a  measure  of  reciprocity  ;  whereas  in  some  of  our  states  no 
such  duties  exist,  &  in  the  others  they  are  extremely  light ; 
because  we  have  been  made  to  hope  a  diminution  instead  of 
augmentation  ;  and  because  this  distinction  cannot  draw  on 
France  any  just  claims  from  other  nations,  the  Jura  gentis  ami- 
cissimce  conferred  by  her  late  treaties  having  reference  expressly 
to  the  nations  of  Europe  only,  &  those  conferred  by  the  more 
ancient  ones  not  being  susceptible  of  any  other  interpretation, 
nor  admitting  a  pretension  of  reference  to  a  nation  which  did  not 
then  exist,  and  which  has  come  into  existence  under  circumstances 
distinguishing  its  commerce  from  that  of  all  other  nations.  Mer- 
chandise received  from  them  take  emploiment  from  the  poor  of 
France  ;  ours  give  it  ;  theirs  is  brought  in  the  last  stage  of  manu- 
facture, ours  in  the  first ;  we  bring  our  tobaccoes  to  be  manu- 
factured into  snuff,  our  flax  &  hemps  into  linen  and  cordage,  our 
furs  into  hats,  skins  into  saddlery,  shoes  &  clothing ;  we  take 
nothing  till  it  has  received  the  last  hand. 

2.  Fish-oils.  The  Hanseatic  treaty  was  the  basis  on  which  the 
diminution  of  duty  on  this  article  was  asked  &  granted.  It  is 
expressly  referred  to  as  such  in  the  letter  of  Monsieur  de  Calonnes. 
Instead  however  of  the  expression  "  huile  et  graisse  de  baleine  & 

1  Memoires  presentees  a  1'assemblee  des  Notables,  pa.  53. 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  401 

d'autres  poissons  "  used  in  that  treaty,  the  letter  uses  the  terms 
"  huiles  de  baleine,  spermaceti,  et  tout  ce  qui  est  compris  sous  ces 
denominations."  And  the  farmers  have  availed  themselves  of 
this  variation  to  refuse  the  diminution  of  duty  on  the  oils  of  the 
vache  marine,  chien  de  mer,  esturgeon  &  other  fish.  It  is  pro- 
posed therefore  to  re-establish  in  the  Arret  the  expressions  of  the 
Hanseatic  treaty,  &  to  add  from  the  same  treaty  the  articles 
"baleine  coupee  et  fanon  de  baleine." 

The  letter  states  these  regulations  as  finally  made  by  the  king. 
The  merchants  on  this  supposition  entered  into  speculations. 
But  they  found  themselves  called  on  for  the  old  duties,  not  only 
on  other  fish  oils,  but  on  the  whale  oil.  Monsieur  de  Calonnes 
always  promised  that  the  Arret  should  be  retrospective  to  the  date 
of  the  letter,  so  as  to  refund  to  them  the  duties  they  had  thus  been 
obliged  to  pay.  To  this  attention  is  prayed  in  forming  the  Arret. 
His  majesty  having  been  pleased  as  an  encouragement  to  the  im- 
portation of  our  fish  oils,  to  abolish  the  Droits  de  fabrication,  it  is 
presumed  that  the  purpose '  announced  of  continuing  those  duties 
on  foreign  oils  will  not  be  extended  to  us. 

3.  Rice.     The  duty  on  this  is  only  7^  deniers  the  Quintal,  or 
about  one  quarter  per  cent  on  its  first  cost.     While  this  serves  to 
inform  the  government  of  the  quantities  imported,  it  cannot  dis- 
courage that  importation.     Nothing  further  therefore  is  necessary 
on  this  article. 

4.  Potashe.     This  article  is  of  principal  utility  to  France  in  • 
her  bleacheries  of  linen,  glass  works,  &  soap-works  ;  &  the  potash 
of  America,  being  made  of  green  wood,  is  known  to  be  the  best 
in  the  world.    All  duty  on  it  was  therefore  abolished  by  the  king. 
But  the  city  of  Rouen  levies  on  it  a  duty  of  20  sols  the  Quintal, 
which  is  very  sensible  in  its  price,  brings  it  dearer  to  the  bleach- 
eries near  Paris,  to  those  of  Beauvais,  Laval  &? ,  &  to  the  glass 
works,  and  encourages  them  to  give  a  preference  to  the  potash  or 
souda  of  other  nations.     This  is  a  counteraction   of  the  views 
of  the  king  expressed  in  the  letter  which  it  is   hoped  will  be 
prevented. 

5.  Turpentine,  tar,  &  pitch,  were  not  decided  on  on  the  former 
occasion.     Turpentine  (Terebenthine)  pays  10.  sols  the  Quintal 

1  Memoires  presentees  ex.  pa.  51,  52. 


402  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

and  10.  sols  the  livre,  making  15  sols  the  quintal ;  which  is  10.  per 
cent,  on  its  prime  cost.  Tar,  (goudron,  braigras)  pays  8  livres 
the  leth  of  12  barrels,  &  10.  sols  the  livre,  amounting  to  20  sols 
the  barrel,  which  is  12^  per  cent,  on  its  prime  cost.  Pitch  (brai 
sec)  pays  10.  sols  the  Quintal  &  10.  sols  the  livre,  making  15  sols 
the  Quintal,  which  is  20  per  cent,  on  its  prime  cost.  Duties  of  from 
10  to  20  per  cent,  on  articles  of  heavy  carriage,  prevent  their  im- 
portation. They  eat  up  all  the  profits  of  the  merchant,  &  often 
subject  him  to  loss.  This  has  been  much  the  case  with  respect 
to  turpentine,  tar,  &  pitch,  which  are  a  principal  article  of  remit- 
tance for  the  state  of  North  Carolina.  It  is  hoped  that  it  will 
coincide  with  the  views  of  government  in  making  the  present 
regulations,  to  suppress  the  duties  on  these  articles,  which  of  all 
others  can  bear  them  least. 


TO   M.  CLAVltRE.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  July  6,  1787. 

SIR, — The  load  of  business  which  has  accumulated 
during  my  absence  has  put  it  out  of  my  power  to 
answer  sooner  the  letter  &  observations  with  which 
you  were  pleased  to  honour  me.  I  have  perused 
those  observations  with  attention,  and  think  them 
judicious,  and  well  calculated  to  remedy  the  evil  of 
public  robbers  &  unsafe  highroads.  But  it  is  a  happy 
truth  for  us,  Sir,  that  these  evils  do  not  exist,  &  never 
did  exist  in  our  part  of  America.  That  Sieur  de 
Perponcher  has  suffered  himself  to  be  misled  probably 
by  the  English  papers.  I  attended  the  bar  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Virginia  ten  years  as  a  student,  & 
as  a  practitioner.  There  never  was  during  that  time 
a  trial  for  robbery  on  the  high  road,  nor  do  I  remem- 
ber ever  to  have  heard  of  one  in  that  or  any  other  of 
the  states,  except  in  the  cities  of  New  York  &  Phila- 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  403 

delphia  immediately  after  the  departure  of  the  British 
army.  Some  deserters  from  that  army  infested  those 
cities  for  a  while ;  but  as  I  have  heard  nothing  of 
them  for  some  time  past,  I  suppose  the  vigilance  of 
the  civil  magistrate  has  suppressed  the  evils. 

Mr.  Warville  was  so  good  as  to  give  me  a  copy  of 
the  book  written  by  himself  &  M.  Claviere  on  France 
&  the  United  States  but  I  have  not  yet  had  time  to 
read  it.  The  talents  &  information  of  those  gentle- 
men leave  me  without  doubt  that  it  is  well  written. 
I  have  the  honour  of  inclosing  you  your  observations 
with  thanks  for  their  perusal  and  assurances  of  the 
sentiments  etc. 


TO  THOMAS  MANN  RANDOLPH.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  July  6,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  April  14.  came  here  during 
my  absence  on  a  journey  through  the  Southern  parts 
of  France  and  Northern  of  Italy,  from  which  I  am 
but  lately  returned.  This  cause  alone  has  prevented 
your  receiving  a  more  early  answer  to  it.  I  am  glad 
to  find  that  among  the  various  branches  of  science 
presenting  themselves  to  your  mind  you  have  fixed  on 
that  of  Politics  as  your  principal  pursuit.  Your 
country  will  derive  from  this  a  more  immediate  and 
sensible  benefit.  She  has  much  for  you  to  do.  For 
tho'  we  may  say  with  confidence  that  the  worst  of  the 
American  constitutions  is  better  than  the  best  which 
ever  existed  before  in  any  other  country,  &  that  they 
are  wonderfully  perfect  for  a  first  essay,  yet  every 
human  essay  must  have  defects.  It  will  remain  there- 


4o4  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

fore  to  those  now  coming  on  the  stage  of  public  affairs 
to  perfect  what  has  been  so  well  begun  by  those 
going  off  it.  Mathematics,  Natural  philosophy,  Natu- 
ral history,  Anatomy,  Chemistry,  Botany,  will 
become  amusements  for  your  hours  of  relaxa- 
tion, and  auxiliaries  to  your  principal  studies. 
Precious  and  delightful  ones  they  will  be.  As 
soon  as  such  a  foundation  is  laid  in  them  as  you  may 
build  on  as  you  please  hereafter,  I  suppose  you  will 
proceed  to  your  main  objects,  Politics,  Law,  Rhetoric, 
&  History.  As  to  these,  the  place  where  you  study 
them  is  absolutely  indifferent.  I  should  except  Rhe- 
toric, a  very  essential  member  of  them  and  which  I 
suppose  must  be  taught  to  advantage  where  you  are. 
You  would  do  well  therefore  to  attend  the  public 
exercises  in  this  branch  also,  and  to  do  it  with  very 
particular  diligence.  This  being  done,  the  question 
arises,  where  you  shall  fix  yourself  for  studying  Poli- 
tics, Law,  &  History  ?  I  should  not  hesitate  to  decide 
in  favor  of  France,  because  you  will  at  the  same  time 
be  learning  to  speak  the  language  of  that  country, 
become  absolutely  essential  under  our  present  circum- 
stances. The  best  method  of  doing  this  would  be  to 
fix  yourself  in  some  family  where  there  are  women  & 
children,  in  Passey,  Auteuil  or  some  other  of  the  little 
towns  in  reach  of  Paris.  The  principal  hours  of  the 
day  you  will  attend  to  your  studies,  &  in  those  of 
relaxation  associate  with  the  family.  You  will  learn 
to  speak  better  from  women  &  children  in  three 
months,  than  from  men  in  a  year.  Such  a  situation 
too  will  render  more  easy  a  due  attention  to  economy 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  405 

of  time  &  money.  Having  pursued  your  main  studies 
here  about  two  years,  &  acquired  a  facility  in  speaking 
French,  take  a  tour  of  4  or  5  months  through  this 
country  &  Italy,  return  then  to  Virginia  &  pass  a  year 
in  Williamsburg  under  the  care  of  Mr.  Wythe,  and 
you  will  be  ready  to  enter  on  the  public  stage,  with 
superior  advantages.  I  have  proposed  to  you  to  carry 
on  the  study  of  the  law  with  that  of  Politics  &  His- 
tory. Every  political  measure  will  forever  have  an 
intimate  connection  with  the  laws  of  the  land  ;  and  he 
who  knows  nothing  of  these  will  always  be  perplexed 
&  often  foiled  by  adversaries  having  the  advantage 
of  that  knolege  over  him.  Besides  it  is  a  source  of 
infinite  comfort  to  reflect  that  under  every  change  of 
fortune  we  have  a  resource  in  ourselves  from  which 
we  may  be  able  to  derive  an  honourable  subsistence. 
I  would  therefore  propose  not  only  the  study,  but  the 
practice  of  the  law  for  some  time,  to  possess  yourself 
of  the  habit  of  public  speaking.  With  respect  to 
modern  languages,  French,  as  I  have  before  observed, 
is  indispensable.  Next  to  this  the  Spanish  is  most 
important  to  an  American.  Our  connection  with 
Spain  is  already  important  &  will  become  daily  more 
so.  Besides  this  the  antient  part  of  American  history 
is  written  chiefly  in  Spanish.  To  a  person  who  would 
make  a  point  of  reading  &  speaking  French  &  Spanish, 
I  should  doubt  the  utility  of  learning  Italian.  These 
three  languages,  being  all  degeneracies  from  the  Latin, 
resemble  one  another  so  much  that  I  doubt  the  pos- 
sibility of  keeping  in  the  head  a  distinct  knolege  of 
them  all.  I  suppose  that  he  who  learns  them  all  will 


406  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

speak  a  compound  of  the  three,  &  neither  perfectly. 
The  journey  which  I  propose  to  you  need  not  be 
expensive,  and  would  be  very  useful.  With  your 
talents  &  industry,  with  science,  and  that  steadfast 
honesty  which  eternally  pursues  right,  regardless  of 
consequences,  you  may  promise  yourself  everything 
— but  health,  without  which  there  is  no  happiness. 
An  attention  to  health  then  should  take  place  of  every 
other  object.  The  time  necessary  to  secure  this  by 
active  exercises,  should  be  devoted  to  it  in  preference 
to  every  other  pursuit.  I  know  the  difficulty  with 
which  a  studious  man  tears  himself  from  his  studies 
at  any  given  moment  of  the  day.  But  his  happiness 
&  that  of  his  family  depend  on  it.  The  most  unin- 
formed mind  with  a  healthy  body,  is  happier  than  the 
wisest  valetudinarian.  I  need  not  tell  you  that  if  I 
can  be  useful  to  you  in  any  part  of  this  or  any  other 
plan  you  shall  adopt,  you  will  make  me  happy  by 
commanding  my  services. 

Will  you  be  so  good,  Sir,  as  to  return  my  most 
respectful  thanks  for  the  diploma  with  which  I  am 
honored  by  the  society  instituted  with  you  for  the 
encouragement  of  the  study  of  Natural  history  ?  I 
am  afraid  it  will  never  be  in  my  power  to  contribute 
anything  to  the  object  of  the  institution.  Circum- 
stances have  thrown  me  into  a  very  different  line  of 
life ;  and  not  choice  as  I  am  happy  to  find  in  your 
case.  In  the  year  1781,  while  confined  to  my  room 
by  a  fall  from  my  horse,  I  wrote  some  Notes  in  answer 
to  the  inquiries  of  M.  de  Marbois  as  to  the  natural  & 
political  state  of  Virginia.  They  were  hasty  &  un- 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  407 

digested  ;  yet  as  some  of  these  touch  slightly  on  some 
objects  of  it's  natural  history,  I  will  take  the  liberty 
of  asking  the  society  to  accept  a  copy  of  them.  For 
the  same  reason,  &  because  too  they  touch  on  the 
political  condition  of  our  country,  I  will  beg  leave  to 
present  you  with  a  copy,  and  ask  the  favor  of  you  to 
find  a  conveyance  for  them  from  London  to  Edin- 
burgh. They  are  printed  by  Stockdale,  bookseller 
Piccadilly,  and  will  be  ready  in  3  or  4  weeks  from  this 
time.  I  will  direct  him  to  deliver  two  copies  to  your 
order.  Repeating  constantly  the  proffer  of  my  ser- 
vices, I  shall  only  add  assurances  of  the  esteem  & 
attachment  with  which  I  am  Dear  Sir  your  friend  & 
servt. 


TO    EDWARD    RUTLEDGE.1 

PARIS  July  14,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  i4th  of 
October  in  the  moment  I  was  setting  out  on  a  tour  of 
the  seaport  towns  of  this  country,  from  which  I  have 
been  not  long  returned.  I  received  it  too  with  that 
kind  of  heartfelt  pleasure  which  always  attends  the 
recollection  of  antient  affections.  I  was  glad  to  find 
that  the  adoption  of  your  rice  to  this  market  was  con- 
sidered worth  attention  as  I  had  supposed  it.  I  set 
out  from  hence  impressed  with  the  idea  the  rice- 
dealers  here  had  given  me  that  the  difference  between 
your  rice  &  that  of  Piedmont  proceeded  from  a  dif- 
ference in  the  machine  for  cleaning  it.  At  Marseilles 
I  hoped  to  know  what  the  Piedmont  machine  was  :  but 

1  From  the  original  in  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 


4o8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

I  could  find  nobody  who  knew  anything  of  it.  I  de- 
termined therefore  to  sift  the  matter  to  the  bottom 
by  crossing  the  Alps  into  the  rice  country.  I  found 
the  machine  exactly  such  a  one  as  you  had  described 
to  me  in  Congress  in  the  year  1775.  There  was  but 
one  conclusion  then  to  be  drawn,  to  wit,  that  the  rice 
was  of  a  different  species,  &  I  determined  to  take 
enough  to  put  you  in  seed  : 

They  informed  me  however  that  it's  exportation  in 
the  husk  was  prohibited  ;  so  I  could  only  bring  off  as 
much  as  my  coat  &  surtout  pockets  would  hold.  I 
took  measures  with  a  muletier  to  run  a  couple  of 
sacks  across  the  Appenines  to  Genoa,  but  have  not 
great  dependance  on  it's  success.  The  little  therefore 
which  I  brought  myself  must  be  relied  on  for  fear  we 
should  get  no  more,  and  because  also  it  is  genuine 
from  Vercelli  where  the  best  is  made  of  all  the  Sar- 
dinian Lombardy,  the  whole  of  which  is  considered  as 
producing  a  better  rice  than  the  Milanese.  This  is 
assigned  as  the  reason  of  the  strict  prohibition. 
Piedmont  rice  sold  at  Nice  (the  port  of  its  exporta- 
tion) when  I  was  there  at  17  livres  French,  the 
French  hundredweight.  It  varies  from  time  to  time 
as  the  price  of  wheat  does  with  us.  The  price  of 
Carolina  rice  at  Bordeaux,  Nantes,  Lorient  &  Havre 
varies  from  i6s  to  24*  the  French  quintal,  which  is 
equal  to  109  Ib.  our  weight.  The  best  ports  to  send 
it  to  are  Bordeaux  &  Havre  (or  Rouen  which  is  the 
same  thing  as  Havre)  but  it  is  essential  that  it  arrive 
here  a  month  before  the  commencement  of  Lent, 
when  the  principal  demand  is  made  for  it.  Carolina 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  409 

rice  after  being  sorted  here  into  several  qualities,  sells 
from  6  sols  to  10  sols  the  French  pound,  retail,  ac- 
cording to  the  quality.  Unsorted  and  wholesale 
about  30*  the  French  quintal. 

Piedmont  rice  is  but  of  one  quality,  which  sells  re- 
tail at  10  sous  the  Fr.  pound,  &  wholesale  is  about  3 
or  4s  dearer  than  yours.  In  order  to  induce  your 
countrymen  to  ship  their  rice  here  directly,  I  have 
proposed  to  some  merchants  here  to  receive  consign- 
ments allowing  the  consignor  to  draw  on  the  moment 
of  shipping  for  as  much  as  he  could  sell  for  on  the 
spot  &  the  balance  when  it  should  be  sold.  But  they 
say  that  is  impossible.  They  are  to  consider  &  in- 
form me  what  are  the  most  favorable  terms  on  which 
they  can  receive  it.  I  am  told  that  freight  insurance 
&  commission  are  about  4*  the  Fr.  quintal,  to  a  sea- 
port town.  I  have  written  so  long  a  letter  on  the 
subject  of  rice  to  Mr.  Drayton  for  the  society  of  agri- 
culture, that  I  will  trouble  you  with  no  farther  partic- 
ulars but  refer  you  to  that.  Indeed  I  am  sensible  I 
have  written  too  much  on  the  subject.  Being  abso- 
lutely ignorant  of  it  myself,  it  was  impossible  for  me 
to  know  what  particulars  merited  communication.  I 
thought  it  best  therefore  to  communicate  everything. 
After  writing  that  letter,  I  received  one  from  Mr. 
Izard,  by  which  I  found  that  he  had  examined  the 
rice-process  in  Lombardy.  He  was  so  much  more 
capable  than  myself  of  giving  the  details  that  I  had 
at  one  moment  determined  to  suppress  my  letter. 
However  observing  that  he  considered  the  rice  of 
Piedmont  to  be  of  the  same  species  with  yours,  and 


410  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

suspecting  myself  certainly  that  it  is  not,  I  determined 
to  hazard  my  letter  and  all  those  criticisms  which  fall 
justly  on  an  ignorant  person  writing  on  a  subject  to 
those  much  more  learned  in  it  than  himself.  A  part 
of  my  letter  too  related  to  the  olive  tree  &  caper,  the 
first  of  which  would  surely  succeed  in  your  country  & 
would  be  an  infinite  blessing  after  some  15  or  20 
years  ;  the  caper  would  also  probably  succeed  &  would 
offer  a  very  great  and  immediate  profit.  I  thank  you 
for  your  obliging  mention  of  my  worthless  Notes  on 
Virginia.  Worthless  &  bad  as  they  are  they  have 
been  rendered  more  so,  as  I  am  told,  by  a  translation 
into  French.  That  I  may  have  neither  merit  nor  de- 
merit not  my  own,  I  have  consented  to  their  publica- 
tion in  England.  I  advised  the  bookseller  to  send 
200  copies  to  Philadelphia  &  200  to  Richmond,  sup- 
posing that  number  might  be  sold  in  the  United 
States  :  but  I  do  not  know  whether  he  will  do  it.  If 
you  give  me  leave  I  will  send  you  a  copy  of  the  origi- 
nal impression. — I  congratulate  you,  my  dear  friend, 
on  the  law  of  your  state  for  suspending  the  importa- 
tion of  slaves,  and  for  the  glory  you  have  justly  ac- 
quired by  endeavoring  to  prevent  it  forever.  This 
abomination  must  have  an  end,  and  there  is  a  superior 
bench  reserved  in  heaven  for  those  who  hasten  it. 
The  distractions  of  Holland  thicken  apace.  They 
begin  to  cut  one  another's  throats  heartily.  I  appre- 
hend the  neighboring  powers  will  interfere  :  but  it  is 
not  yet  clear  whether  in  concert,  or  by  taking  oppo- 
site sides.  It  is  a  poor  contest,  whether  they  shall 
have  one,  or  many  masters.  Your  nephew  is  arrived 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  411 

here  in  good  health.  My  first  interview  with  him  has 
impressed  me  much  in  his  favor.  Present  me  very 
respectfully  to  Mrs.  Rutledge,  as  well  as  to  your 
brother  &  his  house.  Accept  yourself  assurances  of 
the  sincere  esteem  &  respect  with  which  I  am  Dear 
Sir  your  most  obedient  &  most  humble  servt. 


TO    MRS.    JOHN    BOLLING.1 

PARIS,  July  23d,  1787. 

DEAR  SISTER, —  I  received  with  real  pleasure  your 
letter  of  May  3d,  informing  me  of  your  health  and 
of  that  of  your  family.  Be  assured  it  is,  and  ever 
has  been,  the  most  interesting  thing  to  me.  Letters 
of  business  claiming  their  rights  before  those  of 
affection,  we  often  write  seldomest  to  whom  we  love 
most.  The  distance  to  which  I  am  removed  has 
given  a  new  value  to  all  I  valued  before  in  my  own 
country,  and  the  day  of  my  return  to  it  will  be  the  hap- 
piest I  expect  to  see  in  my  life.  When  it  will  come 
is  not  yet  decided,  as  far  as  depends  on  myself.  My 
dear  Polly  is  safely  arrived  here,  and  in  good  health. 
She  had  got  so  attached  to  Captain  Ramsey  that 
they  were  obliged  to  decoy  her  from  him.  She  staid 
three  weeks  in  London  with  Mrs.  Adams,  and  had 
got  up  such  an  attachment  to  her,  that  she  refused  to 
come  with  the  person  I  sent  for  her.  After  some  days 
she  was  prevailed  on  to  come.  She  did  not  know 
either  her  sister  or  myself,  but  soon  renewed  her 
acquaintance  and  attachment.  She  is  now  in  the 

1  From  S.  N.  Randolph's  Domestic  Life  of  T.  Jefferson,  130. 


412  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

same  convent  with  her  sister,  and  will  come  to  see  me 
once  or  twice  a  week.  It  is  a  house  of  education 
altogether,  the  best  in  France,  and  at  which  the  best 
masters  attend.  There  are  in  it  as  many  Protestants 
as  Catholics,  and  not  a  word  is  ever  spoken  to  them 
on  the  subject  of  religion.  Patsey  enjoys  good 
health,  and  longs  much  to  return  to  her  friends. 
We  shall  doubtless  find  much  change  when  we  get 
back  ;  many  of  our  older  friends  withdrawn  from  the 
stage,  and  our  younger  ones  grown  out  of  our  knol- 
ege.  I  suppose  you  are  now  fixed  for  life  at  Chest- 
nut Grove.  I  take  a  part  of  the  misfortune  to 
myself,  as  it  will  prevent  my  seeing  you  as  often  as 
would  be  practicable  at  Lickinghole.  It  is  still  a 
greater  loss  to  my  sister  Carr.  We  must  look  to  Jack 
for  indemnification,  as  I  think  it  was  the  plan  that 
he  should  live  at  Lickinghole.  I  suppose  he  is  now 
become  the  father  of  a  family,  and  that  we  may  all 
hail  you  as  grandmother.  As  we  approach  that  term 
it  becomes  less  fearful.  You  mention  Mr.  Boiling's 
being  unwell,  so  as  not  to  write  to  me.  He  has  just 
been  sick  enough  all  his  life  to  prevent  his  writing  to 
any  body.  My  prayer  is,  therefore,  only  that  he 
may  never  be  any  worse  ;  were  he  to  be  so,  nobody 
would  feel  it  more  sensibly  than  myself,  as  nobody 
has  a  more  sincere  esteem  for  him  than  myself.  I 
find  as  I  grow  older,  that  I  loved  those  most  whom  I 
loved  first.  Present  me  to  him  in  the  most  friendly 
terms ;  to  Jack  also,  and  my  other  nephews  and 
nieces  of  your  fireside,  and  be  assured  of  the  sincere 
love  with  which  I  am,  dear  sister,  your  affectionate 
brother. 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  413 

TO    A.    DONALD.  J.MSS. 

PARIS  July  28,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  with  infinite  satisfaction 
your  letter  of  the  ist  of  March  :  it  was  the  first  infor- 
mation I  had  of  your  being  in  America.  There  is 
no  person  whom  I  shall  see  again  with  more  cordial 
joy  whenever  it  shall  be  my  lot  to  return  to  my 
native  country  ;  nor  any  one  whose  prosperity  in  the 
meantime  will  be  more  interesting  to  me.  I  find  as 
I  grow  older  that  I  set  a  higher  value  on  the  intima- 
cies of  my  youth,  and  am  more  afflicted  by  what- 
ever loses  one  of  them  to  me.  Should  it  be  in  my 
power  to  render  any  service  in  your  shipment  of 
tobacco  to  Havre  de  Grace,  I  shall  do  it  with  great 
pleasure.  The  order  of  Berni  has  I  believe  been 
evaded  by  the  farmers  general  as  much  as  possible. 
At  this  moment  I  receive  information  from  most  of 
the  seaports  that  they  refuse  taking  any  tobacco 
under  pretext  that  they  have  purchased  their  whole 
quantity.  From  Havre  I  have  heard  nothing,  and 
believe  you  will  stand  a  better  chance  there  than  any- 
where else.  Being  one  of  the  ports  of  manufacture 
too  it  is  entitled  to  a  higher  price.  I  have  now 
desired  that  the  farmers  may  make  a  distinct  return 
of  their  purchases  which  are  conformable  to  the 
order  of  Berni.  If  they  have  really  bought  their 
quantity  on  those  terms,  we  must  be  satisfied  :  if  they 
have  not,  I  shall  propose  their  being  obliged  to  make 
it  up  instantly.  There  is  a  considerable  accumula- 
tion of  tobacco  in  the  ports. 

Among  many  good  qualities  which  my  countrymen 
possess  some  of  a  different  character,  unhappily 


414  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

mix  themselves.  The  most  remarkable  are  indo- 
lence, extravagance,  &  infidelity  to  their  engage- 
ments. Cure  the  two  first,  and  the  last  would 
disappear,  because  it  is  a  consequence  of  them,  and 
not  proceeding  from  a  want  of  morals.  I  know  of 
no  remedy  against  indolence  &  extravagance  but  a 
free  course  of  justice.  Everything  else  is  merely 
palliative  ;  but  unhappily  the  evil  has  gained  too 
generally  the  mass  of  the  nation  to  leave  the  course 
of  justice  unobstructed.  The  maxim  of  buying 
nothing  without  the  money  in  our  pocket  to  pay  for 
it,  would  make  of  our  country  one  of  the  happiest 
upon  earth.  Experience  during  the  war  proved  this  ; 
as  I  think  every  man  will  remember  that  under  all 
the  privations  it  obliged  him  to  submit  to  during 
that  period  he  slept  sounder  &  awaked  happier  than 
he  can  do  now.  Desperate  of  finding  relief  from  a 
free  course  of  justice,  I  look  forward  to  the  abolition 
of  all  credit  as  the  only  other  remedy  which  can  take 
place.  I  have  seen  therefore  with  pleasure  the  exag- 
gerations of  our  want  of  faith  with  which  the  London 
papers  teem.  It  is  indeed  a  strong  medicine  for 
sensible  minds,  but  it  is  a  medicine.  It  will  prevent 
their  crediting  us  abroad,  in  which  case  we  cannot  be 
credited  at  home.  I  have  been  much  concerned  at 
the  losses  produced  by  the  fire  at  Richmond.  I 
hope  you  have  escaped  them.  It  will  give  me  much 
pleasure  to  hear  from  you  as  often  as  you  can  spare 
a  moment  to  write.  Be  assured  that  nobody  enter- 
tains for  you  sentiments  of  more  perfect  and  sincere 
esteem  than  Dear  Sir  your  friend  &  servant. 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  415 

TO  NICHOLAS  LEWIS.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  July  29,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — In  my  letter  of  Dec.  19,  1786,  I  in- 
formed you  that,  as  you  had  supposed  in  yours  of 
March  14,  that  the  balance  of  bonds  &  profits  of  the 
estate  to  that  time  would  pay  all  the  debts  then  known 
to  you  except  my  sister  Nancy's,  I  was  desirous  of 
laying  our  shoulder  seriously  to  the  paiment  of  Far- 
rell  &  Jones'  &  McCaul's  debts  ;  &  that  I  should  make 
propositions  to  them  on  that  subject.  I  did  so. 
These  propositions  were,  to  pay  to  Jones  400  £  sterl. 
a  year  &  to  McCaul  200^  sterl.,  or  to  the  former  if  he 
preferred  it  two  thirds  of  the  profits  of  my  estate  & 
to  the  latter  one  third.  2.  That  the  crop  of  1787, 
should  commence  these  paiments.  3.  That  no  inter- 
est should  be  allowed  on  their  debts  from  Apr.  19. 
1775  to  Apr.  19,  1783  (being  8  years.)  4.  That  their 
accounts  should  remain  perfectly  open  to  settlement 
&  rectification,  notwithstanding  the  paiments  which 
should  be  made.  McCaul  has  acceded  very  content- 
edly to  these  proposals ;  I  added  some  other  condi- 
tions to  Jones,  not  worth  mentioning  as  he  does  not 
accede  as  yet,  I  think  however  he  will  accede.  I  con- 
sider myself  as  so  much  bound  in  honor  to  the  sacred 
execution  of  this  agreement  that  when  the  profits  fall 
short  of  enabling  us  to  pay  at  any  time,  I  would  chuse 
to  have  made  up  by  a  sale  of  something  or  another. 
I  mentioned  to  you  in  my  letter  also  that  I  could 
always  get  3O/  Virginia  money  for  my  tobacco  de- 
livered at  Havre  &  proposed  your  having  it  sent  there; 
Further  reflection  and  information  of  the  Virginia 
prices  convince  me  it  would  be  best  to  send  them 


4i 6  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

either  to  Havre  or  to  Bordeaux,  at  either  of  which 
places  I  could  have  them  attended  to.  I  find  that  my 
old  friend  A.  Donald  is  settled  at  Richmond,  is  con- 
cerned in  the  Tobacco  trade,  &  particularly  sends  to 
Havre.  I  am  confident  he  would  take  on  himself  the 
having  my  tobaccoes  shipped  to  me.  The  earlier  they 
would  come  in  the  season,  the  better  alwais.  So  far 
I  had  settled  in  my  own  mind  the  plan  for  extinguish- 
ing as  fast  as  we  could  these  two  great  debts,  when  I 
received  from  Mr.  Eppes  a  letter  of  May  i.  1787, 
wherein  he  tells  me  he  had  been  with  you  in  Sep.  1 786. 
that  you  had  computed  together,  all  the  former  debts 
(except  my  sister  Nancy's)  due  from  the  estate,  &  all 
due  to  it ;  and  that  there  was  still  a  balance  of  1 200^ 
against  it,  to  pay  which  there  would  be  nothing  but 
the  crop  of  1 786,  two  thirds  of  which  would  be  con- 
sumed by  negroes  clothing  &  taxes.  This  account 
threatens  a  total  derangement  of  my  plan  for  payment 
of  my  great  debts.  I  had  observed  that  by  a  state- 
ment in  your  letter  of  March  14.  of  the  probable  pro- 
ceeds of  the  crop  of  1785,  (about  50  hogsheads  of 
tobacco)  that  the  profits  of  the  few  house  servants  & 
tradesmen  hired  out  were  as  much  as  those  of  the 
whole  estate,  &  therefore  suggested  to  you  the  hiring 
out  the  whole  estate.  The  torment  of  mind  I  endure 
till  the  moment  shall  arrive  when  I  shall  not  owe  a 
shilling  on  earth  is  such  really  as  to  render  life  of 
little  value.  I  cannot  decide  to  sell  my  lands.  I  have 
sold  too  much  of  them  already,  and  they  are  the  only 
sure  provision  for  my  children,  nor  would  I  willingly 
sell  the  slaves  as  long  as  there  remains  any 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  417 

prospect  of  paying  my  debts  with  their  labor.  In 
this  I  am  governed  solely  by  views  to  their  happiness 
which  will  render  it  worth  their  while  to  use  extra- 
ordinary exertions  for  some  time  to  enable  me  to  put 
them  ultimately  on  an  easier  footing,  which  I  will  do 
the  moment  they  have  paid  the  debts  due  from  the 
estate,  two  thirds  of  which  have  been  contracted  by 
purchasing  them.  I  am  therefore  strengthened  in  the 
idea  of  renting  out  my  whole  estate  ;  not  to  any  one 
person,  but  in  different  parts  to  different  persons,  as 
experience  proves  that  it  is  only  small  concerns  that 
are  gainful,  &  it  would  be  my  interest  that  the  tenants 
should  make  a  reasonable  gain.  The  lease  I  made  to 
Garth  &  Moseley  would  be  a  good  model.  I  do  not 
recollect  whether  in  that  there  was  reserved  a  right  of 
distraining  on  the  lands  for  the  whole  rent.  If  not, 
such  a  clause  would  be  essential,  especially  in  the 
present  relaxed  state  of  the  laws,  I  know  there  was  in 
that  no  provision  against  paper  money.  This  is  still 
more  essential,  the  best  way  of  stating  the  rent  would 
be  in  ounces  of  silver.  The  rent  in  that  lease,  tho' 
expressed  in  current  money,  was  meant  to  be  n£. 
sterling  a  titheable.  When  we  consider  the  rise  in 
the  price  of  tobacco,  it  should  balance  any  differ- 
ence for  the  worse  which  may  have  taken  place  in  the 
lands  in  Albemarle,  so  as  to  entitle  us  there  to  equal 
terms.  In  Cumberland,  Goochland,  Bedford,  where  the 
lands  are  better,  perhaps  better  terms  might  be  ex- 
pected. Calculating  this  on  the  number  of  working 
slaves,  it  holds  up  to  us  a  clear  revenue  capable  of 
working  off  the  debts  in  a  reasonable  time.  Think 


VOL.  IV — 27 


4i8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

of  it,  my  dear  Sir,  &  if  you  do  not  find  it  disadvan- 
tageous be  so  good  as  to  try  to  execute  it,  by  leases 
of  3,  4  or  5  years ;  not  more,  because  no  dependence 
can  be  reposed  in  our  laws  continuing  the  same  for 
any  length  of  time.  Indeed  3  years  might  be  the 
most  elegible  term.  The  mill  should  be  separate 
from  the  lease,  finished,  &  rented  by  itself.  All  the 
lands  reserved  to  my  own  use  in  Garth  &  Mosley's 
lease  should  still  be  reserved,  and  the  privileges  of 
that  lease  in  general.  House  negroes  still  to  be  hired 
separately.  The  old  and  infirm,  who  could  not  be 
hired,  or  whom  it  would  be  a  pity  to  hire,  could  per- 
haps be  employed  in  raising  cotton,  or  some  other 
easy  culture  on  lands  to  be  reserved ;  George  still  to 
be  reserved  to  take  care  of  my  orchards,  grasses  &c. 
The  lands  in  Ablemarle  should  be  relieved  by  draw- 
ing off  a  good  number  of  the  labourers  to  Bedford, 
where  a  better  hire  might  be  expected  &  more  lands 
be  opened  there.  I  feel  all  the  weight  of  the  objec- 
tion, that  we  cannot  guard  the  negroes  perfectly 
against  the  usuage,  but  in  a  question  between  hiring 
&  selling  them  (one  of  which  is  necessary)  the  hiring 
will  be  temporary  only,  and  will  end  in  their  happi- 
ness ;  whereas  if  we  sell  them,  they  will  be  subject  to 
equal  ill  usuage,  without  a  prospect  of  change.  It  is 
for  their  good  therefore  ultimately,  and  it  appears  to 
promise  a  relief  to  me  within  such  a  term  as  I  would 
be  willing  to  wait  for.  I  do  not  mention  the  rate  of 
hire  with  a  view  to  tie  you  up  to  that,  but  merely  to 
show  that  hiring  presents  a  hopeful  prospect.  I 
should  rely  entirely  on  your  judgment  for  that,  for  the 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  419 

choice  of  kind  &  helpful  tenants,  &  for  every  other 
circumstance. 

The  bacon  hams  you  were  so  kind  as  to  send  to 
Mr.  Buchanan  for  me,  I  never  heard  of.  The  diffi- 
culty of  getting  them  here  renders  it  not  worth 
attempting  again.  I  will  put  into  this  letter  some 
more  seeds  of  the  Spanish  Sainfoin  lest  those  formerly 
sent  should  have  miscarried.  The  present  situation 
of  Europe  threatens  a  war,  which  if  it  breaks  out  will 
probably  be  a  very  general  one.  France  &  England 
are  so  little  in  a  condition  for  war  that  we  may  still 
expect  they  will  do  much  to  avoid  it.  Should  it  take 
place,  I  fear  the  scale  against  this  country  would  be 
too  heavy. 

I  must  pray  of  you  to  make  all  the  arrangements 
possible  for  enabling  me  to  comply  with  the  first  years 
paiment  of  my  debts,  that  is  to  say  the  paiment  for 
this  present  year,  which  is  to  be  made  in  the  city  of 
London  the  next  spring.  Apologies  for  all  the 
trouble  I  give  you  would  only  show  you  how  sensible 
I  am  of  your  goodness.  I  have  proposed  the  extra- 
ordinary trouble  of  the  leases  with  less  reluctance, 
because  it  will  be  taken  once  for  all,  &  will  be  a  relief 
in  the  end.  Be  so  good  as  to  assure  Mrs.  Lewis  of 
my  attachment  and  my  wishes  for  her  health  &  happi- 
ness as  well  as  that  of  your  whole  family. 


TO     JAMES    MADISON.  j.  Mss. 

PARIS  Aug.  2,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — My  last  was  of  June  20.  Your's  re- 
ceived since  that  date  are  May  15  and  June  6.  In 
mine  I  acknoleged  the  receipt  of  the  Paccan  nuts 


420  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

which  came  sealed  up.  I  have  reason  to  believe 
those  in  the  box  are  arrived  at  L  'Orient.  By  the 
Mary,  Capt  Howland  lately  sailed  from  Havre  to  N 
York  I  shipped  three  boxes  of  books  one  marked  J. 
M.  for  yourself,  one  marked  B.  F.  for  Doctr  Frank- 
lin, &  one  marked  W.  H.  for  William  Hay  in  Rich- 
mond. I  have  taken  the  liberty  of  addressing  them 
all  to  you  as  you  will  see  by  the  inclosed  bill  of  lad- 
ing, in  hopes  you  would  be  so  good  as  to  forward  the 
other  two.  You  will  have  opportunities  of  calling  on 
the  gentlemen  for  freight  &c.  In  yours  you  will  find 
the  books  noted  in  the  account  inclosed  herewith. 
You  have  now  Mably's  works  complete  except  that 
on  Poland,  which  I  have  never  been  able  to  get,  but 
shall  not  cease  to  search  for.  Some  other  volumes 
are  wanting  to  compleat  your  collection  of  Chronolo- 
gies. The  4th  vol  of  D'Albon  was  lost  by  the  book- 
binder, &  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  get  one  to  re- 
place it.  I  shall  continue  to  try.  The  Memoires  sur 
les  droits  et  impositions  en  Europe  (cited  by  Smith) 
was  a  scarce  &  excessively  dear  book.  They  are 
now  reprinting  it.  I  think  it  will  be  in  three  or  four 
parts  of  from  9  to  i2tt  a  volume.  When  it  is  finished 
I  shall  take  a  copy  for  you.  Amelot's  travels  into 
China,  I  can  learn  nothing  of.  I  put  among  the 
books  sent  you  two  somewhat  voluminous,  &  the  ob- 
ject of  which  will  need  explanation  ;  these  are  the 
Tableau  de  Paris  &  L'espion  Anglois.  The  former 
is  truly  a  picture  of  private  manners  in  Paris,  but  pre- 
sented on  the  dark  side  &  a  little  darkened  moreover. 
But  there  is  so  much  truth  in  it's  ground  work  that  it 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  421 

will  be  well  worth  your  reading.  You  will  then  know 
Paris  (&  probably  the  other  large  cities  of  Europe)  as 
well  as  if  you  had  been  here  years.  L'espion  Anglois 
is  no  caricature.  It  will  give  you  a  just  idea  of  the 
wheels  by  which  the  machine  of  government  is  worked 
here.  There  are  in  it  also  many  interesting  details  of 
the  last  war,  which  in  general  may  be  relied  on.  It 
may  be  considered  as  the  small  history  of  great  events. 
I  am  in  hopes  when  you  shall  have  read  them  you 
will  not  think  I  have  misspent  your  money  for  them. 
My  method  for  making  out  this  assortment  was  to  re- 
vise the  list  of  my  own  purchases  since  the  invoice  of 
1785,  and  to  select  such  as  I  had  found  worth  your 
having.  Besides  this  I  have  casually  met  with  &  pur- 
chased some  few  curious  &  cheap  things.  I  have 
made  out  the  Dr.  side  of  the  account,  taking  for  my 
ground  work  yours  of  March  18.  1786.  correcting  two 
errors  of  computation  in  that  which  were  to  your 
prejudice.  The  account  of  Mr.  Fitzhughs  stood 
thus  :  1785.  Sep.  i.  cash  600 tt.  Nov.  10.  pd  their  bill 
of  exchange  in  favor  of  Limozin  480  8.  making  1080*. 
The  money  they  paid  you  was  worth  1050  *.  accord- 
ing to  our  mode  of  settling  at  18  8  for  2O/  Virginia 
money.  The  difference  of  30  tt  will  never  be  worth 
notice  unless  you  were  to  meet  with  them  by  chance, 
&  hardly  then.  I  must  trouble  you  on  behalf  of  a 
Mr.  Thos  Burke  at  Loughburke  near  Loughrea  in 
Ireland,  whose  brother  James  Burke  is  supposed  to 
have  died  in  1785  on  his  passage  from  Jamaica,  or  St. 
Eustatius  to  New  York.  His  property  on  board  the 
vessel  is  understood  to  have  come  to  the  hands  of 


422  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

alderman  Groom  at  New  York.  The  inclosed  copy 
of  a  letter  to  him  will  more  fully  explain  it.  A  par- 
ticular friend  of  mine  here  applies  to  me  for  informa- 
tion, which  I  must  ask  the  favor  of  you  to  procure  and 
forward  to  me. 

Writing  news  to  others,  much  pressed  in  time  & 
making  this  letter  one  of  private  business,  I  did  not 
intend  to  have  said  anything  to  you  on  political  subjects. 
But  I  must  press  one  subject.  Mr.  Adams  informs 
me  he  has  borrowed  money  in  Holland,  which  if  con- 
firmed by  Congress  will  enable  them  to  pay  not  only 
the  interest  due  here  to  the  foreign  officers  but  the  prin- 
cipal. Let  me  beseech  you  to  reflect  on  the  expedi- 
ency of  transferring  this  debt  to  Holland.  All  our 
other  debts  in  Europe  do  not  injure  our  reputation  so 
much  as  this.  These  gentlemen  have  connections  both 
in  &  out  of  office,  &  these  again  their  connections,  so 
that  our  default  on  this  article  is  further  known,  more 
blamed,  &  excites  worse  dispositions  against  us  than 
you  can  conceive.  If  you  think  as  I  do,  pray  try  to 
procure  an  order  for  paying  off  their  capital.  Mr. 
Adams  adds  that  if  any  certain  tax  is  provided  for  the 
paiment  of  interest,  Congress  may  borrow  enough  in 
Holland  to  pay  off  their  whole  debts  in  France,  both 
public  &  private,  to  the  Crown,  to  the  farmers  &  to 
Beaumarchais.  Surely  it  will  be  better  to  transfer 
these  debts  to  Holland.  So  critical  is  the  state  of 
that  country  that  I  imagine  the  monied  men  of  it 
would  be  glad  to  place  their  money  in  foreign  coun- 
tries, &  that  Mr.  Adams  could  borrow  there  for  us 
without  a  certain  tax  for  the  interest,  &  saving  our 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  423 

faith  too  by  previous  explanations  on  that  subject. 
This  country  is  really  supposed  on  the  eve  of  a  bank- 
ruptcy.  Such  a  spirit  has  risen  within  a  few  weeks 
as  could  not  have  been  believed.  They  see  the  great 
deficit  in  their  revenues,  &  the  hopes  of  economy 
lessen  daily.  The  parliament  refuse  to  register  any 
act  for  a  new  tax,  &  require  an  assembly  of  the 
states.  The  object  of  this  assembly  is  evidently  to 
give  law  to  the  King,  to  fix  a  constitution,  to  limit  ex- 
penses. These  views  are  said  to  gain  upon  the  nation. 
The  Kings  passion  for  drink  is  diverting  him  of 
all  respect,  the  Queen  is  detested  and  an  explosion 
of  some  sort  is  not  impossible.  The  ministry  is 
alarmed,  &  the  surest  reliance  at  this  moment  for  the 
public  peace  is  on  their  two  hundred  thousand  men.  I 
cannot  write  these  things  in  a  public  dispatch  because 
they  would  get  into  a  newspaper  and  be  back  here. 

A  final  decision  of  some  sort  should  be  made  on 
Beaumarchais'  affairs. 

I  am  with  sentiments  of  the  most  perfect  esteem 
Dear  Sir  your  friend  and  servt. 

P.  S.  The  watch  and  pedometer  are  not  done.  In 
the  box  of  books  are  some  for  the  colleges  of  Philadel- 
phia &  Williamsburg  &  two  vols  of  the  Encyclopedic 
for  Congress,  presented  by  the  author  of  that  part. 


TO  EDWARD  CARRINGTON.  J.MSS. 

PARIS  Aug  4,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — Since  mine  of  the  i6th  of  January  I 
have  been  honoured  by  your  favors  of  Ap  24  &  June 
9.  I  am  happy  to  find  that  the  states  have  come  so 


424  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

generally  into  the  scheme  of  the  Federal  convention, 
from  which  I  am  sure  we  shall  see  wise  propositions. 
I  confess  I  do  not  go  as  far  in  the  reforms  thought 
necessary  as  some  of  my  correspondents  in  America  ; 
but  if  the  convention  should  adopt  such  propositions 
I  shall  suppose  them  necessary.  My  general  plan 
would  be  to  make  the  states  one  as  to  every  thing 
connected  with  foreign  nations,  &  several  as  to 
everything  purely  domestic.  But  with  all  the  imper- 
fections of  our  present  government,  it  is  without 
comparison  the  best  existing  or  that  ever  did  exist. 
It's  greatest  defect  is  the  imperfect  manner  in  which 
matters  of  commerce  have  been  provided  for.  It  has 
been  so  often  said,  as  to  be  generally  believed,  that 
Congress  have  no  power  by  the  confederation  to 
enforce  anything,  for  e.  g.,  contributions  of  money. 
It  was  not  necessary  to  give  them  that  power  ex- 
pressly ;  they  have  it  by  the  law  of  nature.  When 
two  parties  make  a  compact,  there  results  to  each  a 
power  of  compelling  the  other  to  execute  it.  Com- 
pulsion was  never  so  easy  as  in  our  case,  where  a 
single  frigate  would  soon  levy  on  the  commerce  of 
any  state  the  deficiency  of  it's  contributions  ;  nor 
more  safe  than  in  the  hands  of  Congress  which  has 
always  shown  that  it  would  wait,  as  it  ought  to  do, 
to  the  last  extremities  before  it  would  execute  any  of 
it's  powers  which  are  disagreeable.  I  think  it  very 
material  to  separate  in  the  hands  of  Congress  the 
Executive  &  Legislative  powers,  as  the  Judiciary 
already  are  in  some  degree.  This  I  hope  will  be 
done.  The  want  of  it  has  been  the  source  of  more 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  425 

evil  than  we  have  experienced  from  any  other  cause. 
Nothing  is  so  embarrassing  nor  so  mischievous  in  a 
great  assembly  as  the  details  of  execution.  The 
smallest  trifle  of  that  kind  occupies  as  long  as  the 
most  important  act  of  legislation,  &  takes  place  of 
everything  else.  Let  any  man  recollect,  or  look 
over,  the  files  of  Congress,  he  will  observe  the  most 
important  propositions  hanging  over  from  week  to 
week  &  month  to  month,  till  the  occasions  have 
past  them,  &  the  thing  never  done.  I  have  ever 
viewed  the  executive  details  as  the  .greatest  cause  of 
evil  to  us,  because  they  in  fact  place  us  as  if  we  had 
no  federal  head,  by  diverting  the  attention  of  that 
head  from  great  to  small  objects  ;  and  should  this 
division  of  power  not  be  recommended  by  the  Con- 
vention, it  is  my  opinion  Congress  should  make  it 
itself  by  establishing  an  Executive  committee. 


TO  BENJAMIN  HAWKINS.  J.  MSS. 

PARIS  Aug.  4,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  to  acknowlege  the  receipt  of 
your  favors  of  Mar.  8  &  June  9.  and  to  give  you 
many  thanks  for  the  trouble  you  have  taken  with  the 
Dionasa  muscipula.  I  have  not  yet  heard  anything 
of  them,  which  makes  me  fear  they  have  perished  by 
the  way.  I  believe  the  most  effectual  means  of  con- 
veying them  hither  will  be  by  the  seed.  I  must  add 
my  thanks  too  for  the  vocabularies.  This  is  an  object 
I  mean  to  pursue,  as  I  am  persuaded  that  the  only 


426  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

method  of  investigating  the  filiation  of  the  Indian  na- 
tions is  by  that  of  their  languages. 

I  look  up  with  you  to  the  Federal  convention  for 
an  amendment  of  our  federal  affairs.  Yet  I  do  not 
view  them  in  so  disadvantageous  a  light  at  present  as 
some  do.  And  above  all  things  I  am  astonished  at 
some  people's  considering  a  kingly  government  as  a 
refuge.  Advise  such  to  read  the  fable  of  the  frogs 
who  solicited  Jupiter  for  a  king.  If  that  does  not 
put  them  to  rights,  send  them  to  Europe  to  see  some- 
thing of  the  trappings  of  monarchy,  and  I  will  under- 
take that  every  man  shall  go  back  thoroughly  cured. 
If  all  the  evils  which  can  arise  among  us  from  the 
republican  form  of  our  government  from  this  day  to 
the  day  of  judgment  could  be  put  into  a  scale  against 
what  this  country  suffers  from  its  monarchical  form 
in  a  week,  or  England  in  a  month,  the  latter  would 
preponderate.  Consider  the  contents  of  the  red 
book  in  England,  or  the  Almanac  royale  of  France, 
and  say  what  a  people  gain  by  monarchy.  No  race 
of  kings  has  ever  presented  above  one  man  of  com- 
mon sense  in  twenty  generations.  The  best  they  can 
do  is  to  leave  things  to  their  ministers,  &  what  are 
their  ministers  but  a  committee,  badly  chosen  ?  If 
the  king  ever  meddles  it  is  to  do  harm.  It  is  still  un- 
decided whether  we  shall  have  war  or  not.  If  war,  I 
fear  it  will  not  be  a  successful  one  for  our  friends 
against  England  &  Prussia.  Such  a  war  by  sea,  & 
such  a  one  by  land,  are  too  much  for  this  country  at 
this  time.  Add  to  this  that  the  condition  of  her 
finances  threatens  bankruptcy,  &  that  the  hope  of 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  427 

mending  them  lessens  daily.  Good  will  result  from 
other  late  operations  of  the  government,  but  as  to 
money  matters  they  have  lost  more  confidence  than 
they  have  gained.  Were  it  possible  for  us  to  borrow 
money  in  Holland  to  pay  them  the  principal  of  our 
debt  at  this  time,  it  would  be  felt  by  them  with 
gratitude  as  if  we  had  given  them  so  much.  I  think 
it  probable  they  would  do  something  clever  for  us  in 
our  commerce  ;  &  would  be  very  sure  to  help  us  again 
whenever  our  affairs  would  require  it.  Mr.  Adams 
thinks  the  money  could  be  borrowed  in  Holland  if 
there  was  a  tax  laid  to  pay  the  interest.  But  I  think 
it  possible  that  the  present  storm  in  Holland  may 
make  the  monied  men  wish  to  transfer  their  money 
any  where  else.  I  wish  Mr.  Adams  put  on  this  busi- 
ness before  he  leaves  Europe.  Adieu,  my  dear  Sir, 
&  be  assured  of  the  esteem  of  your  friend  &  servt. 


TO  PETER  CARR.1  J.  MSS. 

PARIS  Aug.  10,  1787. 

DEAR  PETER, — I  have  received  your  two  letters  of 
Decemb.  30  and  April  18,  and  am  very  happy  to  find 
by  them,  as  well  as  by  letters  from  Mr.  Wythe,  that 
you  have  been  so  fortunate  as  to  attract  his  notice  & 
good  will ;  I  am  sure  you  will  find  this  to  have  been 
one  of  the  most  fortunate  events  of  your  life,  as  I  have 
ever  been  sensible  it  was  of  mine.  I  inclose  you  a 
sketch  of  the  sciences  to  which  I  would  wish  you  to 
apply  in  such  order  as  Mr.  Wythe  shall  advise ;  I 
mention  also  the  books  in  them  worth  your  reading, 

1  His  nephew. 


428  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

which  submit  to  his  correction.  Many  of  these  are 
among  your  father's  books,  which  you  should  have 
brought  to  you.  As  I  do  not  recollect  those  of  them 
not  in  his  library,  you  must  write  to  me  for  them, 
making  out  a  catalogue  of  such  as  you  think  you  shall 
have  occasion  for  in  18  months  from  the  date  of  your 
letter,  &  consulting  Mr.  Wythe  on  the  subject.  To 
this  sketch  I  will  add  a  few  particular  observations. 

1.  Italian.     I  fear  the  learning  this  language  will 
confound  your  French  and  Spanish.     Being  all  of 
them  degenerated  dialects  of  the  Latin,  they  are  apt 
to  mix  in  conversation.     I  have  never  seen  a  person 
speaking  the  three  languages  who  did  not  mix  them. 
It  is  a  delightful  language,  but  late  events  having  ren- 
dered the  Spanish  more  useful,  lay  it  aside  to  prose- 
cute that. 

2.  Spanish.      Bestow  great  attention   on  this,    & 
endeavor  to  acquire  an  accurate  knowlege  of  it.    Our 
future  connections  with  Spain  &   Spanish  America 
will  render  that  language  a  valuable  acquisition.  The 
antient  history  of  a  great  part  of  America,  too,   is 
written  in  that  language.     I  send  you  a  dictionary. 

^  3.  Moral  philosophy.  I  think  it  lost  time  to  at- 
tend lectures  in  this  branch.  He  who  made  us  would 
have  been  a  pitiful  bungler  if  he  had  made  the  rules 
of  our  moral  conduct  a  matter  of  science.  For  one 
man  of  science,  there  are  thousands  who  are  not. 
What  would  have  become  of  them  ?  Man  was  des- 
tined for  society.  His  morality  therefore  was  to  be 
formed  to  this  object.  He  was  endowed  with  a  sense 
of  right  &  wrong  merely  relative  to  this.  This  sense 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  429^ 

is  as  much  a  part  of  his  nature  as  the  sense  of  hear- 
ing, seeing,  feeling ;  it  is  the  true  foundation  of 
morality,  &  not  the  -co  nakov,  truth,  &c.  as  fanciful 
writers  have  imagined.  The  moral  sense,  or  con- 
science, is  as  much  a  part  of  man  as  his  leg  or  arm. 
It  is  given  to  all  human  beings  in  a  stronger  or 
weaker  degree,  as  force  of  members  is  given  them  in 
a  greater  or  less  degree.  It  may  be  strengthened  by 
exercise,  as  may  any  particular  limb  of  the  body. 
This  sense  is  submitted  indeed  in  some  degree  to  the 
guidance  of  reason  ;  but  it  is  a  small  stock  which  is 
required  for  this :  even  a  less  one  than  what  we  call 
common  sense.  State  a  moral  case  to  a  ploughman 
&  a  professor.  The  former  will  decide  it  as  well,  & 
often  better  than  the  latter,  because  he  has  not  been 
led  astray  by  artificial  rules.  In  this  branch  there- 
fore read  good  books  because  they  will  encourage  as 
well  as  direct  your  feelings.  The  writings  of  Sterne 
particularly  form  the  best  course  of  morality  that  ever 
was  written.  Besides  these  read  the  books  mentioned 
in  the  enclosed  paper ;  and  above  all  things  lose  no 
occasion  of  exercising  your  dispositions  to  be  grate- 
ful, to  be  generous,  to  be  charitable,  to  be  humane, 
to  be  true,  just,  firm,  orderly,  courageous  &c.  Con- 
sider every  act  of  this  kind  as  an  exercise  which 
will  strengthen  your  moral  faculties,  &  increase  your 
worth. 

4.   Religion.     Your  reason  is  now  mature  enough  I 
to  examine  this  object.     In  the  first  place  divest  your- 
self of  all  bias  in  favour  of  novelty  &  singularity  of  I 
opinion.     Indulge  them  in  any  other  subject  rather 


430  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

than  that  of  religion.  It  is  too  important,  &  the  con- 
sequences of  error  may  be  too  serious.  On  the  other 
hand  shake  off  all  the  fears  &  servile  prejudices  under 
which  weak  minds  are  servilely  crouched.  Fix  reason 
firmly  in  her  seat,  and  call  to  her  tribunal  every  fact, 
every  opinion.  Question  with  boldness  even  the 
existence  of  a  god  ;  because,  if  there  be  one,  he  must 
more  approve  of  the  homage  of  reason,  than  that 
of  blindfolded  fear.  You  will  naturally  examine  first 
the  religion  of  your  own  country.  Read  the  bible 
then,  as  you  would  read  Livy  or  Tacitus.  The  facts 
which  are  within  the  ordinary  course  of  nature  you 
will  believe  on  the  authority  of  the  writer,  as  you  do 
those  of  the  same  kind  in  Livy  &  Tacitus.  The 
testimony  of  the  writer  weighs  in  their  favor  in  one 
scale,  and  their  not  being  against  the  laws  of  nature 
does  not  weigh  against  them.  But  those  facts  in  the 
bible  which  contradict  the  laws  of  nature,  must  be 
examined  with  more  care,  and  under  a  variety  of  faces. 
Here  you  must  recur  to  the  pretensions  of  the  writer 
to  inspiration  from  god.  Examine  upon  what  evi- 
dence his  pretensions  are  founded,  and  whether  that 
evidence  is  so  strong  as  that  its  falsehood  would  be 
more  improbable  than  a  change  in  the  laws  of  nature 
in  the  case  he  relates.  For  example  in  the  book  of 
Joshua  we  are  told  the  sun  stood  still  several  hours. 
Were  we  to  read  that  fact  in  Livy  or  Tacitus  we 
should  class  it  with  their  showers  of  blood,  speaking 
of  statues,  beasts,  &c.  But  it  is  said  that  the  writer 
of  that  book  was  inspired.  Examine  therefore  can- 
didly what  evidence  there  is  of  his  having  been  in- 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  431 

spired.  The  pretension  is  entitled  to  your  inquiry, 
because  millions  believe  it.  On  the  other  hand  you 
are  astronomer  enough  to  know  how  contrary  it  is  to 
the  law  of  nature  that  a  body  revolving  on  its  axis  as 
the  earth  does,  should  have  stopped,  should  not  by 
that  sudden  stoppage  have  prostrated  animals,  trees, 
buildings,  and  should  after  a  certain  time  have  re- 
sumed its  revolution,  &  that  without  a  second  general 
prostration.  Is  this  arrest  of  the  earth's  motion,  or  the 
evidence  which  affirms  it,  most  within  the  law  of 
probabilities  ?  You  will  next  read  the  new  testament. 
It  is  the  history  of  a  personage  called  Jesus.  Keep 
in  your  eye  the  opposite  pretensions  i.  of  those  who 
say  he  was  begotten  by  god,  born  of  a  virgin,  sus- 
pended &  reversed  the  laws  of  nature  at  will,  &  as- 
cended bodily  into  heaven  :  and  2.  of  those  who  say 
he  was  a  man  of  illegitimate  birth,  of  a  benevolent 
heart,  enthusiastic  mind,  who  set  out  without  preten- 
sions to  divinity,  ended  in  believing  them,  &  was  pun- 
ished capitally  for  sedition  by  being  gibbeted  accord- 
ing to  the  Roman  law  which  punished  the  first 
commission  of  that  offence  by  whipping,  &  the  second 
by  exile  or  death  in  furcA.  See  this  law  in  the 
Digest  Lib.  48.  tit.  19.  §.  28.  3.  &  Lipsius  Lib.  2.  de 
cruce.  cap.  2.  These  questions  are  examined  in  the 
books  I  have  mentioned  under  the  head  of  religion, 
&  several  others.  They  will  assist  you  in  your  in- 
quiries, but  keep  your  reason  firmly  on  the  watch  in 
reading  them  all.  Do  not  be  frightened  from  this 
inquiry  by  any  fear  of  it's  consequences.  If  it  ends 
in  a  belief  that  there  is  no  god,  you  will  find  incite- 


432  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

ments  to  virtue  in  the  comfort  &  pleasantness  you 
feel  in  it's  exercise,  and  the  love  of  others  which  it 
will  procure  you.  If  you  find  reason  to  believe  there 
is  a  god,  a  consciousness  that  you  are  acting  under 
his  eye,  &  that  he  approves  you,  will  be  a  vast  addi- 
tional incitement ;  if  that  there  be  a  future  state, 
the  hope  of  a  happy  existence  in  that  increases  the 
appetite  to  deserve  it ;  if  that  Jesus  was  also  a  god,  you 
will  be  comforted  by  a  belief  of  his  aid  and  love.  In 
fine,  I  repeat  that  you  must  lay  aside  all  prejudice  on 
\both  sides,  &  neither  believe  nor  reject  anything  be- 
cause any  other  persons,  or  description  of  persons 
have  rejected  or  believed  it.  Your  own  reason  is  the 
only  oracle  given  you  by  heaven,  and  you  are  answer- 
able not  for  the  Tightness  but  uprightness  of  the  deci- 
sion. I  forgot  to  observe  when  speaking  of  the  new 
testament  that  you  should  read  all  the  histories  of 
Christ,  as  well  of  those  whom  a  council  of  ecclesias- 
tics have  decided  for  us  to  be  Pseudo-evangelists,  as 
those  they  named  Evangelists.  Because  these  Pseudo- 
evangelists  pretended  to  inspiration  as  much  as  the 
others,  and  you  are  to  judge  their  pretensions  by 
your  own  reason,  &  not  by  the  reason  of  those  ecclesi- 
astics. Most  of  these  are  lost.  There  are  some 
however  still  extant,  collected  by  Fabricius  which  I 
will  endeavor  to  get  &  send  you. 

5.  Travelling.  This  makes  men  wiser,  but  less 
happy.  When  men  of  sober  age  travel,  they  gather 
knolege  which  they  may  apply  usefully  for  their 
country,  but  they  are  subject  ever  after  to  recollec- 
tions mixed  with  regret,  their  affections  are  weakened 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  433 

by  being  extended  over  more  objects,  &  they  learn 
new  habits  which  cannot  be  gratified  when  they  re- 
turn home.  Young  men  who  travel  are  exposed  to 
all  these  inconveniences  in  a  higher  degree,  to  others 
still  more  serious,  and  do  not  acquire  that  wisdom 
for  which  a  previous  foundation  is  requisite  by  re- 
peated &  just  observations  at  home.  The  glare  of 
pomp  &  pleasure  is  analogous  to  the  motion  of  their 
blood,  it  absorbs  all  their  affection  &  attention,  they 
are  torn  from  it  as  from  the  only  good  in  this  world, 
and  return  to  their  home  as  to  a  place  of  exile  &  con- 
demnation. Their  eyes  are  for  ever  turned  back  to 
the  object  they  have  lost,  &  it's  recollection  poisons 
the  residue  of  their  lives.  Their  first  &  most  delicate 
passions  are  hackneyed  on  unworthy  objects  here,  & 
they  carry  home  only  the  dregs,  insufficient  to  make 
themselves  or  anybody  else  happy.  Add  to  this  that 
a  habit  of  idleness,  an  inability  to  apply  themselves  to 
business  is  acquired  &  renders  them  useless  to  them- 
selves &  their  country.  These  observations  are 
founded  in  experience.  There  is  no  place  where 
your  pursuit  of  knolege  will  be  so  little  obstructed 
by  foreign  objects  as  in  your  own  country,  nor  any 
wherein  the  virtues  of  the  heart  will  be  less  exposed 
to  be  weakened.  Be  good,  be  learned,  &  be  indus- 
trious, &  you  will  not  want  the  aid  of  travelling  to 
render  you  precious  to  your  country,  dear  to  your 
friends,  happy  within  yourself.  I  repeat  my  advice 
to  take  a  great  deal  of  exercise,  &  on  foot.  Health 
is  the  first  requisite  after  morality.  Write  to  me 
often  &  be  assured  of  the  interest  I  take  in  your  sue- 


434  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

cess,  as  well  as  of  the  warmth  of  those  sentiments  of 
attachment  with  which  I  am,  dear  Peter,  your  affec- 
tionate friend. 

P.  S.  Let  me  know  your  age  in  your  next  letter. 
Your  cousins  here  are  well  &  desire  to  be  remem- 
bered to  you.  

TO  DR.  GEORGE  GILMER.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  August  12,  1787. 

DEAR  DOCTOR, — Your  letter  of  Jan  9,  1787,  came 
safely  to  hand  in  the  month  of  June  last.  Unluckily 
you  forgot  to  sign  it,  and  your  handwriting  is  so 
Protean  that  one  cannot  be  sure  it  is  yours.  To 
increase  the  causes  of  incertitude  it  was  dated  Pen- 
park,  a  name  which  I  only  know  as  the  seat  of  John 
Harmer.  The  handwriting  too  being  somewhat  in 
his  style  made  me  ascribe  it  hastily  to  him,  indorse  it 
with  his  name,  and  let  it  lie  in  my  bundle  to  be  an- 
swered at  leisure.  That  moment  of  leisure  arriving, 
I  set  down  to  answer  it  to  John  Harmer,  &  now  for 
the  first  time  discover  marks  of  its  being  yours,  & 
particularly  those  expressions  of  friendship  to  myself 
and  family  which  you  have  ever  been  so  good  as  to 
entertain,  and  which  are  to  me  among  the  most 
precious  possessions.  I  wish  my  sense  of  this,  &  my 
desires  of  seeing  you  rich  &  happy  may  not  prevent 
my  seeing  any  difficulty  in  the  case  you  state  of 
George  Harmer's  wills  ;  which  as  you  state  them  are 
thus  : 

i.  A  will  dated  Dec  26,  1779,  written  in  his  own 
hand  &  devising  to  his  brother  the  estates  he  had 
received  from  him. 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  435 

2.  Another  will  dated  June  25,  1782,  written  also 
in  his  own  hand,  devising  his  estate  to  trustees  to  be 
conveyed  to  such  of  his  relations.     I.  H.  I.  L.  or  H. 
L.  as  should  become  capable  of  acquiring  property, 
or,  on   failure  of  that,  to  be  sold  &  the  money  re- 
mitted them. 

3.  A  third  will   dated    Sep   12,   1786,  devising  all 
his  estate  at   Marrowbone,  &  his  tracts  at    Horse- 
pasture  &  Poisonfield  to  you,  which  will  is  admitted 
to  record  &  of  course  has  been  duly  executed.     You 
say  the  learned  are  divided  on  these  wills.    Yet  I  see 
no  cause  of  division,  as  it  requires  little  learning  to 
decide  that  "  the  first  deed,  &  last  will  must  always 
prevail."     I   am  afraid  therefore  the  difficulty  may 
arise  on  the  want  of    words  of   inheritance  in  the 
devise  to  you  :  for  you  state  it  as  a  devise  to  "  George 
Gilmer "  (without  adding  "  &  to  his  heirs  ")  of  "  all 
the    estate   called    Marrowbone "    "  the   tract  called 
Horsepasture "  and   "the   tract  called    Poisonfield." 
If  the  question  is  on  this  point,  and  you  have  copied 
the  words  of  the  will  exactly,  I  suppose  you  take  an 
estate  in  fee  simple  in  Marrowbone,  &  for  life  only 
in  Horsepasture  &  Poisonfield,  the  want  of  words  of 
inheritance  in  the  two  last  cases  being  supplied  as  to 
the  first  by  the  word  "  estate "  which  has  been  re- 
peatedly decided  to  be  descriptive  of  the  quantum  of 
interest  devised,  as  well  as  of  its  locality.     I  am  in 
hopes  however  you  have  not  copied  the  words  ex- 
actly, that  there  are  words  of  inheritance  to  all  the 
devises,  as  the  testator  certainly  knew  their  necessity, 
&  that  the  conflict  only  will  be  between  the  different 


436  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

wills,  in  which  case  I  see  nothing  which  can  be 
opposed  to  the  last.  I  shall  be  very  happy  to  eat  at 
Pen-park  some  of  the  good  mutton  &  beef  of  Marrow- 
bone, Horse-pasture  &  Poisonfield,  with  yourself  & 
Mrs.  Gilmer  &  my  good  old  neighbors.  I  am  as 
happy  nowhere  else  &  in  no  other  society,  &  all  my 
wishes  end,  where  I  hope  my  days  will  end,  at  Monti- 
cello.  Too  many  scenes  of  happiness  mingle  them- 
selves with  all  the  recollections  of  my  native  woods 
&  fields,  to  suffer  them  to  be  supplanted  in  my 
affection  by  any  other.  I  consider  myself  here  as  a 
traveller  only,  &  not  a  resident.  My  commission  ex- 
pires next  spring,  &  if  not  renewed,  I  shall  of  course 
return  then.  If  renewed,  I  shall  remain  here  some 
time  longer.  How  much  I  cannot  say ;  yet  my 
wishes  shorten  the  period.  Among  the  strongest  in- 
ducements will  be  that  of  your  society  &  Mrs. 
Gilmer's,  which  I  am  glad  to  find  brought  more 
within  reach  by  your  return  to  Pen-park.  My 
daughters  are  importunate  to  return  also.  Patsy 
enjoys  good  health,  &  is  growing  to  my  stature. 
Polly  arrived  here  about  a  month  ago,  after  a  favora- 
ble voyage,  &  in  perfect  health.  My  own  health  has 
been  as  good  as  ever,  after  the  first  year's  probation. 
The  accident  of  a  dislocated  wrist,  badly  set,  has  I 
fear  deprived  me  for  ever  of  almost  every  use  of  my 
right  hand.  Nor  is  the  extent  of  the  evil  as  yet 
known,  the  hand  withering,  the  fingers  remaining 
swelled  &  crooked,  &  losing  rather  than  gaining  in 
point  of  suppleness.  It  is  now  eleven  months  since 
the  accident.  I  am  able  to  write,  tho  for  a  long 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  437 

time  I  was  not  so.  This  inability  was  succeeded  by 
a  journey  into  the  Southern  parts  of  France  and 
Northern  of  Italy,  which  added  to  the  length  of  the 
chasm  in  my  correspondence  with  my  friends.  If 
you  knew  how  agreeable  to  me  are  the  details  of  the 
small  news  of  my  neighborhood,  your  charity  would 
induce  you  to  write  frequently.  Your  letters  lodged 
in  the  post  office  at  Richmond  (to  be  forwarded  to 
N  York)  come  with  certainty.  We  are  doubtful  yet 
whether  there  will  be  war  or  not.  Present  me  with 
warm  affection  to  Mrs.  Gilmer  &  be  assured  yourself 
of  the  unvarying  sentiments  of  esteem  &  attach- 
ment with  which  I  am  Dear  Doctor  your  sincere 
friend  &  servant 


TO  JOSEPH  JONES.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  Aug.  14,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  never  yet  thanked  you,  but 
with  the  heart,  for  the  act  of  assembly  confirming  the 
agreement  with  Maryland,  the  pamphlet  &  papers  I 
received  from  you  a  twelve  month  ago.  Very  soon 
after  their  receipt  I  got  my  right  wrist  dislocated 
which  prevented  me  long  from  writing  &  as  soon  as 
that  was  able  to  bear  it  I  took  a  long  journey  from 
which  I  am  but  lately  returned.  I  am  anxious  to 
hear  what  our  federal  convention  recommends  &  what 
the  states  will  do  in  consequence  of  their  recommenda- 
tion. I  wish  to  see  our  states  made  one  as  to  all 
foreign,  &  several  as  to  all  domestic  matters,  a  peace- 
able mode  of  compulsion  over  the  states  given  to  Con- 


438  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

gress,  &  the  powers  of  this  body  divided,  as  in  the 
states,  into  three  departments  legislative,  executive, 
&  judiciary.  It  is  my  opinion  the  want  of  the  latter 
organization  has  already  done  more  harm  than  all  the 
other  federal  defects  put  together,  &  that  every  evil 
almost  may  be  traced  to  that  source,  but  with  all  the 
defects  of  our  constitutions,  whether  general  or  par- 
ticular, the  comparison  of  our  governments  with  those 
of  Europe,  are  like  a  comparison  of  heaven  &  hell. 
England,  like  the  earth,  may  be  allowed  to  take  the 
intermediate  station.  And  yet  I  hear  there  are  people 
among  you  who  think  the  experience  of  our  govern- 
ments has  already  proved  that  republican  governments 
will  not  answer.  Send  those  gentry  here  to  count 
the  blessings  of  monarchy.  A  king's  sister  for  in- 
stance stopped  on  the  road,  &  on  a  hostile  journey,  is 
sufficient  cause  for  him  to  march  immediately  20,000 
men  to  revenge  this  insult,  when  he  had  shewn  him- 
self little  moved  by  the  matter  of  right  then  in 
question. 

I  apprehend  this  hasty  movement  of  the  King  of 
Prussia  may  perhaps  decide  the  crisis  of  Europe  to 
war,  when  it  was  before  doubtful.  The  English 
squadron  has  sailed  Westwardly :  the  French  will 
doubtless  do  the  same,  &  they  are  moving  an  army 
into  the  neighborhood  of  Holland.  Still  however  the 
negociations  are  not  broken  off,  and  the  desperate 
state  of  finances  both  in  England  &  France  give  a 
hope  they  will  yet  arrange  matters  in  this  country.  A 
great  &  sudden  discontent  has  arisen,  since  the  sep- 
aration of  the  Assemblee  des  Notables.  It  is  not  easy 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  439 

to  fix  the  causes,  since  it  is  certain  that  great  im- 
provements of  their  laws  &  constitution  have  actually 
taken  place  &  others  are  promised,  great  reforms  in 
expence  have  been  effected  &  are  effecting.  But  the 
investigation  of  the  horrid  depredation  in  the  late 
administration  of  their  finances,  some  new  and  incon- 
siderable expences  of  the  court,  and  the  new  taxes 
have  probably  excited  this  discontent.  The  opposi- 
tion of  the  parliament  to  the  new  taxes  is  carried  to 
it's  last  point,  and  their  exile  is  a  measure  which  may 
very  possibly  take  place.  The  principal  security 
against  it  is  the  mild  &  patriotic  character  of  the 
new  ministry. 

From  all  these  broils  we  are  happily  free,  and  that 
God  may  keep  us  long  so,  and  yourself  in  health  & 
happiness  is  the  prayer  of,  dear  Sir,  your  most 
obedient,  &  most  humble  servant. 

P.  S.  Aug.  15.  The  Parliament  is  exiled  to  Troyes 
this  morning. 


TO  THE  EDITOR  OF  THE  JOURNAL  DE  PARIS.       j.  MSS. 

PARIS  Aug  29,  1787. 

SIR, — I  am  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  of  America,  and  have 
passed  in  those  states  almost  the  whole  of  my  life.  When  young,  I 
was  passionately  fond  of  reading  books  of  history  &  travels.  Since 
the  commencement  of  the  late  revolution  which  separated  us  from 
Great  Britain,  our  country  too  has  been  thought  worthy  to  employ 
the  pens  of  historians  &  travellers.  I  cannot  paint  to  you,  Sir, 
the  agonies  which  these  have  cost  me,  in  obliging  me  to  renounce 
these  favorite  branches  of  reading  and  in  discovering  to  me  at 
length  that  my  whole  life  has  been  employed  in  nourishing  my 
mind  with  fables  &  falsehoods.  For  thus  I  reason.  If  the  his- 


440  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

tories  of  d'  Auberteuil  &  of  Longchamps,  and  the  travels  of  the 
Abb£  Robin  can  be  published  in  the  face  of  the  world,  can  be 
read  &  believed  by  those  who  are  cotemporary  with  the  events 
they  pretend  to  relate,  how  may  we  expect  that  future  ages  shall 
be  better  informed  ?  Will  those  rise  from  their  graves  to  bear 
witness  to  the  truth,  who  would  not,  while  living,  lift  their  voices 
against  falsehood  ?  If  cotemporary  histories  are  thus  false,  what 
will  future  compilations  be  ?  And  what  are  all  those  of  preceding 
times  ?  In  your  Journal  of  this  day  you  announce  &  criticise  a 
book  under  the  title  of  "les  ligues  Acheenne,  Suisse,  &  Hol- 
landoise,  et  revolution  des  etats  unis  de  1'Amerique  par  M.  de 
Mayer."  I  was  no  part  of  the  Achaean  Swiss  or  Dutch  confed- 
eracies, &  have  therefore  nothing  to  say  against  the  facts  related 
of  them.  And  you  cite  only  one  fact  from  his  account  of  the 
American  revolution.  It  is  in  these  words.  "  Monsieur  Mayer 
assure  qu'une  seule  voix,  un  seul  homme,  prononca  1'independance 
des  Etats  unis.  "  Ce  fut,  dit  il,  John  Dickinson,  un  des  Deputes 
de  la  Pensilvanie  au  Congres.  La  veille,  il  avoit  vote"  pour  la 
soumission,  l'egalit£  des  suffrages  avoit  suspendu  la  resolution  ; 
s'il  cut  persiste,  le  Congres  ne  deliberoit  point,  il  fut  foible  ;  il 
ceda  aux  instances  de  ceux  qui  avoient  plus  d'energie,  plus  d'elo- 
quence,  et  plus  de  lumieres  ;  il  donna  sa  voix  :  1'Amerique  lui 
doit  une  reconnaissance  eternelle  ;  c'est  Dickinson  qui  1'a  af- 
franchie."  The  modesty  and  candour  of  Mr.  Dickinson  himself, 
Sir,  would  disavow  every  word  of  this  paragraph,  except  these — 
"  il  avoit  vote  pour  la  soumission."  These  are  true,  every  other 
tittle  false.  I  was  on  the  spot,  &  can  relate  to  you  this  transac- 
tion with  precision.  On  the  7th  of  June,  1776,  the  delegates  from 
Virginia  moved,  in  obedience  to  instructions  from  their  constitu- 
ents, that  Congress  should  declare  the  13  united  colonies  to  be 
independant  of  Great  Britain,  that  a  Confederation  should  be 
formed  to  bind  them  together,  and  measures  be  taken  for  pro- 
curing the  assistance  of  foreign  powers.  The  house  ordered  a 
punctual  attendance  of  all  their  members  the  next  day  at  ten 
o'clock,  &  then  resolved  themselves  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole 
and  entered  on  the  discussion.  It  appeared  in  the  course  of  the 
debates  that  7.  states,  viz.,  N  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
island,  Connecticut,  Virginia,  North  Carolina  &  Georgia,  were  de- 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  441 

cided  for  a  separation  ;  but  that  6.  others  still  hesitated,  to  wit. 
New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  & 
South  Carolina.  Congress,  desirous  of  unanimity,  &  seeing  that 
the  public  mind  was  advancing  rapidly  to  it,  referred  the  further 
discussion  to  the  ist  of  July,  appointing  in  the  mean  time  a  Com- 
mittee to  prepare  a  declaration  of  independance,  a  second  to  form 
Articles  for  the  confederation  of  the  states,  and  a  third  to  propose 
measures  for  obtaining  foreign  aid.  On  the  2 8th  of  June,  the 
Declaration  of  Independance  was  reported  to  the  house,  and  was 
laid  on  the  table  for  the  consideration  of  the  members.  On  the 
ist  day  of  July  they  resolved  themselves  into  a  committee  of  the 
whole,  and  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  motion  of  June  7. 
It  was  debated  through  the  day,  and  at  length  was  decided  in  the 
affirmative  by  the  vote  of  9.  states,  viz  New  Hampshire,  Massachu- 
setts, Rhode  island,  New  Jersey,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina  and  Georgia.  Pennsylvania  and  South  Carolina  voted 
against  it.  Delaware,  having  but  two  members  present,  was 
divided.  The  delegates  from  New  York  declared  they  were  for 
it,  &  their  constituents  also  ;  but  that  the  instructions  against  it 
which  had  been  given  them  a  twelvemonth  before,  were  still  un- 
repealed  ;  that  their  convention  was  to  meet  in  a  few  days,  and 
they  asked  leave  to  suspend  their  vote  till  they  could  obtain  a 
repeal  of  their  instructions.  Observe  that  all  this  was  in  a  com- 
mittee of  the  whole  Congress,  and  that  according  to  the  mode  of 
their  proceedings,  the  Resolution  of  that  Committee  to  declare 
themselves  independant  was  to  be  put  to  the  same  persons  re- 
assuming  their  form  as  a  Congress.  It  was  now  evening,  the 
members  exhausted  by  a  debate  of  9  hours,  during  which  all  the 
powers  of  the  soul  had  been  distended  with  the  magnitude  of  the 
object,  and  the  delegates  of  S.  Carolina  desired  that  the  final 
decision  might  be  put  off  to  the  next  morning  that  they  might 
still  weigh  in  their  own  minds  their  ultimate  vote.  It  was  put  off, 
and  in  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  July  they  joined  the  other  nine 
states  in  voting  for  it.  The  members  of  the  Pennsylvania  delega- 
tion too,  who  had  been  absent  the  day  before,  came  in  &  turned 
the  vote  of  their  state  in  favor  of  independance,  and  a  3d  member 
of  the  state  of  Delaware,  who,  hearing  of  the  division  in  the  senti- 
ments of  his  two  colleagues,  had  travelled  post  to  arrive  in  time, 


442  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

now  came  in  and  decided  the  vote  of  that  state  also  for  the  reso- 
lution. Thus  twelve  states  voted  for  it  at  the  time  of  its  passage, 
and  the  delegates  of  New  York,  the  i3th  state,  received  instruc- 
tions within  a  few  days  to  add  theirs  to  the  general  vote  ;  so  that, 
instead  of  the  "  egalit£  des  suffrages  "  spoken  of  by  M.  Mayer, 
there  was  not  a  dissenting  voice.  Congress  proceeded  imme- 
diately to  consider  the  Declaration  of  Independence  which  had 
been  reported  by  their  committee  on  the  28th  of  June.  The 
several  paragraphs  of  that  were  debated  for  three  days,  viz.  the 
2d,  3d,  &  4th  of  July.  In  the  evening  of  the  4th  they  were  finally 
closed,  and  the  instrument  approved  by  an  unanimous  vote  and 
signed  by  every  member,  except  Mr.  Dickinson.  Look  into  the 
Journal  of  Congress  of  that  day,  Sir,  and  you  will  see  the  instru- 
ment, and  the  names  of  the  signers,  and  that  Mr.  Dickinson's 
name  is  not  among  them.  Then  read  again  those  words  of  your 
paper.  "  II  (M.  Mayer)  assure  qu'une  seule  voix,  un  seul  homme, 
pronon9a  1'independance  des  etats  unis,  ce  fut  John  Dickinson. 
— 1'Amerique  lui  doit  une  reconnoissance  eternel ;  c'est  Dickinson 
qui  1'a  affranchie."  With  my  regrets,  &  my  Adieus  to  History, 
to  Travels,  to  Mayer,  &  to  you,  Sir,  permit  me  to  mingle  assur- 
ances of  the  great  respect  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 
your  most  obedient  &  most  humble  servant. 


TO  GEORGE  WYTHE.  I.MSS. 

PARIS  Sep.  16,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  am  now  to  acknowlege  the  receipt  of 
your  favors  of  Dec.  13  &  22  1786  &  of  Jan.  1787. 
These  should  not  have  been  so  long  unanswered,  but 
that  they  arrived  during  my  absence  on  a  journey  of 
between  3  &  4  months  through  the  Southern  parts  of 
France  &  northern  of  Italy.  In  the  latter  country  my 
time  allowed  me  to  go  no  further  than  Turin,  Milan, 
and  Genoa  :  consequently  I  scarcely  got  into  classical 
ground.  I  took  with  me  some  of  the  writings  in 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  443 

which  endeavors  have  been  made  to  investigate  the 
passage  of  Annibal  over  the  Alps,  and  was  just  able 
to  satisfy  myself,  from  a  view  of  the  country,  that  the 
descriptions  given  of  his  march  are  not  sufficiently 
particular  to  enable  us  at  this  day  even  to  guess  at  his 
track  across  the  Alps.  In  architecture,  painting, 
sculpture,  I  found  much  amusement :  but  more  than 
all  in  their  agriculture,  many  objects  of  which  might 
be  adopted  with  us  to  great  advantage.  I  am  per- 
suaded there  are  many  parts  of  our  lower  country 
where  the  olive  tree  might  be  raised,  which  is  assuredly 
the  richest  gift  of  heaven.  I  can  scarcely  except 
bread.  I  see  this  tree  supporting  thousands  in  among 
the  Alps  where  there  is  not  soil  enough  to  make 
bread  for  a  single  family.  The  caper  too  might  be 
cultivated  with  us.  The  fig  we  do  raise.  I  do  not 
speak  of  the  vine,  because  it  is  the  parent  of  misery. 
Those  who  cultivate  it  are  always  poor,  and  he  who 
would  employ  himself  with  us  in  the  culture  of  corn, 
cotton,  &c.  can  procure  in  exchange  much  more  wine, 
&  better  than  he  could  raise  by  its  direct  culture. 
I  sent  you  formerly  copies  of  the  documents  on  the 
Tagliaferro  family  which  I  had  received  from  Mr. 
Febroni.  I  now  send  the  originals.  I  have  procured 
for  you  a  copy  of  Polybius,  the  best  edition  ;  but  the 
best  edition  of  Vitruvius,  which  is  with  the  commen- 
taries of  Ticinus,  is  not  to  be  got  here.  I  have  sent 
to  Holland  for  it.  In  the  mean  time  the  Polybius 
comes  in  a  box  containing  books  for  Peter  Carr  &  for 
some  of  my  friends  in  Williamsburg  &  it's  vicinities. 
I  have  taken  the  liberty  of  addressing  this  box  to  you. 


444  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

It  goes  to  New  York  in  the  packet  boat  which  carries 
this  letter,  &  will  be  forwarded  to  you  by  water,  by 
Mr.  Madison.  Its  freight  to  New  York  is  paid  here. 
The  transportation  from  thence  to  Williamsburgh 
will  be  demanded  of  you,  and  shall  stand  as  the 
equivalent  to  the  cost  of  Polybius  &  Vitruvius  if  you 
please.  The  difference  either  way  will  not  be  worth 
the  trouble  of  erecting  &  transmitting  accounts. 
I  send  you  herewith  a  state  of  the  contents  of 
the  box,  and  for  whom  each  article  is.  Among 
these  are  some  as  you  will  perceive,  of  which  I  ask 
your  acceptance.  It  is  a  great  comfort  to  me  that 
while  here  I  am  able  to  furnish  some  amusement  to 
my  friends  by  sending  them  such  productions  of 
genius,  antient  &  modern,  as  might  otherwise  escape 
them  ;  and  I  hope  they  will  permit  me  to  avail  myself 
of  the  occasion,  while  it  lasts.  This  world  is  going 
all  to  war.  I  hope  our's  will  remain  clear  of  it.  It  is 
already  declared  between  the  Turks  &  Russians,  and, 
considering  the  present  situation  of  Holland,  it  cannot 
fail  to  spread  itself  all  over  Europe.  Perhaps  it  may 
not  be  till  the  next  spring  that  the  other  powers  will 
be  engaged  in  it :  nor  is  it  as  yet  clear  how  they  will 
arrange  themselves.  I  think  it  not  impossible  that 
France  &  the  two  empires  may  join  against  all  the 
rest.  The  Patriotic  party  in  Holland  will  be  saved 
by  this,  and  the  Turks  sacrificed.  The  only  thing 
which  can  prevent  the  union  of  France  &  the  two 
empires,  is  the  difficulty  of  agreeing  about  the  parti- 
tion of  the  spoils.  Constantinople  is  the  key  of  Asia. 
Who  shall  have  it  is  the  question  ?  I  cannot  help 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  445 

looking  forward  to  the  reestablishment  of  the  Greeks 
as  a  people,  and  the  language  of  Homer  becoming 
again  a  living  language,  as  among  possible  events. 
You  have  now  with  you  Mr.  Paradise,  who  can  tell 
you  how  easily  the  modern  may  be  improved  into  the 
antient  Greek.  You  ask  me  in  your  letter  what 
ameliorations  I  think  necessary  in  our  federal  consti- 
tution. It  is  now  too  late  to  answer  the  question, 
and  it  would  always  have  been  presumption  in  me  to 
have  done  it.  Your  own  ideas  &  those  of  the  great 
characters  who  were  to  be  concerned  with  you  in 
these  discussions  will  give  the  law,  as  they  ought  to 
do,  to  us  all.  My  own  general  idea  was  that  the 
states  should  severally  preserve  their  sovereignty  in 
whatever  concerns  themselves  alone,  &  that  whatever 
may  concern  another  state,  or  any  foreign  nation, 
should  be  made  a  part  of  the  federal  sovereignty. 
That  the  exercise  of  the  federal  sovereignty  should 
be  divided  among  three  several  bodies,  legislative, 
executive,  &  judiciary,  as  the  state  sovereignties  are  : 
and  that  some  peaceable  means  should  be  contrived 
for  the  federal  head  to  enforce  compliance  on  the  part 
of  the  states. — I  have  reflected  on  your  idea  of  wooden 
or  ivory  diagrams  for  the  geometrical  demonstrations. 
I  should  think  wood  as  good  as  ivory ;  &  that  in  this 
case  it  might  add  to  the  improvement  of  the  young 
gentlemen ;  that  they  should  make  the  figures  them- 
selves. Being  furnished  by  a  workman  with  a  piece 
of  veneer,  no  other  tool  than  a  penknife  &  a  wooden 
rule  would  be  necessary.  Perhaps  pasteboards,  or 
common  cards  might  be  still  more  convenient.  The 


446  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

difficulty  is,  how  to  reconcile  figures  which  must  have 
a  very  sensible  breadth,  to  our  ideas  of  a  mathematical 
line,  which,  having  neither  breadth  nor  thickness, 
will  revolt  more  at  these  than  at  simple  lines  drawn 
on  paper  or  slate.  If  after  reflecting  on  this  proposi- 
tion you  would  prefer  having  them  made  here,  lay 
your  commands  on  me  and  they  shall  be  executed. 

I  return  you  a  thousand  thousand  thanks  for  your 
goodness  to  my  nephew.  After  my  debt  to  you  for 
whatever  I  am  myself,  it  is  increasing  it  too  much  to 
interest  yourself  for  his  future  fortune.  But  I  know 
that,  to  you,  a  consciousness  of  doing  good  is  a  luxury 
ineffable.  You  have  enjoyed  it  already  beyond  all 
human  measure,  and  that  you  may  long  live  to  enjoy 
it  and  to  bless  your  country  &  friends  is  the  sincere 
prayer  of  him  who  is  with  every  possible  sentiment  of 
esteem  &  respect,  dear  Sir,  your  most  obedient  & 
most  humble  servant. 


TO    CHARLES   THOMSON.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  Sep.  20,  1787, 

DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  April  28  did  not  come 
to  my  hands  till  the  ist  inst.  Unfortunately  the  boxes 
of  plants,  which  were  a  day  too  late  to  come  by  the 
April  packet,  missed  the  packet  of  June  10  also,  & 
only  came  by  that  of  July  25.  They  are  not  yet 
arrived  at  Paris,  but  I  expect  them  daily.  I  am 
sensible  of  your  kind  attention  to  them,  and  that  as 
you  were  leaving  New  York  you  took  the  course 
which  bade  fair  to  be  the  best.  That  they  were  for- 
gotten in  the  hands  in  which  you  placed  them,  was 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  447 

probably  owing  to  too  much  business  &  more  im- 
portant. I  have  desired  Mr.  Madison  to  refund  to 
you  the  money  you  were  so  kind  as  to  advance  for  me. 
The  delay  of  your  letter  will  apologize  for  this  delay 
of  the  repayment.  I  thank  you  also  for  the  extract 
of  the  letter  you  were  so  kind  as  to  communicate  to 
me  on  the  antiquities  found  in  the  Western  country. 
I  wish  that  the  persons  who  go  thither  would  make 
very  exact  descriptions  of  what  they  see  of  that  kind, 
without  forming  any  theories.  The  moment  a  per- 
son forms  a  theory  his  imagination  sees  in  every 
object  only  the  traits  which  favor  that  theory.  But 
it  is  too  early  to  form  theories  on  those  antiquities. 
We  must  wait  with  patience  till  more  facts  are  col- 
lected. I  wish  your  philosophical  society  would  col- 
lect exact  descriptions  of  the  several  monuments  as 
yet  known,  and  insert  them  naked  in  their  Transac- 
tions, and  continue  their  attention  to  those  hereafter 
to  be  discovered.  Patience  &  observation  may  enable 
us  in  time  to  solve  the  problem  whether  those  who 
formed  the  scattering  monuments  in  our  Western 
country,  were  colonies  sent  off  from  Mexico,  or  the 
founders  of  Mexico  itself?  Whether  both  were  the 
descendants  or  the  progenitors  of  the  Asiatic  redmen. 
The  Mexican  tradition  mentioned  by  Dr.  Robertson, 
is  an  evidence,  but  a  feeble  one,  in  favor  of  the  one 
opinion.  The  number  of  languages  radically  differ- 
ent, is  a  strong  evidence  in  favor  of  the  contrary  one. 
There  is  an  American  of  the  name  of  Ledyard,  he 
who  was  with  Captain  Cook  on  his  last  voyage  & 
wrote  an  account  of  that  voyage,  who  is  gone  to  St. 


448  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

Petersburg,  from  thence  he  was  to  go  to  Kam- 
schatka,  to  cross  over  thence  to  the  northwest  coast 
of  America,  &  to  penetrate  through  the  main  conti- 
nent to  our  side  of  it.  He  is  a  person  of  ingenuity 
&  information.  Unfortunately  he  has  too  much 
imagination.  However,  if  he  escapes  safely,  he  will 
give  us  new,  curious,  &  useful  information.  I  had  a 
letter  from  him  dated  last  March,  when  he  was  about 
to  leave  St.  Petersburgh  on  his  way  to  Kamschatka. 
With  respect  to  the  information  of  the  strata  of 
rocks,  I  had  observed  them  between  the  Blue  ridge 
&  North  Mountain  in  Virginia  to  be  parallel  with  the 
pole  of  the  earth.  I  observed  the  same  thing  in  most 
instances  in  the  Alps  between  Cette  &  Turin  :  but  in 
returning  along  the  precipices  of  the  Pyrinees1  where 
they  hang  over  the  Mediterranean,  their  direction 
was  totally  different  and  various  ;  and  you  mention 
that  in  our  Western  country  they  are  horizontal. 
This  variety  proves  they  have  not  been  formed  by 
subsidence  as  some  writers  of  theories  of  the  earth 
have  pretended,  for  then  they  should  always  have 
been  in  circular  strata,  &  concentric.  It  proves  too 
that  they  have  not  been  formed  by  the  rotation  of 
the  earth  on  its  axis,  as  might  have  been  suspected 
had  all  these  strata  been  parallel  with  that  axis. 
They  may  indeed  have  been  thrown  up  by  explosions, 
as  Whitehurst  supposes,  or  have  been  the  effect  of 
convulsions.  But  there  can  be  no  proof  of  the  ex- 
plosion, nor  is  it  probable  that  convulsions  have 
deformed  every  spot  of  the  earth.  It  is  now  generally 

1  Jefferson  meant  Apennines. 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  449 

agreed  that  rock  grows,  and  it  seems  that  it  grows  in 
layers  in  every  direction,  as  the  branches  of  trees 
grow  in  all  directions.  Why  seek  further  the  solution 
of  this  phenomenon  ?  Everything  in  nature  decays. 
If  it  were  not  reproduced  then  by  growth,  there 
would  be  a  chasm.  I  remember  you  asked  me  in  a 
former  letter  whether  the  steam  mill  in  London  was 
turned  by  the  steam  immediately  or  by  the  inter- 
mediate agency  of  water  raised  by  the  steam.  When  I 
was  in  London  Boulton  made  a  secret  of  his  mill. 
Therefore  I  was  permitted  to  see  it  only  superficially. 
I  saw  no  water  wheels,  &  therefore  supposed  none.  I 
answered  you  accordingly  that  there  were  none.  But 
when  I  was  at  Nismes,  I  went  to  see  the  steam  mill 
there,  &  they  showed  it  to  me  in  all  its  parts.  I  saw  that 
their  steam  raised  water,  &  that  this  water  turned  a 
wheel.  I  expressed  my  doubts  of  the  necessity  of  the 
inter-agency  of  water,  &  that  the  London  mill  was 
without  it.  But  they  supposed  me  mistaken  ;  perhaps 
I  was  so ;  I  have  had  no  opportunity  since  of  clearing 
up  the  doubt.  *  *  * 


TO  WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL.1  J.MSS. 

PARIS  Sep.  25,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — The  copy  of  your  letter  of  July  9.  and 
that  of  Aug.  22.  came  to  hand  together.  The  origi- 
nal of  the  former  I  never  received.  My  last  to  you 
was  dated  June  14.  I  heard  indirectly  that  Mr. 
Grand  had  refused  to  pay  a  bill  of  yours.  But  he  never 
said  a  word  to  me  on  the  subject,  nor  mentioned  any 

1  Parts  in  italic  are  in  cipher  in  original. 
VOL.  iv. —  29 


450  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

letter  of  yours  in  consequence  of  it.  I  have  stated 
the  matter  to  the  board  of  Treasury.  I  also  wrote  to 
Mr.  Adams  a  state  of  the  same  fact.  There  are  at 
Amsterdam  100.000  florins  at  his  disposal.  Colo. 
Smith  will  endeavor  to  get  for  you  an  order  to  draw 
on  that  fund.  The  subject  of  SmitKs  mission  to 
Portugal  appeared  to  me  so  causeless  as  given  out  that 
I  imagined  it  was  only  the  ostensible  one,  the  real 
cause  remaining  a  secret  between  him  and  Congress, 
yet  I  never  heard  any  other  hinted.  With  respect  to 
the  reimbursement  to  the  Count  d'Expilly  for  the 
maintenance  of  our  prisoners  at  Algiers,  I  wrote  to 
Mr.  Jay  what  you  had  formerly  communicated  to  me, 
but  am  not  authorized  to  give  any  answer.  I  think 
it  important  to  destroy  at  Algiers  every  idea  that 
Congress  will  redeem  our  captives  there,  perhaps  at 
any  price,  much  less  at  that  paid  by  Spain.  It  seems 
to  be  the  general  opinion  that  the  redeeming  them 
would  occasion  the  capture  of  greater  numbers  by  in- 
creasing the  incitements  to  cruise  against  us.  We 
must  never  make  it  their  interest  to  go  out  of  the 
straights  in  quest  of  us,  and  we  must  avoid  entering 
into  the  straights  at  least  till  we  are  rich  enough  to 
arm  in  that  sea.  The  Spanish  consul  therefore  cannot 
too  soon  withdraw  himself  from  all  responsibility  for 
our  prisoners.  As  to  the  affair  of  the  frigate  of  South 
Carolina,  I  communicated  to  you  every  thing  I  knew 
on  the  subject,  by  inclosing  you  all  the  papers  which 
had  come  to  my  hands.  I  have  received  letters  & 
gazettes  from  America  to  the  25.  of  July.  The  fed- 
eral convention  was  likely  to  sit  to  the  month  of 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  451 

October.  A  thin  Congress  was  sitting  at  the  same 
time.  They  had  passed  an  Ordinance  dividing  the 
country  North  of  Ohio  into  three  states,  &  providing 
both  a  present  and  &  future  form  of  government  for 
them.  The  sale  of  their  lands  commence  this  month. 
An  idea  had  got  abroad  in  the  Western  country  that 
Congress  was  ceding  to  Spain  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  for  a  certain  time.  They  had  taken  flame 
at  it,  &  were  assembling  conventions  on  the  subject, 
wherein  the  boldest  &  most  dangerous  propositions 
were  to  be  made.  They  are  said  to  be  now  60.000 
strong,  and  are  more  formidable  from  their  spirit  than 
numbers.  This  is  the  only  bone  of  contention  which 
can  arise  between  Spain  &  us  for  ages.  It  is  a  pity 
it  could  not  be  settled  amicably.  When  we  con- 
sider that  the  Mississippi  is  the  only  issue  to  the 
ocean  for  five  eights  of  the  territory  of  the  U.  S.  & 
how  fast  that  territory  peoples,  the  ultimate  event 
cannot  be  mistaken.  It  would  be  wise  then  to  take 
arrangements  according  to  what  must  happen. 

There  had  been  a  hope  that  the  affairs  of  Holland 
might  be  accomodated  without  a  war.  But  this  hope 
has  failed.  The  Prussian  troops  have  entered  the 
territories  of  the  republick.  The  stadtholder  is  now 
at  the  Hague,  and  there  seems  to  be  no  force  capable 
of  opposing  him.  England  too  has  notified  this  court 
by  her  envoy,  two  days  ago,  that  she  is  arming.  In 
the  meantime  little  provision  has  been  made  here 
against  such  an  event.  M.  de  Segur  declares  that  six 
weeks  ago  he  proposed  in  council  to  march  24,000 
men  into  Holland.  The  archbp.  is  charged  princi- 


452  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

pally  with  having  prevented  this.  He  seems  to  have 
been  duped  by  his  strong  desire  for  peace,  and  by 
calculating  that  the  K.  of  Prussia  would  have  acted 
on  principles  of  common  sense.  To  complicate  the 
game  still  more,  you  know  of  the  war  which  has 
arisen  between  Russia  &  the  Turks.  You  know  also 
that  it  was  excited  there,  as  well  as  at  Berlin  by  the 
English.  Former  alliances  thus  broke,  Prussia  having 
thrown  herself  into  the  scale  opposed  to  France, 
Turkey  having  abandoned  her  councils  and  followed 
the  instigations  of  her  enemies,  what  remains  for 
this  country  to  do  ?  /  know  that  Russia  proposed  a 
confederation  with  this  court,  that  this  court  without 
committing  itself  wished  1481.  941.  I  know  the 
final  determination  of  the  emperor  was  that  he  came 
into  the  proposition,  has  formed  a  line  from  the 
Russian  to  the  Turkish  confines  by  4.  camps  of 
30,000  men  in  one,  &  50,000  in  each  of  the 
others.  Yet  it  does  not  seem  that  France  has  closed 
the  proposal  in  favor  of  which  every  principle  of 
common  sense  enlists  itself.  The  qiieen,  Breteuil 
and  Montmorin  have  been  for  some  time  decidedly 
for  this  triple  alliance  which  especially  if  aided  by 
Spain  would  give  law  to  the  world.  The  premier 
is  still  accused  with  hesitation.  They  begin  to  say 
that  thtt  he  is  a  patriotic  Minister  and  an  able  one 
for  peace  he  has  not  energy  enough  for  war.  If 
this  takes  place  the  consequences  to  Prussia  and 
the  Stadtholder  may  be  easily  foreseen.  Whether 
it  does  or  not  the  Turks  must  quit  Europe.  Neu- 
trality should  be  our  plan  :  because  no  nation  should 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  453 

without  urgent  necessity  begin  a  second  war  while 
the  debts  of  the  former  remain  unpaid.  The  accu- 
mulation of  debts  is  a  most  fearful  evil.  But  ever 
since  the  accession  of  the  present  King  of  England, 
that  court  has  unerringly  done  what  common  sense 
would  have  dictated  not  to  do.  Now  common  sense 
dictates  that  they  should  avoid  forcing  us  to  take 
part  against  them,  because  this  brings  on  them  a 
heavy  land  war.  Therefore  they  will  not  avoid  it : 
they  will  stop  our  ships,  visit  and  harrass  them,  seize 
them  on  the  most  frivolous  pretexts  and  oblige  us  to 
take  from  them  Canada  &  Nova  Scotia,  which  it  is 
not  our  interest  to  possess.  Mr.  Eden  sets  out  in  a 
few  days  for  Madrid.  You  will  have  to  oppose  in 
him  the  most  bitter  enemy  against  our  country 
which  exists.  His  late  and  sudden  elevation  makes 
the  remembrance  of  the  contempt  we  shewed 
to  his  mission  in  America  rankle  the  more  in  his 
breast.  Whether  his  principles  will  restrain  him  to 
fair  modes  of  opposition,  I  am  not  well  enough 
acquainted  with  him  to  say.  I  know  nothing  of  him 
but  his  parliamentary  history,  and  that  is  not  in  his 
favor.  As  he  wishes  us  every  possible  ill,  all  the  lies 
of  the  London  papers  are  true  history  in  his  creed, 
and  will  be  propagated  as  such,  to  prejudice  against 
us  the  mind  of  the  Court  where  you  are.  You  will 
find  it  necessary  to  keep  him  well  in  your  eye,  and 
to  trace  all  his  foot-steps. — You  know  doubtless  that 
M.  de  Brienne  has  been  appointed  Minister  of  War, 
&  the  Count  de  la  Luzerne  Minister  of  Marine.  He 
is  brother  of  the  Chevalier,  &  at  present  in  St.  Do- 


454  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

mingo  of  which  he  is  commandant.  The  Count  de 
Moustier  goes  Minister  to  America,  the  Chevalier 
de  la  Luzerne  preferring  the  promise  of  the  first 
vacant  embassy.  Lambert  is  Comptrolleur  general. 
De  la  Borde  &  Cabarus  have  successively  refuse  dthe 
office  of  Directeur  du  tresor  royale. — Having  now 
got  the  maps  for  the  Notes  on  Virginia,  I  will  send 
by  the  Count  d'Aranda  two  copies,  one  for  yourself, 
&  one  for  Monsr-  de  Campomenes.  By  the  same 
conveyance  I  will  forward  the  Ratification  of  the 
treaty  with  Morocco,  &  ask  the  favor  of  you  to  con- 
trive it  to  that  court.  Mr.  Barclay  is  gone  to 
America. 


TO   JOHN    ADAMS.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  Sep.  28,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  by  Mr.  Cutting, 
and  thank  you  sincerely  for  the  copy  of  your  book. 
The  departure  of  a  packet  boat,  which  always  gives 
me  full  emploiment  for  sometime  before  has  only 
permitted  me  to  look  into  it  a  little.  I  judge  of  it 
from  the  first  volume  which  I  thought  formed  to  do 
a  great  deal  of  good.  The  first  principle  of  a  good 
government  is  certainly  a  distribution  of  it's  powers 
into  executive,  judiciary  &  legislative  and  a  subdivi- 
sion of  the  latter  into  two  or  three  branches.  It  is  a 
good  step  gained,  when  it  is  proved  that  the  English 
constitution,  acknowledged  to  be  better  than  all 
which  have  preceded  it,  is  only  better  in  proportion 
as  it  has  approached  nearer  to  this  distribution  of 
powers.  From  this  the  last  step  is  easy,  to  shew  by 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  455 

a  comparison  of  our  constitutions  with  that  of  Eng- 
land, how  much  more  perfect  they  are.  The  article 
of  Confederations  is  surely  worthy  of  your  pen.  It 
would  form  a  most  interesting  addition  to  shew  what 
have  been  the  nature  of  the  Confederations  whicll 
have  existed  hitherto,  what  were  their  excellencies  & 
what  their  defects.  A  comparison  of  ours  with  them 
would  be  to  the  advantage  of  ours,  and  would  increase 
the  veneration  of  our  countrymen  for  it.  It  is  a  mis- 
fortune that  they  do  not  sufficiently  know  the  value 
of  their  constitutions  &  how  much  happier  they  are 
rendered  by  them  than  any  other  people  on  earth  by 
the  governments  under  which  they  live. — You  know 
all  that  has  happened  in  the  United  Netherlands. 
You  know  also  that  our  friends  Van  Staphorsts  will 
be  among  the  most  likely  to  become  objects  of  sever- 
ity, if  any  severities  should  be  exercised.  Is  the 
money  in  their  hands  entirely  safe?  If  it  is  not,  I 
am  sure  you  have  already  thought  of  it.  Are  we  to 
suppose  the  game  already  up,  and  that  the  Stadt- 
holder  is  to  be  reestablished,  perhaps  erected  into  a 
monarch,  without  this  country  lifting  a  finger  in  oppo- 
sition to  it?  If  so,  it  is  a  lesson  the  more  for  us.  In 
fact  what  a  crowd  of  lessons  do  the  present  miseries 
of  Holland  teach  us?  Never  to  have  an  hereditary 
officer  of  any  sort :  never  to  let  a  citizen  ally  himself 
with  kings :  never  to  call  in  foreign  nations  to  settle 
domestic  differences,  never  to  suppose  that  any  nation 
will  expose  itself  to  war  for  us,  &c.  Still  I  am  not 
without  hopes  that  a  good  rod  is  in  soak  for  Prussia, 
and  that  England  will  feel  the  end  of  it.  It  is  known 


456  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

to  some  that  Russia  made  propositions  to  the  em- 
peror &  France  for  acting  in  concert,  that  the  em- 
peror consents  and  has  disposed  four  camps  of 
180,000  men  from  the  limits  of  Turkey  to  those  of 
Prussia.  This  court  hesitates,  or  rather  it's  premier 
hesitates ;  for  the  queen,  Montmorin  &  Breteuil  are 
for  the  measure.  Should  it  take  place,  all  may  yet 
come  to  rights,  except  for  the  Turks,  who  must  retire 
from  Europe,  and  this  they  must  do  were  France 
Quixotic  enough  to  undertake  to  support  them.  We 
I  hope  shall  be  left  free  to  avail  ourselves  of  the  ad- 
vantages of  neutrality  :  and  yet  much  I  fear  the  Eng- 
lish, or  rather  their  stupid  king,  will  force  us  out  of 
it.  For  thus  I  reason.  By  forcing  us  into  the  war 
against  them  they  will  be  engaged  in  an  expensive 
land  war  as  well  as  a  sea  war.  Common  sense  dic- 
tates therefore  that  they  should  let  us  remain  neuter  : 
ergo  they  will  not  let  us  remain  neuter.  I  never  yet 
found  any  other  general  rule  for  foretelling  what  they 
will  do,  but  that  of  examining  what  they  ought  not 
to  do. 

You  will  have  heard  doubtless  that  M.  Lambert  is 
Comptroller  general,  that  the  office  of  Directeur  gen- 
eral du  tresor  royal,  has  been  successively  refused  by 
Mons^  de  la  Borde  &  Monsr  Cabarrus ;  that  the 
Conte  de  Brienne,  brother  of  the  Archbishop,  is 
Minister  of  War,  and  the  Count  de  la  Luzerne  Minis- 
ter of  Marine.  They  have  sent  for  him  from  his 
government  in  the  West  Indies.  The  Chevalier  de 
la  Luzerne  has  a  promise  of  the  vacant  Embassy.  It 
will  be  that  of  London  if  Adhemar  can  be  otherwise 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  457 

disposed  of.  The  Chevalier  might  have  had  that  of 
Holland  if  he  would.  The  Count  de  Moustier  will 
sail  about  the  middle  of  next  month.  Count  d'Aranda 
leaves  us  in  a  few  days.  His  successor  is  hourly  ex- 
pected. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  my  best  respects  to 
Mrs.  Adams,  &  sentiments  of  perfect  esteem  &  re- 
gard to  yourself  dear  Sir  your  most  obedient  &  most 
humble  servant. 

P.  S.  Since  writing  the  above,  I  learn  thro  a  1547. 
1406.  610.  943.  708.  mi.  173.  1363.  1411.  1001. 
1246.  &  is  1250.  501.  1418.  1339.  with  the  390.  758. 
808.  830.  Perhaps  as  a  proof  of  this  we  may  soon 
1064.  520.  1506.  773.  1363.  1508.  1268.  1209.  1017. 
1128.  1196.  70.  519.  1401. 


TO   COMTE    DE    BUFFON.  J.  MSS. 

PARIS  Octob.  i,  1787. 

SIR, — I  had  the  honour  of  informing  you  some  time 
ago  that  I  had  written  to  some  of  my  friends  in 
America,  desiring  they  would  send  me  such  of  the 
spoils  of  the  Moose,  Caribou,  Elk  &  deer  as  might 
throw  light  on  that  class  of  animals  ;  but  more  par- 
ticularly to  send  me  the  complete  skeleton,  skin,  & 
horns  of  the  Moose,  in  such  condition  as  that  the 
skin  might  be  sewed  up  &  stuffed  on  it's  arrival  here. 
I  am  happy  to  be  able  to  present  to  you  at  this 
moment  the  bones  &  skin  of  a  Moose,  the  horns  of 
the  Caribou,  the  elk,  the  deer,  the  spiked  horned 
buck,  &  the  Roebuck  of  America.  They  all  come 


458  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

from  New  Hampshire  &  Massachusetts.  I  give  you 
their  popular  names,  as  it  rests  with  yourself  to  decide 
their  real  names.  The  skin  of  the  Moose  was  drest 
with  the  hair  on,  but  a  great  deal  of  it  has  come  off, 
and  the  rest  is  ready  to  drop  off.  The  horns  of  the 
elk  are  remarkably  small.  I  have  certainly  seen  of 
them  which  would  have  weighed  five  or  six  times  as 
much.  This  is  the  animal  which  we  call  elk  in  the 
Southern  parts  of  America,  and  of  which  I  have  given 
some  description  in  the  Notes  on  Virginia,  of  which 
I  had  the  honour  of  presenting  you  a  copy.  I  really 
doubt  whether  the  flat-horned  elk  exists  in  America  ; 
and  I  think  this  may  be  properly  classed  with  the  elk, 
the  principal  difference  being  in  the  horns.  I  have 
seen  the  Daim,  the  Cerf,  the  Chevreuil  of  Europe. 
But  the  animal  we  call  Elk,  and  which  may  be  dis- 
tinguished as  the  Round-horned  elk,  is  very  different 
from  them.  I  have  never  seen  the  Brand-hirtz  or 
Cerf  d'Ardennes,  nor  the  European  elk.  Could  I  get 
a  sight  of  them  I  think  I  should  be  able  to  say  to 
which  of  them  the  American  elk  resembles  most,  as 
I  am  tolerably  well  acquainted  with  that  animal.  I 
must  observe  also  that  the  horns  of  the  Deer,  which 
accompany  these  spoils,  are  not  of  the  fifth  or  sixth 
part  of  the  weight  of  some  that  I  have  seen.  This 
individual  has  been  of  age,  according  to  our  method 
of  judging.  I  have  taken  measures  particularly  to  be 
furnished  with  large  horns  of  our  elk  &  our  deer,  & 
therefore  beg  of  you  not  to  consider  those  now  sent 
as  furnishing  a  specimen  of  their  ordinary  size.  I 
really  suspect  you  will  find  that  the  Moose,  the 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  459 

Round  horned  elk,  &  the  American  deer  are  species 
not  existing  in  Europe.  The  Moose  is  perhaps  of  a 
new  class.  I  wish  these  spoils,  Sir,  may  have  the 
merit  of  adding  anything  new  to  the  treasures  of 
nature  which  have  so  fortunately  come  under  your 
observation,  &  of  which  she  seems  to  have  given  you 
the  key :  they  will  in  that  case  be  some  gratification 
to  you,  which  it  will  always  be  pleasing  to  me  to 
have  procured,  having  the  honor  to  be  with  senti- 
ments of  the  most  perfect  esteem  &  respect,  Sir,  your 
most  obedient,  &  most  humble  servant. 


TO    THE   GOVERNOR   OF    SOUTH    CAROLINA. 

(JOHN  RUTLEDGE).  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  Oct.  4,  1787. 

SIR, — I  am  informed  that  the  persons  having  claims 
against  the  state  of  South  Carolina  on  account  of  the 
frigate  of  the  same  name,  have  appointed  Mr.  Cut- 
ting their  attorney  for  settling  those  claims  with  the 
state.  It  becomes  my  duty  therefore  to  inform  you 
that  a  claim  of  the  state  against  the  court  of  Spain 
for  services  performed  by  that  frigate  was  transmitted 
to  me  the  last  spring  by  Mr.  Jay,  together  with  the 
papers  on  which  it  was  founded,  &  that  I  was  in- 
structed to  forward  the  same  to  Mr.  Carmichael  at 
Madrid  to  be  sollicited  by  him,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  confer  with  the  Prince  of  Luxemburg  on  the 
subject  &  engage  the  assistance  of  the  French  am- 
bassador at  Madrid  in  the  sollicitation.  All  this  was 
done,  and  I  have  lately  received  a  letter  from  Mr. 


460  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

Carmichael  inclosing  the  copy  of  one  from  the  Count 
de  Florida  Blanca  by  which  it  appears  that  the  court 
of  Spain  has  referred  the  adjustment  of  your  claim  to 
Mr.  Gardoqui  &  your  delegates  at  New  York,  where 
perhaps  the  whole  business  maybe  most  conveniently 
settled.  In  my  conference  with  the  Prince  of  Lux- 
emburg I  undertook  to  quiet  his  mind  by  assurances 
which  I  knew  I  might  make  with  truth,  that  the  state 
of  South  Carolina  would  settle  his  claim  finally  with 
justice  &  honor,  &  would  take  measures  for  paying 
it  as  soon  as  their  situation  would  permit.  A  recent 
instance  of  arrangements  taken  in  a  like  case  by  the 
state  of  Maryland  has  had  a  good  effect  in  counter- 
acting those  calumnies  against  us  which  our  enemies 
on  the  other  side  the  channel  disseminate  indus- 
triously through  all  Europe. 


TO  JAMES  MADISON.1  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  Oct.  8,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — The  bearer  hereof  the  Count  de 
Moustier,  successor  to  Monsr  de  la  Luzerne,  would 
from  his  office  need  no  letter  of  introduction  to  you 
or  to  anybody.  Yet  I  take  the  liberty  of  recom- 
mending him  to  you  to  shorten  those  formal  ap- 
proaches which  the  same  office  would  otherwise 
expose  him  to  in  making  your  acquaintance.  He  is 
a  great  enemy  to  formality,  etiquette,  ostentation  & 
luxury.  He  goes  with  the  best  dispositions  to  culti- 
vate society  without  poisoning  it  by  ill  example.  He 

1  Parts  in  italic  are  in  cipher  in  original. 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  461 

is  sensible,  disposed  to  view  things  favorably,  & 
being  well  acquainted  with  the  constitution  of  Eng- 
land, it's  manners  &  language,  is  the  better  prepared 
for  his  station  with  us.  But  I  should  have  performed 
only  the  lesser,  &  least  pleasing  half  of  my  task,  were 
I  not  to  add  my  recommendations  of  Madame  de  Bre- 
han.  She  is  goodness  itself.  You  must  be  well  ac- 
quainted with  her.  You  will  find  her  well  disposed  to 
meet  your  acquaintance  &  well  worthy  of  it.  The  way 
to  please  her  is  to  receive  her  as  an  acquaintance  of  a 
thousand  years'  standing.  She  speaks  little  English. 
You  must  teach  her  more,  and  learn  French  from  her. 
She  hopes  by  accompanying  Monsieur  de  Moustier 
to  improve  her  health  which  is  very  feeble,  &  still 
more  to  improve  her  son  in  his  education  &  to  re- 
move him  to  a  distance  from  the  seductions  of  this 
country.  You  will  wonder  to  be  told  that  there  are 
no  schools  in  this  country  to  be  compared  to  ours,  in 
the  sciences.  The  husband  of  Madame  de  Brehan 
is  an  officer,  &  obliged  by  the  times  to  remain  with 
the  army.  Monsieur  de  Moustier  brings  your  watch. 
I  have  worn  it  two  months  and  really  find  her  a  most 
incomparable  one.  She  will  not  want  the  little  re- 
dressing which  new  watches  generally  do  after  going 
about  a  year.  She  costs  600  livres.  To  open  her  in 
all  her  parts,  press  the  little  pin  on  the  edge,  with 
the  point  of  your  nail,  that  opens  the  chrystel,  then 
open  the  dial  plate  in  the  usual  way,  then  press  the 
stem,  at  the  end  within  the  loop,  &  it  opens  the  back 
for  winding  up  or  regulating. 

De  Moustier  is  remarkably  communicative.      With 


462  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

adroitness  he  may  be  pumped  of  anything.  His  open- 
ness is  from  character,  not  from  affectation.  An  inti- 
macy with  him  may,  on  this  account  be  politically  valu- 
able. 


TO  JOHN  JAY.  j.  MSS. 

PARIS  Nov  3,  1787. 

SIR, — I  shall  take  the  liberty  of  confiding  some- 
times to  a  private  letter  such  details  of  the  small 
history  of  the  court  or  cabinet  as  may  be  worthy  of 
being  known,  and  yet  not  proper  to  be  publicly  com- 
municated. I  doubt  whether  the  administration  is 
yet  in  a  permanent  form.  The  Count  de  Montmorin 
&  Baron  de  Breteuil  are  I  believe  firm  enough  in 
their  places.  It  was  doubted  whether  they  would 
wait  for  the  count  de  la  Lucerne,  if  the  war  had  taken 
place  ;  but  at  present  I  suppose  they  will.  I  wish  it 
also  ;  because  M.  de  Hector,  his  only  competitor, 
has  on  some  occasions  shewn  little  value  for  the  con- 
nection with  us.  Lambert,  the  Comptroller  general 
is  thought  to  be  very  insecure.  I  should  be  sorry 
also  to  lose  him.  I  have  worked  several  days  with 
him,  the  M.  de  la  Fayette,  and  Monsr.  du  Pont 
(father  of  the  young  gentleman  gone  to  America 
with  the  Count  de  Moustier)  to  reduce  into  one 
arret  whatever  concerned  our  commerce.  I  have 
found  him  a  man  of  great  judgment  &  application, 
possessing  good  general  principles  on  subjects  of  com- 
merce, &  friendly  dispositions  towards  us.  He  passed 
the  arret  in  a  very  favorable  form,  but  it  has  been 
opposed  in  the  council,  &  will  I  fear  suffer  some 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  463 

alteration  in  the  article  of  whale  oil.  That  of  tobacco, 
which  was  put  into  a  separate  instrument,  experiences 
difficulties  also,  which  do  not  come  from  him.  Mr. 
du  Pont  has  rendered  us  essential  service  on  these 
occasions.  I  wish  his  son  could  be  so  well  noticed  as 
to  make  a  favorable  report  to  his  father ;  he  would  I 
think  be  gratified  by  it,  &  his  good  dispositions  be 
strengthened,  &  rendered  further  useful  to  us. 
Whether  I  shall  be  able  to  send  you  these  regula- 
tions by  the  present  packet,  will  depend  on  their 
getting  thro'  the  council  in  time.  The  Archbishop 
continues  well  with  his  patroness.  Her  object  is,  a 
close  connection  with  her  brother.  I  suppose  he 
convinces  her  that  peace  will  furnish  the  best  occa- 
sions of  cementing  that  connection.  It  may  not  be 
uninstructive  to  give  you  the  origin  &  nature  of  his 
influence  with  the  queen. — When  the  D.  de  Choiseul 
proposed  the  marriage  of  the  dauphin  with  this  lady, 
he  thought  it  proper  to  send  a  person  to  Vienna  to 
perfect  her  in  the  language.  He  asked  his  friend  the 
Archbishop  of  Toulouse  to  recommend  to  him  a 
proper  person.  He  recommended  a  certain  Abbe. 
The  Abbe,  from  his  first  arrival  at  Vienna,  either 
tutored  by  his  patron,  or  prompted  by  gratitude,  im- 
pressed on  the  queen's  mind  the  exalted  talents  and 
merit  of  the  Archbishop,  and  continually  represented 
him  as  the  only  man  fit  to  be  placed  at  the  helm  of 
affairs.  On  his  return  to  Paris,  being  retained  near 
the  person  of  the  queen,  he  kept  him  constantly  in 
her  view.  The  Archbishop  was  named  of  the  assembly 
des  notables,  had  occasion  enough  there  to  prove  his 


464  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

talents,  &  count  de  Vergennes  his  great  enemy,  dying 
opportunely,  the  Queen  got  him  into  place.  He  uses 
the  abbe  even  yet,  for  instilling  all  his  notions  into 
her  mind.  That  he  has  imposing  talents,  and  pa- 
triotic dispositions  I  think  is  certain.  Good  judges 
think  him  a  theorist  only,  little  acquainted  with 
the  details  of  business  &  spoiling  all  his  plans 
by  a  bungled  execution.  He  may  perhaps  undergo 
a  severe  trial.  His  best  actions  are  exciting  against 
him  a  host  of  enemies,  particularly  the  reduction  of 
the  pensions  &  reforms  in  other  branches  of  economy. 
Some  think  the  other  ministers  are  willing  he  should 
stay  in  till  he  has  effected  this  odious,  yet  necessary 
work,  &  that  they  will  then  make  him  the  scape-goat 
of  the  transaction.  The  declarations  too  which  I 
send  you  in  my  public  letter,  if  they  should  become 
public,  will  probably  raise  an  universal  cry.  It  will 
all  fall  on  him,  because  Montmorin  &  Breteuil  say 
without  reserve,  that  the  sacrifice  of  the  Dutch  has 
been  against  their  advice.  He  will  perhaps  not  per- 
mit these  declarations  to  appear  in  this  country. 
They  are  absolutely  unknown,  they  were  communi- 
cated to  me  by  the  D.  of  Dorset,  and  I  believe  no 
other  copy  has  been  given  here.  They  will  be  pub- 
lished, doubtless,  in  England,  as  a  proof  of  their 
triumph,  &  may  thence  make  their  way  into  this 
country.  If  the  premier  can  stem  a  few  months,  he 
may  remain  long  in  office  &  will  never  make  war  if 
he  can  help  it.  If  he  should  be  removed,  the  peace 
will  probably  be  short.  He  is  solely  chargeable  with 
the  loss  of  Holland.  True  they  could  not  have 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  465 

raised  money  by  taxes  to  supply  the  necessities  of 
war ;  but  could  they  do  it  were  their  finances  ever  so 
well  arranged  ?  No  nation  makes  war  now-a-days 
but  by  the  aid  of  loans  :  and  it  is  probable  that  in  a 
war  for  the  liberties  of  Holland,  all  the  treasures  of 
that  country  would  have  been  at  their  service.  They 
have  now  lost  the  cow  which  furnishes  the  milk  of 
war.  She  will  be  on  the  side  of  their  enemies,  when- 
ever a  rupture  shall  take  place:  &  no  arrangement 
of  their  finances  can  countervail  this  circumstance. 

I  have  no  doubt,  you  permit  access  to  the  letters 
of  your  foreign  ministers  by  persons  only  of  the  most 
perfect  trust.  It  is  in  the  European  system  to  bribe 
the  clerks  high  in  order  to  obtain  copies  of  interest- 
ing papers. — I  am  sure  you  are  equally  attentive  to 
the  conveyance  of  your  letters  to  us,  as  you  know 
that  all  are  opened  that  pass  thro'  any  post  office  of 
Europe.  Your  letters  which  come  by  the  packet,  if 
put  into  the  mail  at  New  York,  or  into  the  post  office 
at  Havre,  wear  proofs  that  they  have  been  opened. 
The  passenger  to  whom  they  are  confided,  should  be 
cautioned  always  to  keep  them  in  his  own  hands  till 
he  can  deliver  them  personally  in  Paris. 


TO  WILLIAM  STEPHENS  SMITH.  J.MSS. 

PARIS.  Nov  13,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  am  now  to  acknoledge  the  receipt  of 
your  favors  of  October  the  4th,  8th,  &  26th.  In  the 
last  you  apologise  for  your  letters  of  introduction  to 
Americans  coming  here.  It  is  so  far  from  needing 

VOL.  iv.— 30 


466  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

apology  on  your  part,  that  it  calls  for  thanks  on  mine. 
I  endeavor  to  shew  civilities  to  all  the  Americans  who 
come  here,  &  will  give  me  opportunities  of  doing  it  : 
and  it  is  a  matter  of  comfort  to  know  from  a  good 
quarter  what  they  are,  &  how  far  I  may  go  in  my  at- 
tentions to  them.  Can  you  send  me  Woodmason's 
bills  for  the  two  copying  presses  for  th$  M.  de  la 
Fayette,  &  the  M.  de  Chastellux  ?  The  latter  makes 
one  article  in  a  considerable  account,  of  old  standing, 
and  which  I  cannot  present  for  want  of  this  article. — 
I  do  not  know  whether  it  is  to  yourself  or  Mr.  Adams 
I  am  to  give  my  thanks  for  the  copy  of  the  new  con- 
stitution. I  beg  leave  through  you  to  place  them 
where  due.  It  will  be  yet  three  weeks  before  I  shall 
receive  them  from  America.  There  are  very  good 
articles  in  it :  &  very  bad.  I  do  not  know  which  pre- 
ponderate. What  we  have  lately  read  in  the  history 
of  Holland,  in  the  chapter  on  the  Stadtholder,  would 
have  sufficed  to  set  me  against  a  chief  magistrate 
eligible  for  a  long  duration,  if  I  had  ever  been  dis- 
posed towards  one  :  &  what  we  have  always  read  of 
the  elections  of  Polish  kings  should  have  forever  ex- 
cluded the  idea  of  one  continuable  for  life.  Wonder- 
ful is  the  effect  of  impudent  &  persevering  lying.  The 
British  ministry  have  so  long  hired  their  gazetteers 
to  repeat  and  model  into  every  form  lies  about  our 
being  in  anarchy,  that  the  world  has  at  length  be- 
lieved them,  the  English  nation  has  believed  them, 
the  ministers  themselves  have  come  to  believe  them, 
&  what  is  more  wonderful,  we  have  believed  them 
ourselves.  Yet  where  does  this  anarchy  exist  ?  Where 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  467 

did  it  ever  exist,  except  in  the  single  instance  of 
Massachusetts  ?  And  can  history  produce  an  instance 
of  rebellion  so  honourably  conducted  ?  I  say  nothing 
of  it's  motives.  They  were  founded  in  ignorance, 
not  wickedness.  God  forbid  we  should  ever  be  20 
years  without  such  a  rebellion.  The  people  cannot 
be  all,  &  always,  well  informed.  The  part  which  is 
wrong  will  be  discontented  in  proportion  to  the  im- 
portance of  the  facts  they  misconceive.  If  they  re- 
main quiet  under  such  misconceptions  it  is  a  lethargy, 
the  forerunner  of  death  to  the  public  liberty.  We 
have  had  13.  states  independent  n.  years.  There 
has  been  one  rebellion.  That  comes  to  one  rebellion 
in  a  century  &  a  half  for  each  state.  What  country 
before  ever  existed  a  century  &  half  without  a  rebel- 
lion ?  &  what  country  can  preserve  it's  liberties  if 
their  rulers  are  not  warned  from  time  to  time  that 
their  people  preserve  the  spirit  of  resistance  ?  Let 
them  take  arms.  The  remedy  is  to  set  them  right  as 
to  facts,  pardon  &  pacify  them.  What  signify  a  few 
lives  lost  in  a  century  or  two  ?  The  tree  of  liberty 
must  be  refreshed  from  time  to  time  with  the  blood 
of  patriots  &  tyrants.  It  is  it's  natural  manure.  Our 
Convention  has  been  too  much  impressed  by  the  in- 
surrection of  Massachusetts  :  and  in  the  spur  of  the 
moment  they  are  setting  up  a  kite  to  keep  the  hen- 
yard  in  order.  I  hope  in  God  this  article  will  be 
rectified  before  the  new  constitution  is  accepted. — 
You  ask  me  if  any  thing  transpires  here  on  the  sub- 
ject of  S.  America  ?  Not  a  word.  I  know  that  there 
are  combustible  materials  there,  and  that  they  wait 


468  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

the  torch  only.  But  this  country  probably  will  join 
the  extinguishers. — The  want  of  facts  worth  com- 
municating to  you  has  occasioned  me  to  give  a  little 
loose  to  dissertation.  We  must  be  contented  to 
amuse,  when  we  cannot  inform. 


TO    WILLIAM    CARMICHAEL.  j.MSS. 

PARIS  Dec.  15,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  am  later  in  acknoledging  the  receipt 
of  your  favors  of  Oct.  15,  Nov.  5  &  1  5,  because  we  have 
been  long  expecting  a  packet  which  I  hoped  would 
bring  communications  worth  detailing  to  you,  and 
she  arrived  only  a  few  days  ago,  after  a  very  long 
passage  indeed.  I  am  very  sorry  you  have  not  been 
able  to  make  out  the  cypher  of  my  letter  of  Sept.  25, 
because  it  contained  things  which  I  wished  you  to 
know  at  that  time.  They  have  lost  now  a  part  of 
their  merit  ;  but  still  I  wish  you  could  decypher 
them,  there  remains  a  part  which  it  might  still  be 
agreeable  to  you  to  understand.  I  have  examined 
the  cypher,  from  which  it  was  written.  It  is  precisely 
a  copy  of  those  given  to  Messieurs  Barclay  &  Lamb. 
In  order  that  you  may  examine  whether  yours  corre- 
sponds I  will  now  translate  into  cypher  the  three  first 
lines  of  my  letter  of  June  14. 


1420.  1250.  1194.  1307.  1531.  458.  48.  1200.  134.  1140.  1469.  519.  563. 
1057.  1201.  Ilgg.  1531.  1571.  1040.  870.  423.  1001.  855.  521.  1173.  917.  1559. 

505.  1196.  51.  1152.  698.  141.  1569.  996.  861.  804.  1337.  1199. 

This  will  serve  to  show  whether  your  cypher  cor- 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  469 

responds  with  mine,  as  well  as  my  manner  of  using  it. 
But  I  shall  not  use  it  in  future  till  I  know  from  you 
the  result  of  your  re-examination  of  it.  I  have  the 
honor  now  to  return  you  the  letter  you  had  been  so 
good  as  to  enclose  to  me.  About  the  same  time  of 
Liston's  conversation  with  you,  similar  ones  were 
held  with  me  by  Mr.  Eden.  He  particularly  ques- 
tioned me  on  the  effect  of  our  treaty  with  France  in  the 
case  of  a  war,  and  what  might  be  our  dispositions.  I 
told  him  without  hesitation  that  our  treaty  obliged  us 
to  receive  the  armed  vessels  of  France  with  their  prizes 
into  our  ports,  &  to  refuse  admission  to  the  prizes 
made  on  her  by  her  enemies :  that  there  was  a  clause 
by  which  we  guaranteed  to  France  her  American 
possessions,  and  which  might  perhaps  force  us  into 
the  war  if  these  were  attacked.  "  And  it  is  certain, 
said  he,  that  they  would  have  been  attacked."  I 
added  that  our  dispositions  would  have  been  to  be 
neutral,  &  that  I  thought  it  the  interest  of  both  those 
powers  that  we  should  be  so,  because  it  would  relieve 
both  from  all  anxiety  as  to  the  feeding  their  West 
Indian  islands,  and  England  would  moreover  avoid  a 
heavy  land  war  on  our  continent  which  would  cripple 
all  her  proceedings  elsewhere.  He  expected  these 
sentiments  from  me  personally,  and  he  knew  them  to 
be  analogous  to  those  of  our  country.  We  had  often 
before  had  occasions  of  knowing  each  other :  his 
peculiar  bitterness  towards  us  had  sufficiently  ap- 
peared, &  I  had  never  concealed  from  him  that  I 
considered  the  British  as  our  natural  enemies,  and  as 
the  only  nation  on  earth  who  wished  us  ill  from  the 


470  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

bottom  of  their  souls.  And  I  am  satisfied  that  were 
our  continent  to  be  swallowed  up  by  the  ocean,  Great 
Britain  would  be  in  a  bonfire  from  one  end  to  the 
other.  Mr.  Adams,  as  you  know,  has  asked  his 
recall.  This  has  been  granted,  &  Colonel  Smith  is 
to  return  too  ;  Congress  having  determined  to  put 
an  end  to  their  commission  at  that  court.  I  suspect, 
and  hope  they  will  make  no  new  appointment. 

Our  new  constitution  is  powerfully  attacked  in  the 
American  newspapers.  The  objections  are,  that  its 
effect  would  be  to  form  the  13  states  into  one  :  that 
proposing  to  melt  all  down  into  one  general  govern- 
ment they  have  fenced  the  people  by  no  declaration 
of  right,  they  have  not  renounced  the  power  of  keep- 
ing a  standing  army,  they  have  not  secured  the  liberty 
of  the  press,  they  have  reserved  a  power  of  abolishing 
trials  by  jury  in  civil  cases,  they  have  proposed  that 
the  laws  of  the  federal  legislature  shall  be  paramount 
the  laws  &  constitutions  of  the  states,  they  have 
abandoned  rotation  in  office  ;  &  particularly  their 
president  may  be  re-elected  from  4.  years  to  4  years 
for  life,  so  as  to  render  him  a  king  for  life,  like  a 
King  of  Poland,  &  have  not  given  him  either  the 
check  or  aid  of  a  council.  To  these  they  add  calcu- 
lations of  expense  &c.  &c.  to  frighten  people.  You 
will  perceive  that  these  objections  are  serious,  and 
some  of  them  not  without  foundation.  The  constitu- 
tion however  has  been  received  with  a  very  general 
enthusiasm,  and  as  far  as  can  be  judged  from  external 
demonstrations  the  bulk  of  the  people  are  eager  to 
adopt  it.  In  the  eastern  states  the  printers  will  print 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  471 

nothing  against  it  unless  the  writer  subscribes  his 
name.  Massachusetts  &  Connecticut  have  called 
conventions  in  January  to  consider  of  it.  In  New 
York  there  is  a  division.  The  Governor  (Clinton) 
is  known  to  be  hostile  to  it.  Jersey  it  is  thought  will 
certainly  accept  it.  Pennsylvania  is  divided,  &  all 
the  bitterness  of  her  factions  has  been  kindled  anew 
on  it.  But  the  party  in  favor  of  it  is  strongest  both  in 
&  out  of  the  legislature.  This  is  the  party  antiently 
of  Morris,  Wilson  &c.  Delaware  will  do  what  Penn- 
sylvania shall  do.  Maryland  is  thought  favorable  to 
it :  yet  it  is  supposed  Chase  &  Paca  will  oppose  it. 
As  to  Virginia  two  of  her  delegates  in  the  first 
place  refused  to  sign  it.  These  were  Randolph,  the 
governor,  &  George  Mason.  Besides  these,  Henry, 
Harrison,  Nelson,  &  the  Lees  are  against  it.  Genl. 
Washington  will  be  for  it,  but  it  is  not  in  his  charac- 
ter to  exert  himself  much  in  the  case.  Madison  will 
be  it's  main  pillar;  but  tho  an  immensely  popular 
one,  it  is  questionable  whether  he  can  bear  the 
weight  of  such  a  host.  So  that  the  presumption  is 
that  Virginia  will  reject  it.  We  know  nothing  of  the 
disposition  of  the  states  South  of  this.  Should  it  fall 
thro',  as  is  possible  notwithstanding  the  enthusiasm 
with  which  it  was  received  in  the  first  moment,  it  is 
probable  that  Congress  will  propose  that  the  objec- 
tions which  the  people  shall  make  to  it  being  once 
known,  another  Convention  shall  be  assembled  to 
adopt  the  improvements  generally  acceptable,  &  omit 
those  found  disagreeable.  In  this  way  union  may  be 
produced  under  a  happy  constitution,  and  one  which 


472  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

shall  not  be  too  energetic,  as  are  the  constitutions  of 
Europe.  I  give  you  these  details,  because  possibly 
you  may  not  have  received  them  all.  The  sale  of 
our  Western  lands  is  immensely  successful.  5.  mil- 
lions of  acres  had  been  sold  at  private  sale  for  a 
dollar  an  acre  in  certificates,  and  at  the  public  sales 
some  of  them  had  sold  as  high  as  2^-  dollars  the 
acre.  The  sale  had  not  been  begun  two  months. 
By  these  means,  taxes,  &c.  our  domestic  debt,  origi- 
nally 28.  millions  of  dollars  was  reduced  by  the  ist 
day  of  last  October  to  12.  millions  &  they  were  then 
in  treaty  for  2.  millions  of  acres  more  at  a  dollar  pri- 
vate sale.  Our  domestic  debt  will  thus  be  soon  paid 
off,  and  that  done,  the  sales  will  go  on  for  money,  at 
a  cheaper  rate  no  doubt,  for  the  payment  of  our  for- 
eign debt.  The  petite  guerre  always  waged  by  the 
Indians  seems  not  to  abate  the  ardor  of  purchase  or 
emigration.  Kentucky  is  now  counted  at  60.000. 
Frankland  is  also  growing  fast. 

I  inclose  you  a  letter  from  Mr.  Littlepage  on  the 
subject  of  money  he  owes  you.  The  best  thing  you 
can  do,  I  think,  will  be  to  desire  your  banker  at  Ma- 
drid to  give  orders  to  his  correspondent  here  to  re- 
ceive the  money  and  remit  it  to  you.  I  shall  chear- 
fully  lend  my  instrumentality  as  far  as  it  can  be 
useful  to  you.  If  any  sum  of  money  is  delivered  me 
for  you  before  you  write  on  the  subject  I  shall  place 
it  in  Mr.  Grand's  hands  subject  to  your  order,  &  give 
you  notice  of  it. — No  money-news  yet  from  our 
board  of  treasury. 

You  ask  me  if  there  is  any  French  translation  of 
my  notes  ?  There  is  one  by  the  Abbe  Morellet :  but 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  473 

the  whole  order  is  changed  and  other  differences 
made,  which,  with  numerous  typographical  errors, 
render  it  a  different  book,  in  some  respects  perhaps  a 
better  one,  but  not  mine.  I  am  flattered  by  the 
Count  de  Campomane's  acceptance  of  the  original. 
I  wish  I  had  thought  to  have  sent  one  to  Don  Ulloa 
(for  I  suppose  him  to  be  living,  tho'  I  have  not  heard 
of  him  lately,)  a  person  so  well  acquainted  with  the 
Southern  part  of  our  world,  &  who  has  given  such 
excellent  information  on  it,  would  perhaps  be  willing 
to  know  something  of  the  Northern  part. 

I  have  been  told  that  the  cutting  thro'  the  isthmus 
of  Panama,  which  the  world  has  so  often  wished  & 
supposed  practicable,  has  at  times  been  thought  of 
by  the  government  of  Spain,  &  that  they  once  pro- 
ceeded so  far  as  to  have  a  survey  &  examination 
made  of  the  ground ;  but  that  the  result  was  either 
impracticability  or  too  great  difficulty.  Probably  the 
Count  de  Campomanes  or  Don  Ulloa  can  give  you 
information  on  this  head.  I  should  be  exceedingly 
pleased  to  get  as  minute  details  as  possible  on  it,  and 
even  copies  of  the  survey,  report,  &c.  if  they  could 
be  obtained  at  a  moderate  expense.  I  take  the  lib- 
erty of  asking  your  assistance  in  this. 


TO  JAMES  MADISON.1  MAD.  MSS. 

PARIS  Dec.  20,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — My  last  to  you  was  of  Oct.  8  by  the 
Count  de   Moustier.     Yours  of  July   18.   Sep.   6.  & 

1  A  comparison  of  the  present  text  of  this  letter,  with  the  often  quoted  ver- 
sion printed  in  the  Washington  edition,  illustrates  the  extreme  liberties 
frequently  taken  by  Jefferson's  former  editor. 


474  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

Oct.  24.  have  been  successively  received,  yesterday, 
the  day  before  &  three  or  four  days  before  that.  I 
have  only  had  time  to  read  the  letters,  the  printed 
papers  communicated  with  them,  however  interesting, 
being  obliged  to  lie  over  till  I  finish  my  dispatches 
for  the  packet,  which  dispatches  must  go  from  hence 
the  day  after  tomorrow.  I  have  much  to  thank  you 
for.  First  and  most  for  the  cyphered  paragraph 
respecting  myself.  These  little  informations  are  very 
material  towards  forming  my  own  decisions.  I  would 
be  glad  even  to  know  when  any  individual  member 
thinks  I  have  gone  wrong  in  any  instance.  If  I 
know  myself  it  would  not  excite  ill  blood  in  me,  while 
it  would  assist  to  guide  my  conduct,  perhaps  to  justify 
it,  and  to  keep  me  to  my  duty,  alert.  I  must  thank 
you  too  for  the  information  in  Thos.  Burke's  case, 
tho'  you  will  have  found  by  a  subsequent  letter  that  I 
have  asked  of  you  a  further  investigation  of  that  mat- 
ter. It  is  to  gratify  the  lady  who  is  at  the  head  of 
the  Convent  wherein  my  daughters  are,  &  who,  by 
her  attachment  &  attention  to  them,  lays  me  under 
great  obligations.  I  shall  hope  therefore  still  to  re- 
ceive from  you  the  result  of  the  further  enquiries  my 
second  letter  had  asked. — The  parcel  of  rice  which 
you  informed  me  had  miscarried  accompanied  my 
letter  to  the  Delegates  of  S.  Carolina.  Mr.  Bourgoin 
was  to  be  the  bearer  of  both  &  both  were  delivered 
together  into  the  hands  of  his  relation  here  who  intro- 
duced him  to  me,  and  who  at  a  subsequent  moment 
undertook  to  convey  them  to  Mr.  Bourgoin.  This 
person  was  an  engraver  particularly  recommended  to 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  .  475 

Dr.  Franklin  &  Mr.  Hopkinson.  Perhaps  he  may 
have  mislaid  the  little  parcel  of  rice  among  his  bag- 
gage.— I  am  much  pleased  that  the  sale  of  Western 
lands  is  so  successful.  I  hope  they  will  absorb  all 
the  Certificates  of  our  Domestic  debt  speedily,  in  the 
first  place,  and  that  then  offered  for  cash  they  will 
do  the  same  by  our  foreign  one. 

The  season  admitting  only  of  operations  in  the 
Cabinet,  and  these  being  in  a  great  measure  secret,  I 
have  little  to  fill  a  letter.  I  will  therefore  make  up 
the  deficiency  by  adding  a  few  words  on  the  Constitu- 
tion proposed  by  our  Convention.  I  like  much  the 
general  idea  of  framing  a  government  which  should 
go  on  of  itself  peaceably,  without  needing  continual 
recurrence  to  the  state  legislatures.  I  like  the  organi- 
zation of  the  government  into  Legislative,  Judiciary 
&  Executive.  I  like  the  power  given  the  Legislature 
to  levy  taxes,  and  for  that  reason  solely  approve  of 
the  greater  house  being  chosen  by  the  people  directly. 
For  tho'  I  think  a  house  chosen  by  them  will  be  very 
illy  qualified  to  legislate  for  the  Union,  for  foreign 
nations  &c.  yet  this  evil  does  not  weigh  against  the 
good  of  preserving  inviolate  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciple that  the  people  are  not  to  be  taxed  but  by 
representatives  chosen  immediately  by  themselves. 
I  am  captivated  by  the  compromise  of  the  opposite 
claims  of  the  great  &  little  states,  of  the  latter  to 
equal,  and  the  former  to  proportional  influence.  I  am 
much  pleased  too  with  the  substitution  of  the  method 
of  voting  by  persons,  instead  of  that  of  voting  by 
states  :  and  I  like  the  negative  given  to  the  Executive 


476  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

with  a  third  of  either  house,  though  I  should  have 
liked  it  better  had  the  Judiciary  been  associated  for 
that  purpose,  or  invested  with  a  similar  and  separate 
power.  There  are  other  good  things  of  less  moment. 
I  will  now  add  what  I  do  not  like.  First  the  omission 
of  a  bill  of  rights  providing  clearly  &  without  the  aid 
of  sophisms  for  freedom  of  religion,  freedom  of  the 
press,  protection  against  standing  armies,  restriction 
against  monopolies,  the  eternal  &  unremitting  force 
of  the  habeas  corpus  laws,  and  trials  by  jury  in  all 
matters  of  fact  triable  by  the  laws  of  the  land  &  not 
by  the  law  of  nations.  To  say,  as  Mr.  Wilson  does 
that  a  bill  of  rights  was  not  necessary  because  all  is 
reserved  in  the  case  of  the  general  government  which 
is  not  given,  while  in  the  particular  ones  all  is  given 
/  which  is  not  reserved,  might  do  for  the  audience  to 
[  whom  it  was  addressed,  but  is  surely  a  gratis  dictum, 


opposed  by  strong  inferences  from  the  body  of  the 
instrument,  as  well  as  from  the  omission  of  the  clause 
I  of  our  present  confederation  which  had  declared  that 
{  in  express  terms.  It  was  a  hard  conclusion  to  say 
because  there  has  been  no  uniformity  among  the 
states  as  to  the  cases  triable  by  jury,  because  some 
have  been  so  incautious  as  to  abandon  this  mode  of 
trial,  therefore  the  more  prudent  states  shall  be  re- 
duced to  the  same  level  of  calamity.  It  would  have 
been  much  more  just  &  wise  to  have  concluded  the 
other  way  that  as  most  of  the  states  had  judiciously 
preserved  this  palladium,  those  who  had  wandered 
should  be  brought  back  to  it,  and  to  have  established 
general  right  instead  of  general  wrong.  Let  me 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  477 

add  that  a  bill  of  rights  is  what  the  people  are 
entitled  to  against  every  government  on  earth, 
general  or  particular,  &  what  no  just  government 
should  refuse,  or  rest  on  inferences.  The  second 
feature  I  dislike,  and  greatly  dislike,  is  the  abandon- 
ment in  every  instance  of  the  necessity  of  rotation  in 
office,  and  most  particularly  in  the  case  of  the  President. 
Experience  concurs  with  reason  in  concluding  that 
the  first  magistrate  will  always  be  re-elected  if  the 
Constitution  permits  it.  He  is  then  an  officer  for 
life.  This  once  observed,  it  becomes  of  so  much  con- 
sequence to  certain  nations  to  have  a  friend  or  a  foe 
at  the  head  of  our  affairs  that  they  will  interfere  with 
money  &  with  arms.  A  Galloman  or  an  Angloman 
will  be  supported  by  the  nation  he  befriends.  If  once 
elected,  and  at  a  second  or  third  election  out  voted 
by  one  or  two  votes,  he  will  pretend  false  votes, 
foul  play,  hold  possession  of  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment, be  supported  by  the  States  voting  for  him, 
especially  if  they  are  the  central  ones  lying  in  a 
compact  body  themselves  &  separating  their  op- 
ponents :  and  they  will  be  aided  by  one  nation  of 
Europe,  while  the  majority  are  aided  by  another. 
The  election  of  a  President  of  America  some  years 
hence  will  be  much  more  interesting  to  certain  nations 
of  Europe  than  ever  the  election  of  a  king  of  Poland 
was.  Reflect  on  all  the  instances  in  history  antient 
&  modern,  of  elective  monarchies,  and  say  if  they  do 
not  give  foundation  for  my  fears.  The  Roman  em- 
perors, the  popes,  while  they  were  of  any  importance, 
the  German  emperors  till  they  became  hereditary  in 


478  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

practice,  the  kings  of  Poland,  the  Deys  of  the  Otto- 
man dependances.  It  may  be  said  that  if  elections 
are  to  be  attended  with  these  disorders,  the  seldomer 
they  are  renewed  the  better.  But  experience  shews 
that  the  only  way  to  prevent  disorder  is  to  render 
them  uninteresting  by  frequent  changes.  An  incapa- 
city to  be  elected  a  second  time  would  have  been  the 
only  effectual  preventative.  The  power  of  removing 
him  every  fourth  year  by  the  vote  of  the  people  is  a 
power  which  will  not  be  exercised.  The  king  of 
Poland  is  removeable  every  day  by  the  Diet,  yet  he 
is  never  removed. — Smaller  objections  are  the  Appeal 
in  fact  as  well  as  law,  and  the  binding  all  persons 
Legislative  Executive  &  Judiciary  by  oath  to  main- 
tain that  constitution.  I  do  not  pretend  to  decide 
what  would  be  the  best  method  of  procuring  the 
establishment  of  the  manifold  good  things  in  this 
constitution,  and  of  getting  rid  of  the  bad.  Whether 
by  adopting  it  in  hopes  of  future  amendment,  or, 
after  it  has  been  duly  weighed  &  canvassed  by  the 
people,  after  seeing  the  parts  they  generally  dislike, 
&  those  they  generally  approve,  to  say  to  them  '  We 
see  now  what  you  wish.  Send  together  your  deputies 
again,  let  them  frame  a  constitution  for  you  omitting 
what  you  have  condemned,  &  establishing  the  powers 
you  approve.  Even  these  will  be  a  great  addition  to 
the  energy  of  your  government.' — At  all  events  I  hope 
you  will  not  be  discouraged  from  other  trials,  if  the 
present  one  should  fail  of  its  full  effect. — I  have  thus 
told  you  freely  what  I  like  &  dislike  :  merely  as  a 
matter  of  curiosity,  for  I  know  your  own  judgment 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  479 

has  been  formed  on  all  these  points  after  having 
heard  everything  which  could  be  urged  on  them.  I 
own  I  am  not  a  friend  to  a  very  energetic  govern- 
ment. It  is  always  oppressive.  The  late  rebellion 
in  Massachusetts  has  given  more  alarm  than  I  think 
it  should  have  done.  Calculate  that  one  rebellion  in 
13  states  in  the  course  of  n  years,  is  but  one  for 
each  state  in  a  century  &  a  half.  No  country  should 
be  so  long  without  one.  Nor  will  any  degree  of 
power  in  the  hands  of  government  prevent  insurrec- 
tions. France,  with  all  it's  despotism,  and  two  or 
three  hundred  thousand  men  always  in  arms  has  had 
three  insurrections  in  the  three  years  I  have  been 
here  in  every  one  of  which  greater  numbers  were 
engaged  than  in  Massachusetts  &  a  great  deal  more 
blood  was  spilt.  In  Turkey,  which  Montesquien  sup- 
poses more  despotic,  insurrections  are  the  events  of 
every  day.  In  England,  where  the  hand  of  power  is 
lighter  than  here,  but  heavier  than  with  us  they 
happen  every  half  dozen  years.  Compare  again  the 
ferocious  depredations  of  their  insurgents  with  the 
order,  the  moderation  &  the  almost  self  extinguish- 
ment of  ours. — After  all,  it  is  my  principle  that  the 
will  of  the  majority  should  always  prevail.  If  they 
approve  the  proposed  Convention  in  all  it's  parts,  I 
shall  concur  in  it  chearfully,  in  hopes  that  they  will 
amend  it  whenever  they  shall  find  it  work  wrong.  I 
think  our  governments  will  remain  virtuous  for  many 
centuries  ;  as  long  as  they  are  chiefly  agricultural ; 
and  this  will  be  as  long  as  there  shall  be  vacant  lands 
in  any  part  of  America.  When  they  get  piled  upon 


480  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

one  another  in  large  cities,  as  in  Europe,  they  will 
become  corrupt  as  in  Europe.  Above  all  things  I 
hope  the  education  of  the  common  people  will 
be  attended  to  ;  convinced  that  on  their  good  sense 
we  may  rely  with  the  most  security  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  a  due  degree  of  liberty.  I  have  tired  you  by 
this  time  with  my  disquisitions  &  will  therefore  only 
add  assurances  of  the  sincerity  of  those  sentiments  of 
esteem  &  attachment  with  which  I  am  Dear  Sir  your 
affectionate  friend  &  servant 

P.  S.  The  instability  of  our  laws  is  really  an  im- 
mense evil.  I  think  it  would  be  well  to  provide  in 
our  constitutions  that  there  shall  always  be  a  twelve- 
month between  the  ingrossing  a  bill  &  passing  it : 
that  it  should  then  be  offered  to  it's  passage  without 
changing  a  word  :  and  that  if  circumstances  should 
be  thought  to  require  a  speedier  passage,  it  should 
take  two  thirds  of  both  houses  instead  of  a *  bare 
majority. 


TO    EDWARD    CARRINGTON.  j.  Mss. 

PARIS,  Dec.  21,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  just  received  your  two  favors 
of  October  23  and  that  of  Nov  10.  I  am  much 
obliged  to  you  for  your  hints  in  the  Danish  business. 
They  are  the  only  information  I  have  on  that  subject 
except  the  resolution  of  Congress,  &  warn  me  of  a 
rock  on  which  I  should  most  certainly  have  split. 
The  vote  plainly  points  out  an  Agent,  only  leaving  it 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  481 

to  my  discretion  to  substitute  another.  My  judg- 
ment concurs  with  that  of  Congress  as  to  his  fitness. 
But  I  shall  enquire  for  the  surest  banker  at  Copen- 
hagen to  receive  the  money,  not  because  I  should 
have  had  any  doubts,  but  because  I  am  informed 
others  would  have  had  them.  Against  the  failure  of 
a  banker,  were  such  an  accident  or  any  similar  one  to 
happen,  I  cannot  be  held  accountable  in  a  case  where 
I  act  without  particular  interest.  My  principal  idea 
in  proposing  the  transfer  of  the  French  debt  was  to 
obtain  in  the  new  loans  a  much  longer  day  for  the 
reimbursement  of  the  principal,  hoping  that  the  re- 
sources of  the  U.  S.  could  have  been  equal  to  the 
article  of  interest  alone.  But  I  shall  endeavor  to 
quiet,  as  well  as  I  can,  those  interested.  A  part  of 
them  will  probably  sell  at  any  rate :  and  one  great 
claimant  may  be  expected  to  make  a  bitter  attack  on 
our  honor.  I  am  very  much  pleased  to  hear  that  our 
Western  lands  sell  so  successfully.  I  turn  to  this  pre- 
cious resource  as  that  which  will  in  every  event  liber- 
ate us  from  our  Domestic  debt,  and  perhaps  too  from 
our  foreign  one  :  and  this  much  sooner  than  I  had  ex- 
pected. I  do  not  think  any  thing  could  have  been 
done  with  them  in  Europe.  Individual  speculators  & 
sharpers  had  duped  so  many  with  their  unlocated  land 
warrants  that  every  offer  would  have  been  suspected. 
As  to  the  new  Constitution  I  find  myself  nearly  a 
Neutral.  There  is  a  great  mass  of  good  in  it,  in  a 
very  desirable  form  :  but  there  is  also  to  me  a  bitter 
pill  or  two.  I  have  written  somewhat  lengthily  to 
Mr.  Madison  on  this  subject  and  will  take  the  liberty 


VOL.    IV. — 31 


482  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

to  refer  you  to  that  part  of  my  letter  to  him.  I  will 
add  one  question  to  what  I  have  said  there.  Would 
it  not  have  been  better  to  assign  to  Congress  exclu- 
sively the  article  of  imposts  for  federal  purposes,  & 
to  have  left  direct  taxation  exclusively  to  the  states  ? 
I  should  suppose  the  former  fund  sufficient  for  all 
probable  events,  aided  by  the  land  office. 

The  form  which  the  affairs  of  Europe  may  assume 
is  not  yet  decypherable  by  those  out  of  the  Cabi- 
net. The  Emperor  gives  himself  at  present  the  air 
of  a  Mediator.  This  is  necessary  to  justify  a  breach 
with  the  Porte.  He  has  his  eye  at  the  same  time  on 
Germany,  and  particularly  on  Bavaria,  the  elector  of 
which  has  for  a  long  time  been  hanging  over  the 
grave.  Probably  France  would  now  consent  to  the 
exchange  of  the  Austrian  Netherlands  to  be  created 
into  a  kingdom  for  the  Duke  de  Deuxponts  against 
the  electorate  of  Bavaria.  This  will  require  a  war. 
The  Empress  longs  for  Turkey  ;  &  viewing  France 
as  her  principal  obstacle  would  gladly  negotiate  her 
acquiescence.  To  spur  on  this  she  is  coquetting  it 
with  England.  The  king  of  Prussia  too  is  playing  a 
double  game  between  France  &  England.  But  I  sup- 
pose the  former  incapable  of  forgiving  him  or  of  ever 
reposing  confidence  in  him.  Perhaps  the  spring  may 
unfold  to  us  the  final  arrangement  which  will  take 
place  among  the  powers  of  this  continent. 

I  often  doubt  whether  I  should  trouble  Congress 
or  my  friends  with  these  details  of  European  politicks. 
I  know  they  do  not  excite  that  interest  in  America  of 
which  it  is  impossible  for  one  to  divest  himself  here. 


1787]  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  483 

I  know  too  that  it  is  a  maxim  with  us,  and  I  think  it 
a  wise  one,  not  to  entangle  ourselves  with  the  affairs 
of  Europe.  Still,  I  think,  we  should  know  them.  The 
Turks  have  practiced  the  same  maxim  of  not  medling 
in  the  complicated  wrangles  of  this  continent.  But 
they  have  unwisely  chosen  to  be  ignorant  of  them 
also,  and  it  is  this  total  ignorance  of  Europe,  it's  com- 
binations &  it's  movements  which  exposes  them  to 
that  annihilation  possibly  about  taking  place.  While 
there  are  powers  in  Europe  which  fear  our  views,  or 
have  views  on  us,  we  should  keep  an  eye  on  them, 
their  connections  &  oppositions,  that  in  a  moment  of 
need  we  may  avail  ourselves  of  their  weakness  with 
respect  to  others  as  well  as  ourselves,  and  calculate 
their  designs  &  movements  on  all  the  circumstances 
under  which  they  exist.  Tho'  I  am  persuaded  there- 
fore that  these  details  are  read  by  many  with  great 
indifference,  yet  I  think  it  my  duty  to  enter  into 
them,  and  to  run  the  risk  of  giving  too  much,  rather 
than  too  little  information.  I  have  the  honour  to  be 
with  perfect  esteem  &  respect,  Dear  Sir,  your  most 
obedient  &  most  humble  servant. 

P.  S.  The  resolution  of  Congress  relative  to  the 
prize  money  received  here  speaks  of  that  money  as 
paid  to  me.  I  hope  this  matter  is  properly  under- 
stood. The  treasury  board  desired  me  to  receive  it, 
and  apply  it  to  such  &  such  federal  purposes ;  & 
that  they  would  pay  the  dividends  of  the  claimants  in 
America.  This  would  save  the  expense  of  remittance. 
I  declined  however  receiving  the  money,  &  ordered  it 


484  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1787 

into  the  hands  of  their  banker,  who  paid  it  away  for 
the  purposes  to  which  they  had  destined  it.  I  should 
be  sorry,  an  idea  should  get  abroad  that  I  had 
received  the  money  of  these  poor  fellows  &  applied  it 
to  other  purposes.  I  shall  in  like  manner  order  the 
Danish  &  Barbary  money  into  the  hands  of  bankers, 
carefully  avoiding  ever  to  touch  a  sou  of  it,  or  having 
any  other  account  to  make  out  than  what  the  banker 
will  furnish. 


TO    COLONEL    FOREST.  J.MSS. 

PARIS.  Dec.  31.  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, — Just  before  I  received  your  favor  ask- 
ing my  opinion  of  our  new  proposed  constitution,  I 
had  written  my  sentiments  on  the  subject  fully  to  my 
friend  Mr.  Madison,  they  concurred  so  exactly  with 
yours  that  the  communication  of  them  could  answer 
no  end  but  that  of  showing  my  readiness  to  obey  you. 
I  therefore  extracted  that  part  from  my  letter  to  him, 
&  have  reserved  it  for  a  good  private  conveiance 
which  has  never  offered  till  now  by  Mr.  Parker.  Tho 
I  pretend  to  make  no  mystery  of  my  opinion,  yet  my 
distance  from  the  scene  gives  me  too  much  diffidence 
in  my  views  of  it  to  detail  them  lengthily  &  publicly. 
This  diffidence  is  increased  by  my  high  opinion  of  the 
abilities  &  honesty  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution, 
yet  we  cannot  help  thinking  for  ourselves.  I  suppose 
I  see  much  precious  improvement  in  it,  but  some 
seeds  of  danger  which  might  have  been  kept  out  of 


1787] 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


485 


sight  of  the  framers  by  a  consciousness  of  their  own 
honesty  &  a  presumption  that  all  succeeding  rulers 
would  be  as  honest  as  themselves.  Make  what  use 
you  please  of  the  contents  of  the  paper,  but  without 
quoting  its  author,  who  has  no  pretensions  to  see 
what  is  hidden  from  others. 

END  OF  VOLUME  IV. 


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